Page last updated: 6 February 2023
1917
Ireland in January of 1917 was politically subdued. Carnage continued on the Western Front although Irish military volunteers had dropped substantially since the Rising.
Following the Christmas 1916 release of un-sentenced Irish prisoners from Frongoch and other jails, the priorities for those who remained committed nationalists was one of reorganising the Irish Volunteers and more importantly, public opinion.
"There was already growing retrospective sympathy for the republican rebels, particularly as a result of the executions of the leaders and of the British government's continued failure to implement the Home Rule Act without excluding Ulster...few questioned the still dominant hold of the constitutional Parliamentary party under it's leaders, John Redmond and John Dillon."
Robert Kee. "Ireland A History" Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London. 1980. p177
But all this was about to change during 1917.
As for Lynch and other prisoners who had been moved from Dartmoor to Lewes prison, the more relaxed regime allowed for study and easier communication between the jailed revoultionaries.
January 1917
1
The Cunard liner, Ivernia, is sunk in the Mediterranean.
Roscommon: Plans were underway for an electoral contest in the North Roscommon constituency. Its long-time MP, James J. O’Kelly, had died in December after a lengthy illness. O’Kelly was one of the most extraordinary characters in recent Irish history. An old Fenian, O’Kelly had been in the French Foreign Legion. As a journalist he witnessed the Cuban revolution of the 1870s, the revolt by the Madhi against the British in Sudan in 1880s and reported on the fate of Sitting Bull during the American Indian wars of the 1890s. He first represented North Roscommon for the Irish Party in 1880, lost his seat and then regained it in 1895, holding it unopposed until his death in 1916. Sorbonne-educated O’Kelly, a cosmopolitan figure, hardly visited his constituency. As historian Michael Laffan put it: “He didn’t like North Roscommon very much, he preferred Paris.”
2
Lewes, Sussex: Lewes Prison was more lenient towards the Irish prisoners, allowing them to talk and walk in groups of two while in the exercise yard. It was from Lewes that Lynch and fellow prisoners wrote detailed letters home to families. Prisoners were only allowed one letter a month, or two in lieu of a visitor. In order to write to all those that one wished to contact, every centimetre of the prison provided writing paper was a valuable resource and could not be wasted.
All letters were written on the formal four page (roughly A4 sized) prison stationery which carried a rigid list of regulations on the front page. For example, this is a letter from one of Lynch's fellow prisoners, Jack Shouldice- Convict Q101:
In lieu of a personal visit, Lynch wrote to his sister-in-law Alice & brother, Denis (transcription & scanned letters below):
Lewes Prison
2nd January 1917
My dear Alice.
I am most anxious to hear of your progress during the past fortnight, so am availing of the privilege noted on front page.
Incidentally I will reply to Dennis’s letter of Dec 17th which was delivered to me last Saturday (will explain apparent discrepancy later on)
I trust you have practically regained your old form by this, and will be on the lookout for news of you from Dan.
Hope my letter reached him for Xmas but suppose it didn’t. Denis’s budget of news was most welcome – concerning all the new arrivals, friends etc. I believe I forgot to send congratulations to Annacarriga, Hibernia etc, but of course they know how I feel. Very glad to hear of Tomas professionally tho’ some other friends of mine were also candidates – at least they were when poor Brother Henberrry died.
The change from Dartmoor to Lewes is an agreeable one. The climate suits me much better, tho’ I was quite in the fashion last week with a bad cold – of an influenza nature, which was just severe enough to keep me from working. My ‘convict’ status has not been changed but the Dartmoor rule of ‘no talk’ is not in force here while at exercise. There is no use of my going into other pros & cons. I wish to mention however that Xmas and New Year cards were delivered to us on their arrival here.
One reached me this evening from Tim, which was specially welcome as it brought definite news that Michael was home (we heard of the general release from the camp but then - !! ) When the time of my next letter comes around, I hope to acknowledge all cards and letters. Two came from America (R.O’S and M. MacManus) but the general opinion amongst the immediate friends, at home and abroad, was that they would be treated as letters, a feeling which I quite understand.
Hope the D.W.D. staff are now reaping the benefit of last years very successful business and that the serious news re: Guinness will not apply to the Jones Rd trade.
Must thank [word illegible] Devaney and May Austin for kind inquiries. What a great healer time is surely! And how strangely, chasms existing for generations are bridged over by extraordinary events. I refer to Aunt B’s enquiries. Tell whoever writes to send her my love.
The Irish prayer book has not yet reached me. Had Fr. Finnegan done the obvious thing, it would have been delivered to me before leaving Dartmoor - but - !!. Our Governor here is investigating however, and hope it will eventually come along.
The Library here does not contain the German educational books I require (one of which I had in Dartmoor), so please send me Otto’s German Conversation Grammar 5/-, Otto’s German Reader Part 1 2/6. These may be had at Brown & Nolans. Ask them if they have the latest editions published. If not, write to David [ name illegible ] , 270 Strand, London, or [ name illegible] may do this.
Glad to hear from Denis re. Edgar & Dundrum folks. Hope they are well – also your mother. My best regards to Mrs. Lennox and Eileen. What tiresome waits the latter and yourself had at Richmond last May! When I get a touch of the pain in my back, I always think of rubbings ‘Granny’ was good enough to give me in March. A plaster helps to keep them away now.
I note what Denis says about a visit from James D and Ned Kent. Well tho’ this place is much more convenient than Dartmoor, still it is a long and expensive journey of the sake of a very short chat. David K [David Kent] agrees with me in this. However is they are set on coming later, let them please advise us in advance through the Governor as that we may make the necessary arrangements & make same fit in with any others we may have in mind. If there was anything important from D.D. a visit would be be best.
I was advised last evening about Denis having written to the Governor re payee of the money I requested. Of course the Governor is the proper party and I hope it will arrive this week. The trouble in my grinders is growing stronger – but not too bad yet.
Insurance Policy: I enclose card for the N.Y. Insurance Co which please post. Please arrange with Mr Dalton that you may remit to him the amount paid. I had the policy transferred some years ago to the European office but re-transferred it when last in New York. Leave it that way.
Never heard a word about the scapulars [word illegible] sent by Sister Juliana to Dartmoor. Please thank her for me for remembering. Very glad to hear of Pat Canovan through her. I was a bit puzzled when Mary told me there was no word to Granig from him.
Was surprised to hear of Kattie’s good work for the National Aid. I knew she would take part in anything that could be done.
Had cards from Mr Foley & sister. Hope he gave particulars re letter of Oct 30th to his friends O’Keeffe & Ryan on Abbey Street though I doubt if the heads of the firms would allow them to act.
Who is the Michael O’Donoghue who is home ill? Also the patient who was mentioned by Mary?
So the girls met Art O’Brien. He is a great friend of Foley. Had a card from him too. Glad to hear of Hyde and J.O.D. Told Con.
Was surprised nor sorry at Ballyfeard news. It is typical I’m sure.
I presume O’C of the Equitable is now doing general insurance business. I expected some change like that from previous conversations.
I’m sorry you went to all the trouble re passport as I rather think the matter must stay as it is & it makes no difference anyway.
It can rest until I have an opportunity to attend to it personally.
Our Sunday arrangements here re: mass etc. are rational.
It was a treat to get a chat with Joe Mac & C. Mrs. McGarry, 24 Ballinlough Rd is to visit her husband in the near future.
Card received from Margaret T.F. & girls. Hope Auntie continues to improve. Remember me to Miah & my daughter and all the family at Crosshaven & all inquiring friends.
Love to yourself and Denis, hoping to get good news of you soon.
I remain,
Affectionately yours
Diarmuid.
Lynch Family Archives –Folder 3.
Lynch's letter of January, 1917:
4.
London: Government agrees with Germany to an exchange of all internees aged over 45.
Germany: The German Government announced a renewal of U-boat warfare against allied merchant shipping as the allies had refused to lift their blockade of Germany.
Ireland: Race meetings were curtailed throughout the island.
6
Dublin: The senior Steward of the Turf Club informed members and the members of the Irish National Hunt Society Committee that the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Henry Duke, had intimated to him that 'in the interests of the State the Government required that the number of days racing in Ireland in the present year be considerably reduced'. Furthermore, the Chief Secretary informed the stewards that the Government had taken control over the Irish railways and that 'pleasure traffic of all descriptions would be discontinued'. The stewards expressed their intention of publishing, at the earliest opportunity, a list of the fixtures which had received official sanction. As things stand, some 141 days of hunting have already been sanctioned by racing authorities in Ireland and it now remains to be seen how many of these days the state will actually allow to take place.
Maeve Brennan, short story writer and journalist born
10
Compulsory tillage of 10% of all farms over 10 acres was introduced throughout the country.
Westminster: The British Government confirmed that it intends to offer full compensation to people whose property was damaged during Easter week, 1916. Rumours had gathered momentum to the effect that the government intended to walk away from commitments previously issued in terms of reparations for damages. This is despite of the recommendations of the committee appointed to advise the Lord Lieutenant that full compensation be offered. The delay was caused, in part, by the ‘want of generosity’ on the part of the Treasury - a common theme in that department’s dealings with Irish affairs. The Irish Independent credits the LL, Mr Duke, with overcoming this particular obstacle. "Despite the improved state of affairs, there will undoubtedly be those who remain unhappy with their compensation". However, the Independent suggests this might be their own fault for not providing sufficient evidence of loss before the assessors.
Tracton: Michael Lynch began re-organisation of the Battalion IX ( Cork Co. ) Irish Volunteers and ‘continued the manufacture of munitions’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
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Westminster: The Prime Minister, David Lloyd George launched an appeal for the entire nation to subscribe to the new War Loan. The issue was to finance the war, running at £5.7 million per day.
Cork: The Irish Volunteers held an enquiry into the conduct of the Cork Command during the Rising, assessing and interviewing many of the Volunteers from Commandants down to rank and file.
Washington: The post-war proposals set out by American President Woodrow Wilson in a note before Christmas had now been fully considered by the Allies. A reply to the note had been delivered to the Americans and lays out ten points addressing the desire for peace, an acknowledgement of the suffering of neutrals and of atrocities inflicted, and accepts in a general way the need to guarantee the peace and principles of justice and liberty for Europe and the future of civilisation.
The note agrees with Wilson’s proposal to establish a League of Nations to prevent future violent conflict and ‘assure peace and justice throughout the world’. Nonetheless, the Allies are emphatic in their view that peace can only come with the defeat of Germany:
‘A discussion of future arrangements for assessing a durable peace presupposes a satisfactory settlement of the present conflict. The Allies cherish a desire as deep as that of the government of the United States to see an end put as soon as possible to the war for which the Central Empires are responsible, and which inflicts such cruel sufferings upon humanity....The Allied nations are convinced that they are not fighting for selfish interests, but above all to provide safeguards for the independence of peoples, for law and for humanity.’
Underpinning the Allied note is the fundamental assertion that the belligerents were not equal and that the Central Powers were at fault for the war and must pay for it. More than that, they assert that the Germans’ methods have been devoid of humanity and that, too, marks them as different. The Allies conclude:
‘The allied governments are each and all determined to put forth all their strength and to endure every sacrifice in order that they may press to a victorious close a conflict on which they are convinced depend not only their own safety and prosperity, but the very future of civilisation.’
What became known as The Kingsland explosion occurred at a munitions factory in Lyndhurst, New Jersey, United States. While the U.S. was officially neutral, both American and Canadian companies supplied goods to the Allies giving an incentive for acts of sabotage on American soil. The acts were largely symbolic rather than having any real effect on the war supply efforts and only two acts were of even marginal importance, given the scale of the conflict. It is generally accepted that the acts of sabotage were carried out by the Germans although Germany never formally admitted responsibility. The Kingsland explosion was suspected in the popular media of being German sabotage, but there was no evidence implicating any German official.
12
Alice Lynch to Diarmuid Lynch:
‘My dear Diarmuid.
Needless to say we were delighted to get your letter of 2nd. It reached us quite safely on 4th was that not in record time?!
I would have replied by return, but waited to hear from Cork, and we only heard this morning. Tim and Michael are very anxious to go to see you, and I hope your letter to me will not prevent that visit in the near future. However if you are to be allowed a visit each month it won't make much difference. It will be grand indeed if we will be able to get in touch with you every month either by visit or by letter. I wish it were possible for me to accompany Tim & Mick, but I must keep quiet for the present and not think of such a journey much as I would love to see you D.V. Later on Dennis & I will be able to go – when his heavy work is over and I am stronger. It was well you did not hear of the the operation sooner. I am afraid the news made you very anxious. But thank God it was most satisfactory and eveyone says that already I am looking much better that for the past year & more. Certainly I am feeling fine, though this week I was not quite up to the mark – just a cold which made the bed necessary for a few days; but am about as usual again today. The operation was nothing as serious as the doctors anticipated, so D.V. I’ll be stronger than ever now. I am glad I had the courage to face it.
Mick sent a copy of your letter to Dan. He must have received it about the same day as I received yours. From all accounts Aunt Julia is coming on well. Certainly her last letter to us was very much more cheerful. Please God she will be be spared many years D.V.
Mick’s arrival made the Xmas very pleasant for them at home. He arrived on Xmas Eve (Sunday) morning and that was really our Xmas day. Of course he was tired after the journey but looked well all the same. You should have seen the fine breakfast he made. Kattie arrived down about 12o’C & spent the rest of the day with us – we had a great time hearing all his epxeriences etc. He could not talk fast enough and of course we were all interupting one another. And Diarmuid, you should have seen the beard & moustache – there never was such a beard & moustache before!! Much to Kattie’s discomfort you may be sure!
J Hyde and Kattie are coming out here this evening. He has developed a sudden shy fit and would not come without her. She is always looking for news of you. She & all of us would have sent cards of greetings to you for Xmas but we were afraid to fearing such would interfere with the usual correspondence. A card from J. Thornton came here for you. And everyone – including all the girls! – who wrote to us for Xmas asked for, and wished to be remembered to you. No one is forgetting you Diarmuid. It is just extraordinary, all the inquiries that are made for you. Did you get the toothbrush & paste we sent?
We are all charmed that you find the change at Lewes an agreeable one and that you are permitted to talk sometimes. You need not worry about not getting a satisfactory answer to your letter of Oct.30th. Dennis has been in satisfactory communication with the American Ambassador re your passport etc & there is no need to make any more about that at present and the other matters are receiving attention. The copy of your letter to the Secretary reached us intact so it is all right.
I hope you received the money and that your teeth have been attended to re this. Be sure to ask for anything you want and you will get it with as little delay as possible. Have sent the Grammar for which you asked, but the reader had to be ordered specially. Denis was going to send you another Irish prayer book (T. O’Donoghue’s) when he heard you did not receive the one Mary sent, but all the copies are sold out and the new ones are still in the hands of the printers. We will send one as soon as it is available. We have the scapulars Sr Juliana sent.
I have not heard from Marie for sometime, but wrote to her last week. Some friends of ours who were in Dublin lately – just before my illness – have gone to see Dick & herself, so we are looking forward to getting news of them & little Dick soon. We have met a few families from this place recently. Isnt it extraordinary how almost everywher one goes, they meet friends or friends of friends. Yes the world here is going on satisfactorily and well. Denis as usual, very busy, but the work does not seem to be so overpowering this year. There is no definite statement re Guinness or the Distilleries. Whatever takes place will not do harm – Denis and the rest of the staff are hopeful. He got a rise of £50 from 1st Jan, ‘long time waiting comes at last’.
Mother and Edgar and all the folks are well, though every one except myself had a bad form of influenza. They are all on the way to recovery including the four at home in Granig.
J.O’Leary did a fine trade at Xmas and is, we think, well on the way to success. Mrs O’V gives great assistance.
J.S Keogh has opened new premises in Stephen’s Green, and between Dorset St and there is doing very well. Leo and the wife were here sometime ago and we often see Brendan & his wife.
We sent the insurance card to Mr Dalton. He will attend to that matter now.
We do not know who Michael O’Donoghue is. I am sure Dennis will explain as we sent on a copy of your letter. The ‘patient’ mentioned by Mary is Maggie O’Keefe. The last news we got of her was that she was going on very well – much better than expected.
There was a letter today from Belpedia!. The usual monthly or forthnightly document. She said she sent a card to you to Dartmoor. Mrs Sheehan (Mallow) has been very good about inquiring. Ryan’s, their married sister and her husband wish to be remembered. In spite of these long letter we will have no end of news to tell you when you come home. You will laugh at some of the happenings. Kattie has gone completely mad since Xmas, and I am sure the rest of the crowd will do likewise when you come.
The two of us, Annie Ryan & Carmel Quinn & crowd of others spent last Sunday at O’Brien’s Sandymount. Annie is a great [ word illegible] and has helped to do any amount of good work for you. We’ll tell you ll another time. Maurice & Suzie often ask for you. They are both alright. Maurice is ‘a convert’ like Kattie & Ted, since the day he met you in the train. He got a letter last week from a friend in the Co. Limerick who is greatly interested in the Lynch family re. A suitable home for Mary. Denis wrote to the boys& they seem quite agreeable if it can be worked, what do you say Diarmuid? It must be done someway without bringing us into it. Because anything coming through Denis and I would not be agreeable to Mary I fear. This in entre-nous – and if there is any development we will let you know later.*
Was it not sad about poor Mrs Kent R.I.P* We have not seen Jack since the funeral to her particulars. Denis could not get away and unfortunately the boys at home were not well enough after their colds to go.
We are so glad your arrangement re Sunday Mass are better at Lewes. Don’t forget us in your prayers like a good boy.
Yes, O’C of the Equitable is now doing general insurance. I think he opened a branch in Cork for Coyle & Co, but I have seen him in town a few times, so he must be now at the Westmoreland St. office – S.O’D got second class honours in his exam. He and Hyde study very hard, and make it their business to beat the ‘Men of the North’. Mollie & Louis O’Reilly have taken a small farm beyond Ballymun & are to move out about the end of the month. They are trying to sell or let ‘Hibernia’. Of course Louis will continue at the business as well. Sheila & Alma are fine. We sent your messages to Crosshaven through Nellie. I was writing them a few days ago, sending her two letters fro Sierra Leone about poor Fr Dan’s last days. He had a beautful saintly death R.I.P. Ma Soeur (Sister Vincent, Maynooth) & S. Columba are always asking and praying for you.Ma Soeur came to see me while I was laid up.
Denis met Dr Woods lately. He asked to be especially remembers and made any amount of inquiries re. Your health etc. we do hope you will keep up your health and spirits – but of course you will. We often think and speak of that day in Kilmainham; it was great that we got to see you that day & it gave us such consolation for you were so brave.
This is a great mixed up letter. I just put down things as they came into my head but I know you will excuse it.
We expect Mick up very soon. he says he will stay as long as he is kept!!.
Oh yes, Mary (the maid) says to tell you she was asking for you. She is a little treasure now. She is always talking about you & says she is going to see when she grows up if you are not home and that she will make you laugh!
By bye now dear Diarmuid
With best love in which Denis joins & with a hearty God Bless You
Your affectionate sister
Alice.
Lynch Family Archives –Folder 3.
* This matchmaking attempt with Mary and an unknown potential suitor came to nothing. Mary at the time was 35 and never married.
** Mrs Kent – mother of Richard, David, Thomas & William Kent of Bawnard, Fermoy Co. Cork. Richard was killed during the seige at the family home by the RIC on May 1st 1916. David, Thomas & William Kent were tried and Thomas found guilty. Executed in Cork Jail on 9th May 1916. Mrs Kent died in early January.
In the margins of this round robin letter, Lynch recorded the date and sender of letters he had received:
examples:
March 30 McKelvey
March 19 Alice, Dick, Aunt B, Ryans, Sean T (O'Ceallaigh)
March 10 Tim, Kattie, Dr O'B, Conlan, J Dunne, Canavan, McCullough, Canny, Wunderlich, Fr P.B.
Feb 19 Mary, Thornton, Mrs Clarke, Aunt K, Miah Aherne
Jan 29 Alice, P. Lynch, name illegible
Jan 18 Michael
Dec Dan, Lee, M.McManus, R. Smythe, O'Boyle
Nov W. Dunlea, J. Aherne
13
Dublin: In an interview with the New York Times, Francis Sheehy Skeffington's widow, Hanna said she was determined to come to America to tell people about 'my husband's murder', despite the British government's refusal to give her a passport. 'I am not willing to tell how I got here', she said, before adding that she had been forced to adopt a disguise to elude the British authorities. She is accompanied by her 7-year old son, Owen. She compared the behaviour of the British in Ireland to that of the Germans in Belgium. She also predicted that the attempted introduction of conscription to Ireland would end in another Rising.
15
Rome: A German offer to enter into peace negotiations with the Allies was rejected. A conference of the Allies taking place in Rome to assess the war situation saw both the Allied nations and Pope Benedict XV send their rejections of the German peace proposals. The Pope said that there could be no peace until the perpetrators had atoned for the crimes committed.
The Allies also claim that the recent ‘intensification of destitution’ among the German population due to the blockade was a key factor in the German move for peace. In response, the Kaiser placed the blame on the Allies for all future sacrifices which the rejection of the offer and the continuation of the war will necessitate. He also made a violent proclamation to the German people saying that the Allies wished to destroy Germany and enslave Europe.
The Kaiser said: ‘Our enemies have dropped the mask, after refusing, with scorn and hypocritical words of love for peace and humanity, our honest peace offer. But what they in 30 months of the bloodiest fighting and unscrupulous economic war could not achieve they will also in all the future not accomplish. Our glorious victories and our iron strength of will, with which our fighting people at the front and at home have borne all hardships and distress, guarantee that also in the future our beloved Fatherland has nothing to fear...Burning indignation and holy wrath will redouble the strength of every German man and woman, whether it is devoted to fighting, work, or suffering. We are ready for all sacrifices.’
The Kaiser concluded that the rejection of the peace offer was ‘an arrogant crime’.
Dublin: "Unionist Ulster’s concerns must be addressed before she can be won." The Chief Secretary of Ireland, Henry Duke made the remark during a speech after the Corinthian Club dinner at the Gresham Hotel this week. He noted that this was a vital fact that the Irish Parliamentary Party ‘still fails utterly to appreciate’. After some remarks on Ireland's propensity for ‘mercurial ... temperamental … boisterous demonstrations', Mr Duke said that he had come to the country intent on bringing to all events a 'dominant note of dullness'.
He expressed his hopes for a united Ireland, for a just and fair settlement of the Irish question, but restated his view that unity is the task of Irishmen. The unionist Irish Times lauded Duke's speech and concurred with its sentiments: 'If Ireland wants a satisfactory settlement of her eternal question, she must not only reach agreement within her own borders: she must secure the goodwill of Great Britain and the whole Empire.'
The Royal Dublin Society announced in the Freeman's Journal on Count Plunkett to consider his position as a member of the RDS. The Council of the Royal Dublin Society [RDS] intended a meeting to bring forward a resolution calling upon the Count to resign his membership of the Society. Having delivered the message, the Freeman was moved to comment in an editorial on the same page: “We hold no brief for Count Plunkett, but common justice urges us to point out that not only has he never been tried upon any charge, but that no charge has even been preferred against him. In a moment of panic he was ordered by the Government to remove his residence to England – he was not even interned – but nothing that any fair-minded man could regard as a trial was afforded him. Yet the “non-political” Royal Dublin Society now proposes to pass their sentence upon him”
Both the Count & Countess Plunkett had been in enforced & impoverished exile in Oxford since June 1916. Detained during the Rising in which three of their sons had been part of and each sentenced to death, one a signatory to the Proclamation, Joseph had been executed. Plunketts directorship with the National Museum had been terminated and even in exile, had been refused a reading ticket for the Bodlian Library in Oxford as he was considered undesirable.
The Royal Dublin Society announced in the Freeman's Journal on Count Plunkett to consider his position as a member of the RDS. The Council of the Royal Dublin Society [RDS] intended a meeting to bring forward a resolution calling upon the Count to resign his membership of the Society. Having delivered the message, the Freeman was moved to comment in an editorial on the same page: “We hold no brief for Count Plunkett, but common justice urges us to point out that not only has he never been tried upon any charge, but that no charge has even been preferred against him. In a moment of panic he was ordered by the Government to remove his residence to England – he was not even interned – but nothing that any fair-minded man could regard as a trial was afforded him. Yet the “non-political” Royal Dublin Society now proposes to pass their sentence upon him”
Both the Count & Countess Plunkett had been in enforced & impoverished exile in Oxford since June 1916. Detained during the Rising in which three of their sons had been part of and each sentenced to death, one a signatory to the Proclamation, Joseph had been executed. Plunketts directorship with the National Museum had been terminated and even in exile, had been refused a reading ticket for the Bodlian Library in Oxford as he was considered undesirable.
16
The Freemans Journal felt strongly enough to reprint the story of Count Plunkett and the RDS, accompanied by some strongly-worded letters from its readers. One compared the RDS to the brutish Lieutenant Hepenstall who had helped crush the 1798 Rebellion with wanton torture. Another sarcastically wondered if Plunkett had been accused of pickpocketing in the Society’s reading-room or perhaps of stealing an umbrella. Because otherwise: “It seems atrocious to thus blacken a man’s character, without even mentioning the crime of which he is accused.” Nonetheless, the RDS pressed ahead to remove the member.
The Danish West Indies is sold to the United States for $25 million and renamed the US Virgin Islands.
18
RDS, Leinster House, Dublin. Three hundred of its members arrived at the meeting in Leinster House to determine the future membership of Count Plunkett, making it the largest of its gatherings in many years. The determination of many of the attendees was evident, as several aged and almost infirm gentlemen pressed on despite needing to be helped out of their motorcars amidst the snow and slush of a winter’s day. Mindful of the sensitivity of its event, the RDS Council did not admit any representatives from the press. But if they had assumed the meeting would pass by without fuss or challenge, then they had misread the mood of its members, many of whom believed the Count to be the aggrieved party. The excitement of the meeting spilled outwards as messages were hurriedly dispatched to the Kildare Street Club and nearby hotels to find participants who had not yet turned up, as the RDS ‘whips’ began seeking the reinforcements they had not expected to need.
The session inside the Leinster House was to total two hours. The recommendation of the RDS Council, that Plunkett be called upon to resign, was countered with a proposed amendment that the matter be referred back for a further report as to the nature of the charges against the Count, complete with the necessary evidence. Which was the fault-line in the Council’s case – the lack of explanation as to what Plunkett had actually done to merit such blackballing. All the Chairman of the Council offered was a reminder of how the Count had been arrested and deported to England as a danger to the Realm, in addition to being dismissed from his post as Director of the National Museum. But when the dissenters in the hall clamoured for something more substantial, the Council had nothing to add. Plunkett was expelled by a vote of 236 to 58. At least the Count and his partisans could take solace in the sympathetic coverage by the Freeman, which guaranteed the story a wider audience than the internal complications of the RDS would normally enjoy.
The Tipperary Board of Guardians, for one, was sufficiently moved to adopt a resolution condemning the “extremely bigoted action” of the RDS, predicting that a “storm of indignation” would occur, not only in Ireland, but throughout America and Australia as well. It was a sign of how drastically the Count’s circumstances would shift, and the mood of Ireland as a whole, that he and the RDS would be reconciled and reinstated in 1921. “On that occasion,” to quote one historian, “the society displayed a shrewder sense of timing.”
The Freemans Journal felt strongly enough to reprint the story of Count Plunkett and the RDS, accompanied by some strongly-worded letters from its readers. One compared the RDS to the brutish Lieutenant Hepenstall who had helped crush the 1798 Rebellion with wanton torture. Another sarcastically wondered if Plunkett had been accused of pickpocketing in the Society’s reading-room or perhaps of stealing an umbrella. Because otherwise: “It seems atrocious to thus blacken a man’s character, without even mentioning the crime of which he is accused.” Nonetheless, the RDS pressed ahead to remove the member.
The Danish West Indies is sold to the United States for $25 million and renamed the US Virgin Islands.
18
RDS, Leinster House, Dublin. Three hundred of its members arrived at the meeting in Leinster House to determine the future membership of Count Plunkett, making it the largest of its gatherings in many years. The determination of many of the attendees was evident, as several aged and almost infirm gentlemen pressed on despite needing to be helped out of their motorcars amidst the snow and slush of a winter’s day. Mindful of the sensitivity of its event, the RDS Council did not admit any representatives from the press. But if they had assumed the meeting would pass by without fuss or challenge, then they had misread the mood of its members, many of whom believed the Count to be the aggrieved party. The excitement of the meeting spilled outwards as messages were hurriedly dispatched to the Kildare Street Club and nearby hotels to find participants who had not yet turned up, as the RDS ‘whips’ began seeking the reinforcements they had not expected to need.
The session inside the Leinster House was to total two hours. The recommendation of the RDS Council, that Plunkett be called upon to resign, was countered with a proposed amendment that the matter be referred back for a further report as to the nature of the charges against the Count, complete with the necessary evidence. Which was the fault-line in the Council’s case – the lack of explanation as to what Plunkett had actually done to merit such blackballing. All the Chairman of the Council offered was a reminder of how the Count had been arrested and deported to England as a danger to the Realm, in addition to being dismissed from his post as Director of the National Museum. But when the dissenters in the hall clamoured for something more substantial, the Council had nothing to add. Plunkett was expelled by a vote of 236 to 58. At least the Count and his partisans could take solace in the sympathetic coverage by the Freeman, which guaranteed the story a wider audience than the internal complications of the RDS would normally enjoy.
The Tipperary Board of Guardians, for one, was sufficiently moved to adopt a resolution condemning the “extremely bigoted action” of the RDS, predicting that a “storm of indignation” would occur, not only in Ireland, but throughout America and Australia as well. It was a sign of how drastically the Count’s circumstances would shift, and the mood of Ireland as a whole, that he and the RDS would be reconciled and reinstated in 1921. “On that occasion,” to quote one historian, “the society displayed a shrewder sense of timing.”
19
Four days before the IPP Convention, Laurence Ginnell, the Independent MP for North Westmeath, and Fr. O’Flanagan, the curate for Rossna, had opened the Plunkett campaign with a meeting of their own in Castlerea. The two men quickly became the backbone of the Plunkett campaign, with Ginnell contributing his considerable experience in politics, much of which had been spent in defiance of the establishment, whether Britain’s or the Irish Party’s.
Fr. Michael O'Flanagan was in virtual exile in Roscommon as a 'troublesome cleric'. A strong supporter of rural development and Irish self-reliance, he was also a skilled orator and started agitating for radical social and political change early in his vocation. In 1904 he was invited to speak on a tour of the United States by his bishop John Joseph Clancy and Horace Plunkett where he also took the opportunity to find investment for agricultural and industrial projects in the west of Ireland. In August 1910 he was elected to the executive of the Gaelic League with Fionan MacColuim. His clerical career was hampered by his outspokenness, but through Clancy's political sympathy he was appointed a curate in Roscommon in 1912. The same year, Clancy died and his successor, Bernard Coyne was a conservative who certainly did not appreciate O'Flanagan's perceived modernism. With his ecclesiastical prospects dim, O'Flanagan began to focus on his political activity.
In 1913, the "advanced nationalist" Keating Branch took control of the Gaelic League and O'Flanagan was elected to the Standing Committee for two years. After the outbreak of the First World War, he was sent to neutral Italy to advocate Irish independence in Rome. On 1 August 1914, Coyne transferred him to Cliffoney and Grange parish in north county Sligo. There he called for land redistribution to his parishioners, condemned the export of food from the area, and demanded a continuation of turbary rights. In newspaper pieces he contrasted Irish opinion-makers' outrage against Germany's contemporary treatment of Belgium with their indifference to England's ongoing treatment of Ireland.
In 1915 O'Flanagan was transferred to Cootehall, County Roscommon and was sanctioned by Coyne when accused of making a speech disloyal to the Crown: he had spoken against war-related taxes at the funeral of the Fenian Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa. He also offended nationalists in a letter to the Freeman's Journal in June 1916 when he supported David Lloyd George's proposal to implement the 1914 Home Rule Act outside the six counties. He felt partition was preferable to continued unionist resistance to a single government island.
Laurence Ginnell had been a member of the IPP until 1909, when he had resigned over his colleagues’ overly casual attitudes towards party funds. A demand at a closed-doors session to see a statement of finances resulted in him being locked out of the room; in return, he stood as an Independent in North Westmeath the following year and – with sweet vindication – defeated the IPP choice by a large margin. The Party responded by passing a resolution “excluding all factionists,” although it is unlikely that the target of their ire cared much. Likewise, Ginnell’s win as a lone wolf did not seriously challenge the IPP’s hegemony over the country’s politics.
A rebel ever in search of a cause – one historian described him as an “unpopular and a lonely figure” at Westminster but one whose courage and sincerity was never in doubt – Ginnell found two in the wake of the Easter Rising: post hoc support for the rebellion, and a rekindling of his ire towards former colleagues. The danger of Partition was an obvious matter of concern in the Ulster counties, and in Derry the Anti-Partition League was formed in July, becoming the Irish Nation League a month later. Its stated intent was to be “thoroughly democratic” and, of particular importance, free from the influence of the IPP. As a speaker at an anti-Partition rally in Belfast on the 18th July 1916, Ginnell accused the IPP of “trying to throw dust in the people’s eyes” in its alleged consent towards “the proposal for the destruction of Ireland.”
Ginnell's work as an MP was similarly eventful, being suspended several times from the House of Common, one of them being in July 1916 for refusing to withdraw his accusations towards the military authorities of a number of misdeeds during the Easter Rising, namely bombarding the Cumann-na-mBan headquarters and mistreating its nurses.
Originating as a Northern phenomenon, the Irish Nation League achieved some success in the rest of the country, holding its first Dublin meeting on the 10th September in Phoenix Park. A large crowd listened as resolution after resolution was adopted, calling for the immediate release of political prisoners, conscription to be resisted, and full and complete self-government for the country without division. All Irish Party MPs were to resign their seats and make way for fresh elections. Two branches of the League were swiftly formed in Dublin, one each for the North and South sides, followed by another in Limerick. Having found a receptive audience for its message, the League seemed poised to seriously challenge the IPP as the mouthpiece of the country.
Ginnell later apologised and regained access to the Commons in October. His contrition did not last long, and the Irish Times noted later in the month that he was “beginning to reassert himself, and his questions are once again becoming as difficult, not to say offensive, as of old.” As if all this was not enough, Ginnell was also busy visiting the barracks in England where the prisoners from the Easter Rising were kept. He brought the inmates cigarettes and papers, and left with their forbidden letters smuggled on his person. What had him barred from any further visits was his telling the prisoners that they were martyrs for Ireland. Ginnell resorted to signing the prison visitors’ book with the Irish equivalent of his name, ‘Labras MacFingail.’ Convicted of obtaining admission under false pretences, Ginnell was given the choice of either a fine or three weeks’ imprisonment. Possibly inspired by the example of the prisoners, a defiant Ginnell opted for jail. A day after his conviction was upheld on the 10th October, 1916, a meeting by the Irish Nation League in Dublin broke up amongst scenes of chaos, the ostensible point of contention being who should take the chair for the occasion. The one who eventually gained the chair took the opportunity to denounce the leaders of the League as undemocratic and acting against the interests of the country. The ill-fated meeting was adjourned for an indefinite period. The Freeman’s Journal reported this in gloating terms; unsurprisingly so, given that it was a mouthpiece for the IPP.
Factional disputes and disagreements on the best course of action furthered sapped morale. After such a promising start, the League was about to grind to a halt. It is thus unsurprising that Ginnell and the rest of the League should turn their energies to a fresh battleground in North Roscommon.
Below: Laurence Ginnell & Fr O'Flanagan
Four days before the IPP Convention, Laurence Ginnell, the Independent MP for North Westmeath, and Fr. O’Flanagan, the curate for Rossna, had opened the Plunkett campaign with a meeting of their own in Castlerea. The two men quickly became the backbone of the Plunkett campaign, with Ginnell contributing his considerable experience in politics, much of which had been spent in defiance of the establishment, whether Britain’s or the Irish Party’s.
Fr. Michael O'Flanagan was in virtual exile in Roscommon as a 'troublesome cleric'. A strong supporter of rural development and Irish self-reliance, he was also a skilled orator and started agitating for radical social and political change early in his vocation. In 1904 he was invited to speak on a tour of the United States by his bishop John Joseph Clancy and Horace Plunkett where he also took the opportunity to find investment for agricultural and industrial projects in the west of Ireland. In August 1910 he was elected to the executive of the Gaelic League with Fionan MacColuim. His clerical career was hampered by his outspokenness, but through Clancy's political sympathy he was appointed a curate in Roscommon in 1912. The same year, Clancy died and his successor, Bernard Coyne was a conservative who certainly did not appreciate O'Flanagan's perceived modernism. With his ecclesiastical prospects dim, O'Flanagan began to focus on his political activity.
In 1913, the "advanced nationalist" Keating Branch took control of the Gaelic League and O'Flanagan was elected to the Standing Committee for two years. After the outbreak of the First World War, he was sent to neutral Italy to advocate Irish independence in Rome. On 1 August 1914, Coyne transferred him to Cliffoney and Grange parish in north county Sligo. There he called for land redistribution to his parishioners, condemned the export of food from the area, and demanded a continuation of turbary rights. In newspaper pieces he contrasted Irish opinion-makers' outrage against Germany's contemporary treatment of Belgium with their indifference to England's ongoing treatment of Ireland.
In 1915 O'Flanagan was transferred to Cootehall, County Roscommon and was sanctioned by Coyne when accused of making a speech disloyal to the Crown: he had spoken against war-related taxes at the funeral of the Fenian Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa. He also offended nationalists in a letter to the Freeman's Journal in June 1916 when he supported David Lloyd George's proposal to implement the 1914 Home Rule Act outside the six counties. He felt partition was preferable to continued unionist resistance to a single government island.
Laurence Ginnell had been a member of the IPP until 1909, when he had resigned over his colleagues’ overly casual attitudes towards party funds. A demand at a closed-doors session to see a statement of finances resulted in him being locked out of the room; in return, he stood as an Independent in North Westmeath the following year and – with sweet vindication – defeated the IPP choice by a large margin. The Party responded by passing a resolution “excluding all factionists,” although it is unlikely that the target of their ire cared much. Likewise, Ginnell’s win as a lone wolf did not seriously challenge the IPP’s hegemony over the country’s politics.
A rebel ever in search of a cause – one historian described him as an “unpopular and a lonely figure” at Westminster but one whose courage and sincerity was never in doubt – Ginnell found two in the wake of the Easter Rising: post hoc support for the rebellion, and a rekindling of his ire towards former colleagues. The danger of Partition was an obvious matter of concern in the Ulster counties, and in Derry the Anti-Partition League was formed in July, becoming the Irish Nation League a month later. Its stated intent was to be “thoroughly democratic” and, of particular importance, free from the influence of the IPP. As a speaker at an anti-Partition rally in Belfast on the 18th July 1916, Ginnell accused the IPP of “trying to throw dust in the people’s eyes” in its alleged consent towards “the proposal for the destruction of Ireland.”
Ginnell's work as an MP was similarly eventful, being suspended several times from the House of Common, one of them being in July 1916 for refusing to withdraw his accusations towards the military authorities of a number of misdeeds during the Easter Rising, namely bombarding the Cumann-na-mBan headquarters and mistreating its nurses.
Originating as a Northern phenomenon, the Irish Nation League achieved some success in the rest of the country, holding its first Dublin meeting on the 10th September in Phoenix Park. A large crowd listened as resolution after resolution was adopted, calling for the immediate release of political prisoners, conscription to be resisted, and full and complete self-government for the country without division. All Irish Party MPs were to resign their seats and make way for fresh elections. Two branches of the League were swiftly formed in Dublin, one each for the North and South sides, followed by another in Limerick. Having found a receptive audience for its message, the League seemed poised to seriously challenge the IPP as the mouthpiece of the country.
Ginnell later apologised and regained access to the Commons in October. His contrition did not last long, and the Irish Times noted later in the month that he was “beginning to reassert himself, and his questions are once again becoming as difficult, not to say offensive, as of old.” As if all this was not enough, Ginnell was also busy visiting the barracks in England where the prisoners from the Easter Rising were kept. He brought the inmates cigarettes and papers, and left with their forbidden letters smuggled on his person. What had him barred from any further visits was his telling the prisoners that they were martyrs for Ireland. Ginnell resorted to signing the prison visitors’ book with the Irish equivalent of his name, ‘Labras MacFingail.’ Convicted of obtaining admission under false pretences, Ginnell was given the choice of either a fine or three weeks’ imprisonment. Possibly inspired by the example of the prisoners, a defiant Ginnell opted for jail. A day after his conviction was upheld on the 10th October, 1916, a meeting by the Irish Nation League in Dublin broke up amongst scenes of chaos, the ostensible point of contention being who should take the chair for the occasion. The one who eventually gained the chair took the opportunity to denounce the leaders of the League as undemocratic and acting against the interests of the country. The ill-fated meeting was adjourned for an indefinite period. The Freeman’s Journal reported this in gloating terms; unsurprisingly so, given that it was a mouthpiece for the IPP.
Factional disputes and disagreements on the best course of action furthered sapped morale. After such a promising start, the League was about to grind to a halt. It is thus unsurprising that Ginnell and the rest of the League should turn their energies to a fresh battleground in North Roscommon.
Below: Laurence Ginnell & Fr O'Flanagan
Silvertown explosion: A blast at a munitions factory in London kills 73 and injures over 400. The resulting fire causes over £2,000,000 worth of damage
London: A plan to allow for women barristers to practice at the Bar of England was rejected by members of the legal profession.
In the course of the meeting of the Bar, held at the Inner Temple Dining Hall in London it was proposed that, against the backdrop of the fact that some 1,300 barristers are currently serving in army uniform, women should finally be allowed to become barristers. The motion was opposed by J.H. Menzies, formerly a captain in the Royal Scottish Rifles. He claimed that the barristers who were away at the war would be entirely opposed to allowing women in. An Irish Times editorial suggests that the reasons for the refusal of women, 'however varied or disguised by legal oratory - were, centred always in one argument - the disability of the sex.' The proposal was rejected by a large majority.
22
London: The issue of conscription continued into the new year, as Lloyd George resorted to threats and over dinner in the National Liberal Club with T.P.O’Connor ( the Irish Parliamentary Party MP) he advised that Sir William Robertson, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, reported that Irish recruiting had dropped to 80 a week. Lloyd George also said that the Government could be defeated on the conscription issue, in which case, he assured O’Connor, a purely Tory Government would follow. T.P. immediately sent a memorandum to John Redmond.
Washington: President Wilson said ‘No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not recognise and accept the principle that governments deserve all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignity to sovereignity as if they were property.’
Quoted in the Newsletter of the Friends of Irish Freedom National Bureau of Information - Washington D.C – No. 33, February 13, 1920. Lynch Family Archives
Charlie Chaplin releases 'Easy Street'
23
Roscommon:
John J. Hayden, the MP for South Roscommon, announced to the delegates the “unanimous selection” in private of Thomas J. Devine as their chosen candidate. Devine had merited the selection on the basis of his impressive curriculum vitae, having been a county councillor, the Chairman of the Executive of the IPP and the County Vice-President of the Ancient Order of Hibernians.
Attendees who had been hoping to have an actual say in the choosing process were to be disappointed. The Irish Party had never been a particularly open organisation and it was not about to change.
From the IPP’s point of view, Devine was a logical, if not terribly exciting, choice. The only hiccup at the event was the proposal by Father Michael O’Flanagan, the curate for nearby Crossna, that Count Plunkett be selected instead. When this was ruled out of order, the priest left the convention with a dozen other delegates.
It was, admittedly, a peculiar nomination by Father O’Flanagan. As a Dublin-based art scholar and poet, Plunkett had not the slightest connection with Roscommon. He had dabbled in politics before in a series of brave attempts and doomed endeavours when he stood unsuccessfully for elections, once in Mid-Tyrone (during which he had been punched in the face by an angry mob) and twice in Dublin. He had stood by the side of Charles Stewart Parnell during the ‘Divorce Crisis’ of 1890, a minority stance which had required courage and a willingness to buck orthodoxy that even his friends were surprised by.
But all that had been a long time ago. Yet O’Flanagan had come to the IPP convention with Plunkett in mind, having spoken in support of his man four days earlier at a meeting in Castlerea with Ginnell. What the curate saw in Plunkett, still in exile in England, was not obvious, and it was doubtful that the elderly intellectual would have crossed anyone’s mind if his ejection from the RDS had not been covered in-depth by the newspapers earlier that month. Which did not in itself seem to merit O’Flanagan’s praise of him as the only worthy candidate or the man who would best represent Ireland in the anticipated Peace Conference in Paris when the war in Europe was done. There had been no mention in Castlerea of any political parties or policies. Speaking alongside Father O’Flanagan was Laurence Ginnell, the MP for North Westmeath, but he was an Independent who had long been a renegade from mainstream Irish politics and his support did not indicate much in itself.
After seeing off the preposterous notion of Count Plunkett's nomination, Hayden next had the task of outlining to the convention attendees the party agenda. With considerable understatement, he told them that “a great many things had occurred since the beginning of the war which must obtain their most careful consideration.” The first point to consider was an agricultural one: the breaking up of hitherto uncultivated land, with a warning against landowners who tried to tempt tenants into tilling their soil without any intention of selling of them. Having spearheaded one of the great triumphs of Irish politics in the form of the Land War and the resultant improvements for tenant farmers, the Party was loathe to risk such hard-worn gains.
The second point, and the other legacy to safeguard, was “the great question of National Self-Government,” namely Home Rule. After many years of toil in the debating-hall of Westminster, John Redmond and his cohorts had at last succeeded in passing the Bill for Home Rule into law. Many had been sneering throughout the long wait, doubting it would ever come about. But these cynics and scoffers had been proven wrong. Home Rule was no longer a domestic concern but an international question, with the attention of not only Irish and British statesmen but those from around the world. There was to be an Imperial Conference next month in London, and here Ireland would be one of the issues on the table for discussion.
Should that question come up, how could Ireland best safeguard her interests? Was it by having one constituency represented one way and another in another way; was it by men responsible only to themselves, or was it by having a strong, disciplined, united party of proved and tried Nationalists representing each and every part of Ireland?
It was a simple, if transparent, tactic: an appeal to unity in the pursuit of a common goal. The question remained, however, as to whether it would be enough.
The North Roscommon by-election has some claim to be the most important by-election in 20th century Irish history. It was not, as has often been assumed, the first by-election after the Easter Rising. One was held in West Cork in November 1916 in which a candidate aligned to the Irish Party was elected. It led Irish Party leader John Redmond to conclude prematurely that the country was returning to normal after the tumult of the Easter Rising. Far from it.
25
Oxford: Count Plunkett was approached by supporters and asked if he would run, which he did agree to as an Independent candidate. It was not until much later that Plunkett was identified with Sinn Féin, where he was described as the party’s candidate by the Freeman in its edition for the 25th January. The candidate himself did not indicate any great desire to be associated with Sinn Féin, however. Arthur Griffith agreed somewhat reluctantly to use the party to help support Plunkett's election bid.
Armed merchantman SS Laurentic (1908) sunk by mines off Lough Swilly; 354 killed of 475 aboard. She was carrying about 43 tons of gold ingots at the time of her loss, and as of 2017, 20 bars of gold are yet to be recovered.
On 23 January 1917, the Laurentic departed Liverpool en route to Halifax, under the command of Captain Reginald Norton. She carried some 479 passengers, mostly naval officers, ratings, and Naval Volunteer Reserves, as well as a secret cargo of gold which was to be used for the purchase of war munitions from Canada and the United States. On 25 January the ship made an unscheduled stop at the naval base in Buncrana, Ireland, to allow four passengers with yellow fever symptoms to disembark. The ship lifted anchor around sunset, moving toward Fanad Head, where she was to meet with a destroyer escort. The weather was bitterly cold and a blizzard affected visibility, but Captain Norton gave the order to proceed without the escort, despite reports that a German U-boat had been spotted in the area earlier. Less than an hour after leaving Buncrana, the ship struck two mines laid by the German mine-laying submarine U-80 off Lough Swilly. One of the mines exploded near the engine-room, which left the ship without power and caused it to list 20 degrees; the combination of the darkness and list made it difficult to lower the lifeboats, and made it impossible for the ship to issue a distress call. Without power the main pumps were inoperable and the ship sank within an hour. Those who made it onto lifeboats faced extreme cold as low as −13 °C (9 °F). Survivors rowed towards Fanad Lighthouse, and some were rescued by local fishing trawlers. In the morning, many were found frozen to death in their lifeboats, with their hands still gripping the oars. The official count lists 475 passengers on board at the time of sinking, meaning that only 121 survived, and 354 were lost in the disaster.
26
Germany: Total German war expenditure to date: £5,000 million. (£326 billion in 2017 values)
Dublin: A special prize of £500 in respect of the planning of Dublin, donated by then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Aberdeen, was won by Prof. Abercrombie from Liverpool. The winner explained that his plan was commenced before the war when there was an expectation that Home Rule would 'bring great prosperity to the people of Ireland'. The plan observes the 'haphazard' way that roads, streets and houses have been built in and around Dublin in the previous half-century. As a matter of urgency, the plan includes provisions to relocate 64,000 people who were being housed in conditions 'not fit for human beings'.
Westminster: Two Irishwomen were honoured by British military authorities for the part they played in the Easter Rising. Florence Williams and Louisa Nolan were awarded the Military Medal for their bravery in tending to wounded soldiers in Dublin. Ms Williams, in particular, had been singled out for praise in the press, with one London daily referring to her as the ‘bravest colleen in Ireland’. Talking to the Irish Independent about her award Ms Williams said: ‘This is a great surprise… I was only doing what I could to help the poor wounded and dying soldiers that week, for my mother did nearly as much, and took as much risk as I....Ms Nolan is currently in London starring in the Harry Lauder revue, Three Cheers. Both women have family members serving on the western front."
Roscommon: On his official nomination papers, submitted to the Boyle Courthouse on Count Plunkett's behalf (he would not return to Ireland until the 31st), he was marked down as President of the Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language and Vice-President of the Royal Irish Academy – two worthy, if distinctly non-political, posts.
With Plunkett's nomination for the North Roscommon seat, the election became a three way race with Devine from the IPP and another independent Jasper Tully, a former MP for South Leitrim, the owner and editor of the Roscommon Herald, a querulous character by all accounts who was described as being consumed by a “welter of animosities, hatreds and personal obsessions”.
Having previously defended the Count’s honour against the RDS, the Freeman was obliged to move against him as the struggle for the North Roscommon by-election intensified. He was, after all, standing against the candidate for the IPP, the party for which the newspaper served as a mouthpiece.
The Freeman’s Journal stressed the unanimous selection of Devine at the IPP convention and praised him as a “man of proved record in the National fight,” by which he meant the Home Rule movement. For Tully, the paper had nothing but scorn, pointing out that he could have put himself forward at the same convention like the others but he did not: “Probably because he knew he would not be selected.” His running as an Independent, therefore, could “only be regarded as a wanton attempt to divide the constitutional forces in the consistency.”
For Plunkett, the Freeman showed a certain grudging respect, acknowledging that his candidacy was a “direct challenge to the policy of the Irish Party, and is, therefore, an issue clear and well-defined.” Unlike Tully’s Roscommon Herald, the Freeman refrained from a direct attack on the Count, at least at first.
While Sinn Féin was now canvassing for the Count in North Roscommon, so too were others, including the Irish Nation League – the ‘Seven Attorneys League’ mentioned by Tully – an anti-Partition group formed recently in Ulster. The former organisation opposed taking seats in Westminster, while the latter did not. As well as Plunkett’s commitments to Sinn Féin, it was also questioned how committed was Sinn Féin to him. According to Laurence Nugent, a worker during the campaign, the party not only refused to support the Count at first but did everything it could to stop him from standing.
Below: Count and Countess Plunkett, Jasper Tully and an electioneering badge. No photograph has been located to date for Devine.
London: A plan to allow for women barristers to practice at the Bar of England was rejected by members of the legal profession.
In the course of the meeting of the Bar, held at the Inner Temple Dining Hall in London it was proposed that, against the backdrop of the fact that some 1,300 barristers are currently serving in army uniform, women should finally be allowed to become barristers. The motion was opposed by J.H. Menzies, formerly a captain in the Royal Scottish Rifles. He claimed that the barristers who were away at the war would be entirely opposed to allowing women in. An Irish Times editorial suggests that the reasons for the refusal of women, 'however varied or disguised by legal oratory - were, centred always in one argument - the disability of the sex.' The proposal was rejected by a large majority.
22
London: The issue of conscription continued into the new year, as Lloyd George resorted to threats and over dinner in the National Liberal Club with T.P.O’Connor ( the Irish Parliamentary Party MP) he advised that Sir William Robertson, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, reported that Irish recruiting had dropped to 80 a week. Lloyd George also said that the Government could be defeated on the conscription issue, in which case, he assured O’Connor, a purely Tory Government would follow. T.P. immediately sent a memorandum to John Redmond.
Washington: President Wilson said ‘No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not recognise and accept the principle that governments deserve all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignity to sovereignity as if they were property.’
Quoted in the Newsletter of the Friends of Irish Freedom National Bureau of Information - Washington D.C – No. 33, February 13, 1920. Lynch Family Archives
Charlie Chaplin releases 'Easy Street'
23
Roscommon:
John J. Hayden, the MP for South Roscommon, announced to the delegates the “unanimous selection” in private of Thomas J. Devine as their chosen candidate. Devine had merited the selection on the basis of his impressive curriculum vitae, having been a county councillor, the Chairman of the Executive of the IPP and the County Vice-President of the Ancient Order of Hibernians.
Attendees who had been hoping to have an actual say in the choosing process were to be disappointed. The Irish Party had never been a particularly open organisation and it was not about to change.
From the IPP’s point of view, Devine was a logical, if not terribly exciting, choice. The only hiccup at the event was the proposal by Father Michael O’Flanagan, the curate for nearby Crossna, that Count Plunkett be selected instead. When this was ruled out of order, the priest left the convention with a dozen other delegates.
It was, admittedly, a peculiar nomination by Father O’Flanagan. As a Dublin-based art scholar and poet, Plunkett had not the slightest connection with Roscommon. He had dabbled in politics before in a series of brave attempts and doomed endeavours when he stood unsuccessfully for elections, once in Mid-Tyrone (during which he had been punched in the face by an angry mob) and twice in Dublin. He had stood by the side of Charles Stewart Parnell during the ‘Divorce Crisis’ of 1890, a minority stance which had required courage and a willingness to buck orthodoxy that even his friends were surprised by.
But all that had been a long time ago. Yet O’Flanagan had come to the IPP convention with Plunkett in mind, having spoken in support of his man four days earlier at a meeting in Castlerea with Ginnell. What the curate saw in Plunkett, still in exile in England, was not obvious, and it was doubtful that the elderly intellectual would have crossed anyone’s mind if his ejection from the RDS had not been covered in-depth by the newspapers earlier that month. Which did not in itself seem to merit O’Flanagan’s praise of him as the only worthy candidate or the man who would best represent Ireland in the anticipated Peace Conference in Paris when the war in Europe was done. There had been no mention in Castlerea of any political parties or policies. Speaking alongside Father O’Flanagan was Laurence Ginnell, the MP for North Westmeath, but he was an Independent who had long been a renegade from mainstream Irish politics and his support did not indicate much in itself.
After seeing off the preposterous notion of Count Plunkett's nomination, Hayden next had the task of outlining to the convention attendees the party agenda. With considerable understatement, he told them that “a great many things had occurred since the beginning of the war which must obtain their most careful consideration.” The first point to consider was an agricultural one: the breaking up of hitherto uncultivated land, with a warning against landowners who tried to tempt tenants into tilling their soil without any intention of selling of them. Having spearheaded one of the great triumphs of Irish politics in the form of the Land War and the resultant improvements for tenant farmers, the Party was loathe to risk such hard-worn gains.
The second point, and the other legacy to safeguard, was “the great question of National Self-Government,” namely Home Rule. After many years of toil in the debating-hall of Westminster, John Redmond and his cohorts had at last succeeded in passing the Bill for Home Rule into law. Many had been sneering throughout the long wait, doubting it would ever come about. But these cynics and scoffers had been proven wrong. Home Rule was no longer a domestic concern but an international question, with the attention of not only Irish and British statesmen but those from around the world. There was to be an Imperial Conference next month in London, and here Ireland would be one of the issues on the table for discussion.
Should that question come up, how could Ireland best safeguard her interests? Was it by having one constituency represented one way and another in another way; was it by men responsible only to themselves, or was it by having a strong, disciplined, united party of proved and tried Nationalists representing each and every part of Ireland?
It was a simple, if transparent, tactic: an appeal to unity in the pursuit of a common goal. The question remained, however, as to whether it would be enough.
The North Roscommon by-election has some claim to be the most important by-election in 20th century Irish history. It was not, as has often been assumed, the first by-election after the Easter Rising. One was held in West Cork in November 1916 in which a candidate aligned to the Irish Party was elected. It led Irish Party leader John Redmond to conclude prematurely that the country was returning to normal after the tumult of the Easter Rising. Far from it.
25
Oxford: Count Plunkett was approached by supporters and asked if he would run, which he did agree to as an Independent candidate. It was not until much later that Plunkett was identified with Sinn Féin, where he was described as the party’s candidate by the Freeman in its edition for the 25th January. The candidate himself did not indicate any great desire to be associated with Sinn Féin, however. Arthur Griffith agreed somewhat reluctantly to use the party to help support Plunkett's election bid.
Armed merchantman SS Laurentic (1908) sunk by mines off Lough Swilly; 354 killed of 475 aboard. She was carrying about 43 tons of gold ingots at the time of her loss, and as of 2017, 20 bars of gold are yet to be recovered.
On 23 January 1917, the Laurentic departed Liverpool en route to Halifax, under the command of Captain Reginald Norton. She carried some 479 passengers, mostly naval officers, ratings, and Naval Volunteer Reserves, as well as a secret cargo of gold which was to be used for the purchase of war munitions from Canada and the United States. On 25 January the ship made an unscheduled stop at the naval base in Buncrana, Ireland, to allow four passengers with yellow fever symptoms to disembark. The ship lifted anchor around sunset, moving toward Fanad Head, where she was to meet with a destroyer escort. The weather was bitterly cold and a blizzard affected visibility, but Captain Norton gave the order to proceed without the escort, despite reports that a German U-boat had been spotted in the area earlier. Less than an hour after leaving Buncrana, the ship struck two mines laid by the German mine-laying submarine U-80 off Lough Swilly. One of the mines exploded near the engine-room, which left the ship without power and caused it to list 20 degrees; the combination of the darkness and list made it difficult to lower the lifeboats, and made it impossible for the ship to issue a distress call. Without power the main pumps were inoperable and the ship sank within an hour. Those who made it onto lifeboats faced extreme cold as low as −13 °C (9 °F). Survivors rowed towards Fanad Lighthouse, and some were rescued by local fishing trawlers. In the morning, many were found frozen to death in their lifeboats, with their hands still gripping the oars. The official count lists 475 passengers on board at the time of sinking, meaning that only 121 survived, and 354 were lost in the disaster.
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Germany: Total German war expenditure to date: £5,000 million. (£326 billion in 2017 values)
Dublin: A special prize of £500 in respect of the planning of Dublin, donated by then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Aberdeen, was won by Prof. Abercrombie from Liverpool. The winner explained that his plan was commenced before the war when there was an expectation that Home Rule would 'bring great prosperity to the people of Ireland'. The plan observes the 'haphazard' way that roads, streets and houses have been built in and around Dublin in the previous half-century. As a matter of urgency, the plan includes provisions to relocate 64,000 people who were being housed in conditions 'not fit for human beings'.
Westminster: Two Irishwomen were honoured by British military authorities for the part they played in the Easter Rising. Florence Williams and Louisa Nolan were awarded the Military Medal for their bravery in tending to wounded soldiers in Dublin. Ms Williams, in particular, had been singled out for praise in the press, with one London daily referring to her as the ‘bravest colleen in Ireland’. Talking to the Irish Independent about her award Ms Williams said: ‘This is a great surprise… I was only doing what I could to help the poor wounded and dying soldiers that week, for my mother did nearly as much, and took as much risk as I....Ms Nolan is currently in London starring in the Harry Lauder revue, Three Cheers. Both women have family members serving on the western front."
Roscommon: On his official nomination papers, submitted to the Boyle Courthouse on Count Plunkett's behalf (he would not return to Ireland until the 31st), he was marked down as President of the Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language and Vice-President of the Royal Irish Academy – two worthy, if distinctly non-political, posts.
With Plunkett's nomination for the North Roscommon seat, the election became a three way race with Devine from the IPP and another independent Jasper Tully, a former MP for South Leitrim, the owner and editor of the Roscommon Herald, a querulous character by all accounts who was described as being consumed by a “welter of animosities, hatreds and personal obsessions”.
Having previously defended the Count’s honour against the RDS, the Freeman was obliged to move against him as the struggle for the North Roscommon by-election intensified. He was, after all, standing against the candidate for the IPP, the party for which the newspaper served as a mouthpiece.
The Freeman’s Journal stressed the unanimous selection of Devine at the IPP convention and praised him as a “man of proved record in the National fight,” by which he meant the Home Rule movement. For Tully, the paper had nothing but scorn, pointing out that he could have put himself forward at the same convention like the others but he did not: “Probably because he knew he would not be selected.” His running as an Independent, therefore, could “only be regarded as a wanton attempt to divide the constitutional forces in the consistency.”
For Plunkett, the Freeman showed a certain grudging respect, acknowledging that his candidacy was a “direct challenge to the policy of the Irish Party, and is, therefore, an issue clear and well-defined.” Unlike Tully’s Roscommon Herald, the Freeman refrained from a direct attack on the Count, at least at first.
While Sinn Féin was now canvassing for the Count in North Roscommon, so too were others, including the Irish Nation League – the ‘Seven Attorneys League’ mentioned by Tully – an anti-Partition group formed recently in Ulster. The former organisation opposed taking seats in Westminster, while the latter did not. As well as Plunkett’s commitments to Sinn Féin, it was also questioned how committed was Sinn Féin to him. According to Laurence Nugent, a worker during the campaign, the party not only refused to support the Count at first but did everything it could to stop him from standing.
Below: Count and Countess Plunkett, Jasper Tully and an electioneering badge. No photograph has been located to date for Devine.
United States: In Philadelphia, McGarrity continued to make tentative arrangements for a new Irish Rising, even planning the purchase of a steamer. ‘According to his correspondence with the Philadelphia firm of Davies, Turner and Co, he was interested in a 5,000 ton English Vessel built in 1912…there is no clue as to what happened. Perhaps America’s entry into the war some weeks later ended Clan hopes of sending arms and men to Ireland.’
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P65
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Lewes, Sussex: Lynch wrote to P.Lynch, 52 Porter Street, Somerville, Mass. US ( appears to be an early photostat )
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P65
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Lewes, Sussex: Lynch wrote to P.Lynch, 52 Porter Street, Somerville, Mass. US ( appears to be an early photostat )
‘Lewes Prison, England.
Jan.27. 1917
My dear Pat.
Many thanks for your letter of last May which I was permitted to read in Dartmoor. I avail of this, the first opportunity of personally acknowledging same.
Doubtless you are aware of our transfer here.the change has benefitted me, but I realise now and then that I am not as strong as I used to be – physcially. Otherwise I am OK.
Being limited by circumstances to a choice of subjects in writing, I shall now merly express the hope that yourself, Mrs Kynch and family are qute well. To them and you, and to all our mutual friends in Boston, I send kindest regards.
Yours sincerely,
Diarmuid Lynch
Lynch Family Archives –Folder 3.
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Washington: Congress passes new immigration law requiring all immigrants over 16 to know 30 to 80 English words and banning all Asian nationalities except Japanese.
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Increasing concerns over food shortages in Ireland were now apparent. The causes of the food shortage were three: the manner in which German submarine activity has been targeting merchant shipping; export of foodstuffs to Britain and the nature of farming practices in Ireland.
Attention was drawn to the issue on this date by Rev T. Joyce VF at a meeting in Ballinasloe. Rev. Joyce claimed that if the activity of the German U-Boats continued at its current rate, Ireland would be confronted with with its worst food scarcity since the Famine. The Rev. Joyce highlighted the decades-long drift from tillage to cattle-farming which created an agricultural economy that was entirely skewed. The decline of tillage had left Ireland entirely vulnerable to the shift in the patterns of food distribution brought about by war. The simple fact is that the country does not produce enough crops and that it is now a matter of urgency that must be altered. "The failure to make the shift so far had particularly affected the poor of the country who were now paying outrageous prices for the most basic of products."
Washington: Congress passes new immigration law requiring all immigrants over 16 to know 30 to 80 English words and banning all Asian nationalities except Japanese.
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Increasing concerns over food shortages in Ireland were now apparent. The causes of the food shortage were three: the manner in which German submarine activity has been targeting merchant shipping; export of foodstuffs to Britain and the nature of farming practices in Ireland.
Attention was drawn to the issue on this date by Rev T. Joyce VF at a meeting in Ballinasloe. Rev. Joyce claimed that if the activity of the German U-Boats continued at its current rate, Ireland would be confronted with with its worst food scarcity since the Famine. The Rev. Joyce highlighted the decades-long drift from tillage to cattle-farming which created an agricultural economy that was entirely skewed. The decline of tillage had left Ireland entirely vulnerable to the shift in the patterns of food distribution brought about by war. The simple fact is that the country does not produce enough crops and that it is now a matter of urgency that must be altered. "The failure to make the shift so far had particularly affected the poor of the country who were now paying outrageous prices for the most basic of products."
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Washington: Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador to the United States, notified the US Government that on the following day, February 1, 1917, Germany would reinstated it's policy of unrestricted submarine warfare.
Unrestricted submarine warfare was first introduced in World War I in early 1915, when Germany declared the area around the British Isles a war zone, in which all merchant ships, including those from neutral countries, would be attacked by the German navy. A string of attacks on merchant ships followed, culminating in the sinking of the British ship Lusitania by a German U-boat on May 7, 1915. Although the Lusitania was a British ship and it was carrying a supply of munitions—Germany used these two facts to justify the attack—it was principally a passenger ship, and the 1,201 people who drowned in its sinking included 128 Americans. The incident prompted U.S. President Woodrow Wilson to send a strongly worded note to the German government demanding an end to German attacks against unarmed merchant ships. By September 1915, the German government had imposed such strict constraints on the operation of the nation’s submarines that the German navy was persuaded to suspend U-boat warfare altogether.
German navy commanders, however, were ultimately not prepared to accept this degree of passivity, and continued to push for a more aggressive use of the submarine, convincing first the army and eventually the government, most importantly Kaiser Wilhelm, that the U-boat was an essential component of German war strategy. Planning to remain on the defensive on the Western Front in 1917, the supreme army command endorsed the navy’s opinion that unrestricted U-boat warfare against the British at sea could result in a German victory by the fall of 1917. In a joint audience with the Kaiser on January 8, 1917, army and naval leaders presented their arguments to Wilhelm, who supported them in spite of the opposition of the German chancellor, Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, who was not at the meeting. Though he feared antagonizing the U.S., Bethmann Hollweg accepted the kaiser’s decision, pressured as he was by the armed forces and the hungry and frustrated German public, which was angered by the continuing Allied naval blockade and which supported aggressive action towards Germany’s enemies.
Germany: On January 31, 1917, Bethmann Hollweg went before the German Reichstag government and made the announcement that unrestricted submarine warfare would resume the next day, February 1. "The destructive designs of our opponents cannot be expressed more strongly. We have been challenged to fight to the end. We accept the challenge. We stake everything, and we shall be victorious."
President Wilson deliberated three days before taking official action.
Washington: Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador to the United States, notified the US Government that on the following day, February 1, 1917, Germany would reinstated it's policy of unrestricted submarine warfare.
Unrestricted submarine warfare was first introduced in World War I in early 1915, when Germany declared the area around the British Isles a war zone, in which all merchant ships, including those from neutral countries, would be attacked by the German navy. A string of attacks on merchant ships followed, culminating in the sinking of the British ship Lusitania by a German U-boat on May 7, 1915. Although the Lusitania was a British ship and it was carrying a supply of munitions—Germany used these two facts to justify the attack—it was principally a passenger ship, and the 1,201 people who drowned in its sinking included 128 Americans. The incident prompted U.S. President Woodrow Wilson to send a strongly worded note to the German government demanding an end to German attacks against unarmed merchant ships. By September 1915, the German government had imposed such strict constraints on the operation of the nation’s submarines that the German navy was persuaded to suspend U-boat warfare altogether.
German navy commanders, however, were ultimately not prepared to accept this degree of passivity, and continued to push for a more aggressive use of the submarine, convincing first the army and eventually the government, most importantly Kaiser Wilhelm, that the U-boat was an essential component of German war strategy. Planning to remain on the defensive on the Western Front in 1917, the supreme army command endorsed the navy’s opinion that unrestricted U-boat warfare against the British at sea could result in a German victory by the fall of 1917. In a joint audience with the Kaiser on January 8, 1917, army and naval leaders presented their arguments to Wilhelm, who supported them in spite of the opposition of the German chancellor, Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, who was not at the meeting. Though he feared antagonizing the U.S., Bethmann Hollweg accepted the kaiser’s decision, pressured as he was by the armed forces and the hungry and frustrated German public, which was angered by the continuing Allied naval blockade and which supported aggressive action towards Germany’s enemies.
Germany: On January 31, 1917, Bethmann Hollweg went before the German Reichstag government and made the announcement that unrestricted submarine warfare would resume the next day, February 1. "The destructive designs of our opponents cannot be expressed more strongly. We have been challenged to fight to the end. We accept the challenge. We stake everything, and we shall be victorious."
President Wilson deliberated three days before taking official action.
Lewes, Sussex: John F. Shouldice, Lieut. "F" Company, 1st Battalion, Dublin Brigade, I.R.A. Captain & later Acting Adjutant recalled life in Lewes prison in his 1952 submission to the Bureau of Military History:
Lewes, Sussex: John F. Shouldice, Lieut. "F" Company, 1st Battalion, Dublin Brigade, I.R.A. Captain & later Acting Adjutant recalled life in Lewes prison in his 1952 submission to the Bureau of Military History:
Roscommon: Meanwhile campaigning in the North Roscommon by-election was in full swing.
Ireland had been blanketed in up to three metres of snow a week prior to the election date. In the run-up to the by election, all three candidates fretted as to how this would affect the final outcome. O’Flanagan saw divine intervention at work in Plunkett’s candidature. It was thought impossible to move around the constituency given the depth of snow, but O’Flanagan had galvanised an army of volunteers to clear the path for the old Count. Children improvised their support spelling out the words “Up Plunkett” on the snow-covered fields of the constituency.
Still, Plunkett’s supporters feared that the weather would deter their mostly rural supporters from attending the polls. Devine’s supporters feared that the party machine would be thwarted in getting the vote out. Tully felt he would be the beneficiary as the snows would deter the out-of-towners descending on the constituency on behalf of both candidates. Then there was the issue of the fractious nature of republicanism. This became evident at times during the election campaign and was a cause of concern for many of the leaders of the various republican groups.
Dublin: Hundreds of Irish-Canadian soldiers on their way to the Western Front paraded through the streets of the city.
The Irish Canadian Rangers Regiment were all of Irish birth or extraction. They arrived by steamer from Holyhead to North Wall in Dublin before spending eight days touring Ireland, taking in Dublin, Belfast, Armagh, Limerick and Cork. They were treated to a private tour of Blarney Castle, after which they were guests of honour at a special reception. In a welcoming address, the Lord Mayor of Dublin said that the Rangers were an example of what Irishmen could do when they came together for the cause of liberty and humanity.
John Redmond, unable to attend the parade due to ill-health and to his grief over the recent death of his daughter. He nonetheless sent a message saying that Ireland was very proud of her sons: ‘The Irish race is represented in this war on the side of liberty and humanity by at least half a million of men who have voluntarily joined the colours – surely a proud and astonishing record.’
When the Canadians paraded through the streets of Cork, the soldiers were presented with tea, sandwiches and cigarettes. Union Jacks flew from many houses. Bands played ‘Auld Lang Syne’ when they departed from Cork train station.
Adverts from The World Almanac 1917. Click to view
February 1917
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Count Plunkett, newly returned to Ireland (it was reported that he broke his parole to do so), arrived in Carrick on Shannon where he was greeted a huge crowd. There he was introduced by his great champion, the rebel priest Fr Michael O’Flanagan. Plunkett, O’Flanagan opined, was no less than “the leader of the Irish race” and the “royal face of Cathleen Ní Houlihan” and adding for good measure ‘he will proclaim that the freedom to be accorded Ireland must be the same as that of Belgium, Serbia, Bohemia, Rumania, France and Germany.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.209
Plunkett spoke next in those level, cultured tones of his and, while he could not compete with a practised demagogue like O’Flanagan, who made, “a great impression on his listeners.” By the time the rally was done, the previously befuddled candidate was reported to have been infused with a new sense of purpose.
The Hearald newspaper in Roscommon reported shortly afterwards that the Count's first meeting "…was very small, and the Count proved to be such a wretched speaker that the people who came to hear him walked off in disgust."
From there, the Count proceeded to Boyle, where his efforts were only a little more successful. Fr. O’Flanagan, was (as reported by the Herald) "…vigorously groaned, and when he turned on some of the old women who were taunting him, was soon proved to be no march for them with the tongue, and he had to retire crest-fallen."
The truth was, the Herald continued, that Count Plunkett was a nice old man but hardly suitable material to represent North Roscommon in Westminster. He had been a Tory all his life, to such an extent that his son, Joseph Mary Plunkett – one of those brave patriots executed ten months earlier – had been unable to live under the same roof as his father and moved out. Then again, the Herald could be accused of bias, after all it was owned and edited by one of the three candidates for the Westminster position, Jaspar Tully.
As the only one of the three candidates to be truly an Independent, Jasper Tully compensated for the lack of party machinery behind him with sheer chutzpah and friendly media coverage. While the IPP workers were working hard to cover every inch of the constituency, Tully announced himself already done and confident of success. His self-assurance was shared by the Roscommon Herald at least. The newspaper followed his campaign extensively and generously, as well it might, considering how Tully was its editor and proprietor.
The Herald was to spare the Count no mercy in its denunciations, introducing him to its readership under a headline that managed to weld his name and his lack of Roscommon roots into a single jibe: "A COUNT BUT NOT A COUNT-Y MAN." The rest of the Herald’s article gave a brief, derisive summary of the subject’s life so far: "The Count is a venerable old man, nearly seventy years of age, with a long flowing white beard. His father was a builder in Rathmines, and he got his title from Pope Leo the Thirteenth. His son was one of the sixteen shot in the Rebellion. The Count, who was a Government official, was ordered to reside in England by Sir John Maxwell, but the Count has repeatedly declared in the Press that he had nothing to do with the Rebellion."
It was typical of Tully, for whom the best defence was always attack. His world, in the words of one local historian, was a “welter of animosities, hatreds and personal obsessions.” But then, what else could be expected from a man who, upon the death of his wife, redirected her mail with “Not known at this address. Try Hell”?
His personal temperament notwithstanding, Tully had long been a fixture on the midlands political scene. He had begun as an ally of Parnell, for whom he had worked as an organiser in the Land League. The two men had even shared a prison sentence together in Kilmainham Gaol, which had not stopped Tully from siding with Parnell’s opponents in the 1890 ‘Divorce Crisis’, and it was on an anti-Parnellite platform that he was elected MP for Leitrim South from 1892 to 1906. Never one to stay out of trouble, he was prosecuted in 1886 for printing an intimidatory article in his Herald. He walked when the jury disagreed on the verdict but, by the following year, he was again in court on more charges of intimidation, and yet again in 1900 when he was finally convicted, and received six months of hard labour – his second spell in jail – for publishing an article inciting people to threaten farmers. Time and prison did nothing to mellow his temperament. He sabotaged his chances for re-election on an IPP basis in 1905, when he brought a court action to overturn the results of the county and district elections, which had not gone his way. As part of the suit, he accused the successful Party candidates of – among other things – bribery, voter fraud and conspiracy to murder. That the court awarded him damages came at the expense of his bridges with his colleagues being well and truly burned. One of those he had accused was Thomas J. Devine, giving the 1917 North Roscommon by-election the feel of the latest round in a long-running feud.
Polling Day - North Roscommon
However much of an enigma the Count presented to friend and foe alike, that did not prevent the electorate of North Roscommon from voting him in by a landslide. Stationed at the polling booth in Rooskey, Nugent saw men vying with each other for the honour of being the first to cast a vote for Plunkett. They joked that as Roscommon had seen no action during Easter Week, they would make up for it by firing their ‘shot’ into the ballot box.
Berlin: Germany announces its U Boats will resume unrestricted submarine warfare, rescinding the 'Sussex pledge'. warning the US and other neutrals that ships trading with the Allies will be sunk without warning.
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United States: President Wilson breaks off diplomatic relations with Germany following the sinking of the US ship ‘Housatonic’ off Sicily. This ship was the 134th neutral vessel to be sunk in 21 days. Count von Bernstorrf returns to Germany and Ambassador Gerard to the US.
North Roscommon election result
Count George Noble Plunkett, father of Joseph Mary Plunkett, won the Roscommon North By-Election on what was to become an abstentionist Sinn Féin platform.
Independent Nationalist: Jasper Tully 687
Irish Parliamentary Party: Devine 1708
Sinn Fein: Count Plunkett 3022
Votes cast: 5403
Ireland had ‘elected a representative to Europe instead of to the British Parliament’ Arthur Griffith declared.
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.209
News of the Sinn Féin victory has been met with scenes of jubilation. Across North Roscommon there were torchlight processions and church bells tolled. Everywhere the tricolor was waved, bands played and speeches were made ending in cheering and shouting. In Ballaghdereen, tar barrels were lit in celebration. All across the midlands of Ireland, local newspapers have described the result as ‘a knockout blow’ for the Irish Parliamentary Party. Indeed, the Midland Reporter claimed: ‘The result puts the whole Redmond Party in the melting pot. In the west and midlands now the Party could not get a safe resting-spot for one of their nominations.’
The Irish Party who had fully expected to win, was stunned when it did not. The Irish Party’s mouthpiece, the Freeman’s Journal, prophetically called the result “ruinous” for the party. It brought an end to its hegemony in nationalist Ireland and presaged the wipeout of the party at the December 1918 election.
Plunkett was not the first elected Sinn Féin MP. He had stood and was elected as an Independent. As his daughter Geraldine, in her posthumously published memoir, remembered: “He was not a member of Sinn Féin, but a separatist supported by a combination of separatists and almost all advanced Nationalist opinion.” Indeed, one of Plunkett’s first acts on being elected was to set up a rival organisation, the Liberty Clubs, based on the republican ideals in the Proclamation.
Monsignor Michael J. Curran, secretary to the Archbishop of Dublin and a keen observer of Irish politics, recorded in his diary at the time: "Rarely has there been so much excitement over an election result. Count Plunkett started at the eleventh hour with little local backing…Though his supporters had hopes of his success, they never for a moment dreamed of such a resounding victory. Up to Saturday, the Irish Party believed that they were winning. The news of the success astounded and delighted the ‘man in the street’…Count Plunkett’s success was entirely due to his own banishment, to the memory of his son, Joseph, and the imprisonment of two others...Doubtless, too,” the Monsignor added wryly, “he was helped by his expulsion from the Royal Dublin Society.”
Curran, like O’Brien, clearly did not attribute Plunkett’s victory to his own qualities. Perceptively, Curran also made note of how the issue of an Irish republic, as distinct from straightforward independence, was absent during the election.
(This omission – or flexibility, depending on one’s perspective – would be cited by none other than Michael Collins, one of the many young Turks who would cut their teeth working on the Plunkett campaign. A few years later, in the course of the Civil War, Collins was to argue that the example of North Roscommon proved how “absence of key principles was not incompatible with the strength of national feeling.”
On election, Plunkett announced immediately he would adopt an abstentionist policy, something he had omitted to mention during the election to his supporters or the electorate. “I recognise no parliament in existence as having the right over the people of Ireland,” he declared in Boyle. All subsequently elected Sinn Féin MPs followed suit.
A new political phase was opened.
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Count Plunkett, newly returned to Ireland (it was reported that he broke his parole to do so), arrived in Carrick on Shannon where he was greeted a huge crowd. There he was introduced by his great champion, the rebel priest Fr Michael O’Flanagan. Plunkett, O’Flanagan opined, was no less than “the leader of the Irish race” and the “royal face of Cathleen Ní Houlihan” and adding for good measure ‘he will proclaim that the freedom to be accorded Ireland must be the same as that of Belgium, Serbia, Bohemia, Rumania, France and Germany.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.209
Plunkett spoke next in those level, cultured tones of his and, while he could not compete with a practised demagogue like O’Flanagan, who made, “a great impression on his listeners.” By the time the rally was done, the previously befuddled candidate was reported to have been infused with a new sense of purpose.
The Hearald newspaper in Roscommon reported shortly afterwards that the Count's first meeting "…was very small, and the Count proved to be such a wretched speaker that the people who came to hear him walked off in disgust."
From there, the Count proceeded to Boyle, where his efforts were only a little more successful. Fr. O’Flanagan, was (as reported by the Herald) "…vigorously groaned, and when he turned on some of the old women who were taunting him, was soon proved to be no march for them with the tongue, and he had to retire crest-fallen."
The truth was, the Herald continued, that Count Plunkett was a nice old man but hardly suitable material to represent North Roscommon in Westminster. He had been a Tory all his life, to such an extent that his son, Joseph Mary Plunkett – one of those brave patriots executed ten months earlier – had been unable to live under the same roof as his father and moved out. Then again, the Herald could be accused of bias, after all it was owned and edited by one of the three candidates for the Westminster position, Jaspar Tully.
As the only one of the three candidates to be truly an Independent, Jasper Tully compensated for the lack of party machinery behind him with sheer chutzpah and friendly media coverage. While the IPP workers were working hard to cover every inch of the constituency, Tully announced himself already done and confident of success. His self-assurance was shared by the Roscommon Herald at least. The newspaper followed his campaign extensively and generously, as well it might, considering how Tully was its editor and proprietor.
The Herald was to spare the Count no mercy in its denunciations, introducing him to its readership under a headline that managed to weld his name and his lack of Roscommon roots into a single jibe: "A COUNT BUT NOT A COUNT-Y MAN." The rest of the Herald’s article gave a brief, derisive summary of the subject’s life so far: "The Count is a venerable old man, nearly seventy years of age, with a long flowing white beard. His father was a builder in Rathmines, and he got his title from Pope Leo the Thirteenth. His son was one of the sixteen shot in the Rebellion. The Count, who was a Government official, was ordered to reside in England by Sir John Maxwell, but the Count has repeatedly declared in the Press that he had nothing to do with the Rebellion."
It was typical of Tully, for whom the best defence was always attack. His world, in the words of one local historian, was a “welter of animosities, hatreds and personal obsessions.” But then, what else could be expected from a man who, upon the death of his wife, redirected her mail with “Not known at this address. Try Hell”?
His personal temperament notwithstanding, Tully had long been a fixture on the midlands political scene. He had begun as an ally of Parnell, for whom he had worked as an organiser in the Land League. The two men had even shared a prison sentence together in Kilmainham Gaol, which had not stopped Tully from siding with Parnell’s opponents in the 1890 ‘Divorce Crisis’, and it was on an anti-Parnellite platform that he was elected MP for Leitrim South from 1892 to 1906. Never one to stay out of trouble, he was prosecuted in 1886 for printing an intimidatory article in his Herald. He walked when the jury disagreed on the verdict but, by the following year, he was again in court on more charges of intimidation, and yet again in 1900 when he was finally convicted, and received six months of hard labour – his second spell in jail – for publishing an article inciting people to threaten farmers. Time and prison did nothing to mellow his temperament. He sabotaged his chances for re-election on an IPP basis in 1905, when he brought a court action to overturn the results of the county and district elections, which had not gone his way. As part of the suit, he accused the successful Party candidates of – among other things – bribery, voter fraud and conspiracy to murder. That the court awarded him damages came at the expense of his bridges with his colleagues being well and truly burned. One of those he had accused was Thomas J. Devine, giving the 1917 North Roscommon by-election the feel of the latest round in a long-running feud.
Polling Day - North Roscommon
However much of an enigma the Count presented to friend and foe alike, that did not prevent the electorate of North Roscommon from voting him in by a landslide. Stationed at the polling booth in Rooskey, Nugent saw men vying with each other for the honour of being the first to cast a vote for Plunkett. They joked that as Roscommon had seen no action during Easter Week, they would make up for it by firing their ‘shot’ into the ballot box.
Berlin: Germany announces its U Boats will resume unrestricted submarine warfare, rescinding the 'Sussex pledge'. warning the US and other neutrals that ships trading with the Allies will be sunk without warning.
3
United States: President Wilson breaks off diplomatic relations with Germany following the sinking of the US ship ‘Housatonic’ off Sicily. This ship was the 134th neutral vessel to be sunk in 21 days. Count von Bernstorrf returns to Germany and Ambassador Gerard to the US.
North Roscommon election result
Count George Noble Plunkett, father of Joseph Mary Plunkett, won the Roscommon North By-Election on what was to become an abstentionist Sinn Féin platform.
Independent Nationalist: Jasper Tully 687
Irish Parliamentary Party: Devine 1708
Sinn Fein: Count Plunkett 3022
Votes cast: 5403
Ireland had ‘elected a representative to Europe instead of to the British Parliament’ Arthur Griffith declared.
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.209
News of the Sinn Féin victory has been met with scenes of jubilation. Across North Roscommon there were torchlight processions and church bells tolled. Everywhere the tricolor was waved, bands played and speeches were made ending in cheering and shouting. In Ballaghdereen, tar barrels were lit in celebration. All across the midlands of Ireland, local newspapers have described the result as ‘a knockout blow’ for the Irish Parliamentary Party. Indeed, the Midland Reporter claimed: ‘The result puts the whole Redmond Party in the melting pot. In the west and midlands now the Party could not get a safe resting-spot for one of their nominations.’
The Irish Party who had fully expected to win, was stunned when it did not. The Irish Party’s mouthpiece, the Freeman’s Journal, prophetically called the result “ruinous” for the party. It brought an end to its hegemony in nationalist Ireland and presaged the wipeout of the party at the December 1918 election.
Plunkett was not the first elected Sinn Féin MP. He had stood and was elected as an Independent. As his daughter Geraldine, in her posthumously published memoir, remembered: “He was not a member of Sinn Féin, but a separatist supported by a combination of separatists and almost all advanced Nationalist opinion.” Indeed, one of Plunkett’s first acts on being elected was to set up a rival organisation, the Liberty Clubs, based on the republican ideals in the Proclamation.
Monsignor Michael J. Curran, secretary to the Archbishop of Dublin and a keen observer of Irish politics, recorded in his diary at the time: "Rarely has there been so much excitement over an election result. Count Plunkett started at the eleventh hour with little local backing…Though his supporters had hopes of his success, they never for a moment dreamed of such a resounding victory. Up to Saturday, the Irish Party believed that they were winning. The news of the success astounded and delighted the ‘man in the street’…Count Plunkett’s success was entirely due to his own banishment, to the memory of his son, Joseph, and the imprisonment of two others...Doubtless, too,” the Monsignor added wryly, “he was helped by his expulsion from the Royal Dublin Society.”
Curran, like O’Brien, clearly did not attribute Plunkett’s victory to his own qualities. Perceptively, Curran also made note of how the issue of an Irish republic, as distinct from straightforward independence, was absent during the election.
(This omission – or flexibility, depending on one’s perspective – would be cited by none other than Michael Collins, one of the many young Turks who would cut their teeth working on the Plunkett campaign. A few years later, in the course of the Civil War, Collins was to argue that the example of North Roscommon proved how “absence of key principles was not incompatible with the strength of national feeling.”
On election, Plunkett announced immediately he would adopt an abstentionist policy, something he had omitted to mention during the election to his supporters or the electorate. “I recognise no parliament in existence as having the right over the people of Ireland,” he declared in Boyle. All subsequently elected Sinn Féin MPs followed suit.
A new political phase was opened.
Further reading: Both of the following websites add great detail to the personalities and events of North Roscommon in 1917. Click the images to access.
4
Wales: Lloyd George speaking in Caernarvon, echoing the sentiments of President Wilson said
‘ We are struggling in this war for the principle that the rights of nations, however small, are as sacred as the rights of the biggest empires.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.208
5
Washington: The United States Congress passed an Immigration Act with a large majority. The Act had been vetoed in December 1916 by President Wilson, but Congress overruled that veto after a short debate. At the time, the Act was the largest move made by the United States to restrict the number of immigrants who could enter the country. However the restrictions were almost purely racial as in practice, the Immigration Act meant that anyone from the Asiatic Barred Zone could not enter the United States. The Asiatic Barred Zone was vast, and stretched from the lands of the Ottoman Empire in the west, through the Middle East, India and South East Asia, and encompassing Indonesia in the East. In addition to the wholesale exclusion of the Asiatic Area, the Immigration Act also increased the threshold requirements for any potential immigrants who landed on US soil. Under the Act, all individuals seeking entry into the United States could not be illiterate, and had to be able to read either English or their own language. In its entirety the Act prevented any of the following people from entering the United States:
• People from the Asiatic Barred Zone
• People over the age of 16 considered illiterate
• People suffering from a contagious disease
• People considered mentally or physically defective (including feebleminded persons, idiots, illiterates, imbeciles and insane persons)
• Anyone with a criminal record (including prostitutes, polygamists, alcoholics and vagrants)
• Political Radicals
The Act was framed in such a way that its interpretation was the work of those judging potential immigrants at the United States border. In addition to the exclusions, the Act also raised the tax payable for entry to the United States to $8.
The 1917 Immigration Act was the culmination of a campaign that had begun in Boston in 1894 under the banner of the Immigration Restriction League. Founded by three Harvard graduates, the Immigration Restriction League argued that the United States was being harmed by uncontrolled levels of immigration. In a long campaign and by lobbying politicians, the League eventually created a groundswell of support for the idea of immigration restrictions that would couple fears of immigration with the idea that the cultural identity of the United States was being diluted and fragmented.
The passage of the Act by Congress was a clear victory for nativist, pro-American sentiment within the country, and which inevitably excluded many tens of thousands of people from entry to the United States.
Wales: Lloyd George speaking in Caernarvon, echoing the sentiments of President Wilson said
‘ We are struggling in this war for the principle that the rights of nations, however small, are as sacred as the rights of the biggest empires.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.208
5
Washington: The United States Congress passed an Immigration Act with a large majority. The Act had been vetoed in December 1916 by President Wilson, but Congress overruled that veto after a short debate. At the time, the Act was the largest move made by the United States to restrict the number of immigrants who could enter the country. However the restrictions were almost purely racial as in practice, the Immigration Act meant that anyone from the Asiatic Barred Zone could not enter the United States. The Asiatic Barred Zone was vast, and stretched from the lands of the Ottoman Empire in the west, through the Middle East, India and South East Asia, and encompassing Indonesia in the East. In addition to the wholesale exclusion of the Asiatic Area, the Immigration Act also increased the threshold requirements for any potential immigrants who landed on US soil. Under the Act, all individuals seeking entry into the United States could not be illiterate, and had to be able to read either English or their own language. In its entirety the Act prevented any of the following people from entering the United States:
• People from the Asiatic Barred Zone
• People over the age of 16 considered illiterate
• People suffering from a contagious disease
• People considered mentally or physically defective (including feebleminded persons, idiots, illiterates, imbeciles and insane persons)
• Anyone with a criminal record (including prostitutes, polygamists, alcoholics and vagrants)
• Political Radicals
The Act was framed in such a way that its interpretation was the work of those judging potential immigrants at the United States border. In addition to the exclusions, the Act also raised the tax payable for entry to the United States to $8.
The 1917 Immigration Act was the culmination of a campaign that had begun in Boston in 1894 under the banner of the Immigration Restriction League. Founded by three Harvard graduates, the Immigration Restriction League argued that the United States was being harmed by uncontrolled levels of immigration. In a long campaign and by lobbying politicians, the League eventually created a groundswell of support for the idea of immigration restrictions that would couple fears of immigration with the idea that the cultural identity of the United States was being diluted and fragmented.
The passage of the Act by Congress was a clear victory for nativist, pro-American sentiment within the country, and which inevitably excluded many tens of thousands of people from entry to the United States.
6
Westminster: Neville Chamberlain announces a scheme of non-military service for women.
Dublin: Count Plunkett returned to a hero’s welcome in Dublin. A large crowd had been waiting at Broadstone Station and cheered upon the arrival of his train, with hearty cries of “Up Roscommon!” and “Up the rebels!” Upon disembarking, the Count was carried out of the station on the shoulders of his supporters to where a crowd – estimated by the Irish Times to be in the thousands – had assembled with much singing, cheering and shouting. Plunkett obliged the onlookers with a short address which was frequently applauded. When that was done, the people accompanied their hero as he was driven in a taxi-cab through the city centre, albeit slowly amongst the press of bodies, to his home at 26 Upper Fitzwilliam Street.
Plunkett had only just entered the building when the apparently insatiable masses outside called for another speech. In response, the newly-minted MP appeared at a window on the first floor. As a tricolour was waved beside the Count in a suitably dramatic fashion, he indulged his adoring followers. He had come back, he told them, with a message for the city. A blow had been struck for Ireland and he would ask his fellow citizens, many of whom would recall his efforts to be elected for St Stephen’s Ward some twenty years ago – though it was questionable as to how many actually did remember an event two decades past – to ensure that their public representatives would no longer be beholden by the false need to wait upon an alien parliament in Westminster.
All this talk of abstaining from Westminster in favour of an Irish counter-parliament was straight out of the Sinn Féin playbook. Griffith had long expounded upon the need for such an assembly, one wholly divorced from any foreign system. Plunkett was something of a late convert to this ideal. There is certainly nothing in his history to suggest he had been anything other than a conventional parliamentarian. His election director in Roscommon went as far as to interview him beforehand to ensure he was standing on an abstentionism platform but others in the Sinn Féin camp were not so convinced that Plunkett was one of them even while they campaigned on his behalf. Either way, the Count quickly made his mind known. In North Roscommon, he had announced in his acceptance speech that he would not be taking his seat in the House of Commons, causing “a mild form of consternation” amongst those who had only just voted for him and were not expecting their new MP to be quite so…different to the usual.
At no point did Plunkett acknowledge Griffith as the originator of the abstentionism policy. To hear the Count talk, one would have thought he had come up with the stance entirely on his own volition.
7
Dublin: The City trams recorded huge profits in 1916: The chairman of the Dublin United Tramways Company, William Martin Murphy, said at the AGM that the company had suffered 'heavy loss' in traffic as a result of the destruction caused by the rebellion at Easter, but had staged a 'wonderful recovery' and ended the year with record receipts. Mr Murphy also lamented the ‘insane folly of some of our misguided countrymen’
Germany: All US citizens are held as Government hostages.
Sinking of the SS California
41 passengers were killed in a torpedo attack by U-85 on the SS California - an Anchor Line steamer from New York. Three American children were among those still missing, presumed drowned. The Glasgow-built ship was carrying over 200 passengers and crew at the moment it was struck and sunk off the coast of Ireland southwest of Fastnet Rock. The incident drew a hostile response in Washington, where hopes that Germany might modify its submarine campaign had all but vanished.
California sailed on her last Glasgow to New York voyage on 12 January 1917. She began her return voyage on 29 January 1917 with 184 crew and 31 passengers on board. On 3 February 1917, as she sailed on her return trip towards Scotland, German U-boats attacked and sank the SS Housatonic, an act which led to the breaking off of diplomatic relations between the United States and the German Empire. On the morning of 7 February 1917 when homeward-bound and approaching Ireland under full steam, she was attacked by SM U-85 in a surprise attack. The German submarine, under the command of Kapitanleutenant Willy Petz, fired two torpedoes at California; one struck the ship squarely on the port quarter near the Number 4 hatch. Five people were killed instantly in the explosion; thirty-six people drowned either as the ship went down or when one filled lifeboat was swamped in the wake of the burning vessel, which plowed ahead losing little headway as she went down. She sank in nine minutes, 38 miles (61 km) W by S of Fastnet Rock, Ireland with a loss of 41 lives. Though Captain John L Henderson stayed on the bridge through the entire incident, and subsequently went down with the ship, incredibly he made his way to the surface and was rescued. According to the Royal Navy, on 12 March 1917 the Q-ship HMS Privet avenged the sinking of California. Posing as an unarmed merchant vessel, the crew of Privet lured U-85 to the surface after sustaining heavy damage in an unprovoked attack by the submarine. As Privet’s highly trained crew feigned abandoning ship, they uncovered the ship’s hidden guns and opened fire on the submarine at close range. U-85 was sunk by gunfire, and Kapitanleutenant Petz and his crew of 37 men were killed
The former American Ambassador in London, Joseph Choate, said that American entry into the war in becoming almost inevitable, particularly now that President Wilson has broken off diplomatic relations with Germany in the light of the ongoing submarine attacks on American shipping:
‘I am glad the break has come. I think the United States has been in a false position in the matter of the war for a long time. The American people know perfectly well that the Entente has been fighting our cause as well as its own. It is time our government took up a position which declared that to all the world.’
This attack has resulted in an intensification of expressions of loyalty to the flag and of determination to protect American interests by public bodies and private individuals all across the country. Press reports commented that there was broad agreement that American entry into the war was mere days away.
10
Dublin: Publishing houses continued to operate through the war, even though only 50% of the 1914 supply of paper was allowed. This 50% mark was considered the 'breaking point limit' for the publishing trade. Nonetheless, it was now feared that after 1 March, the limit will be 40% of the 1914 supply. Across Britain, newspapers had both reduced in size and increased in price, but in Ireland there has so far been no price hike. With paper three times its pre-war price, one educational publisher in Dublin has suggested that there must now inevitably be a major increase in the price of educational books.
United States: Irish-American groups were now increasingly concerned that America would shortly enter the European war. This could mean the stationing of US troops in Ireland, ostensibly to release British forces but also to prevent any future wartime rebellions. It could also mean that anti-British & pro-German activities undertaken by Irish-American groups could be interpreted as an act of treason against the United States. For many generations, Catholics in general and the Catholic emmigrant Irish in particular had been accused of dual loyalties – to Rome firstly and America second. An effort was taken to head off public opinion and so a plan of campaign began. The Friends of Irish Freedom prepared an address to President Wilson which set forth reasons why America should not become involved in any foreign wars. While promoting the isolationist line, they also included a protest against proposed legislation which provided for the suppression of ‘so called revolutionary conspiracies against friendly, foreign Governments’.
Diarmuid Lynch papers. National Library of Ireland : Accession #2267. MS 32.597
John D.Moore, McGarry, Lawless and Kelly travelled to Washington DC to present the address to President Wilson. There they were advised that the President was not receiving delegations. However it was still felt that the Wilson administration was unaware of strength and level of support that Irish-Americans had for groups such as Clan na Gael, the Friends of Irish Freedom, Ancient Order of Hibernians etc, and for resolution of the ongoing ‘Irish question’. A meeting was planned for April 8th in Carnegie Hall, New York.
London: Zionist leader, Chaim Weizmann meets with Government representatives to discuss a possible Jewish state in Palestine.
13
Westminster: Nearly £16,000 was to be paid out to dependants of victims of the 1916 Rising. The dependants, most of whom are women and children, have been engaged, through solicitors, in attempting to secure compensation for their personal losses during the Rising. The government has decided now that the pay-outs will be calculated based on the wage-earners previous income and personal injuries. Solicitors representing the Rebellion victims continue to disapprove of the bureaucratic method of distribution proposed and a deputation to Dublin Castle has requested that the payments be made directly to the dependents, except in the case of minors who should receive it when they come of age. The legal representatives are also requesting that the payments be made as soon as possible as most of the applicants are poor and in dire need of assistance.
Limerick: Two Limerick nationalists were sentenced to prison following prosecutions under the Defence of the Realm Act. James Ryan, secretary of the Limerick County Board of the GAA, was sentenced to 3 months without hard labour. His solicitor, Hugh O'Brien Morgan has been sentenced to 6 months without hard labour, although a portion of both sentences have been remitted. The trial relates to a previous case in which Mr Ryan was accused of unlawfully preventing RIC officers from entering a GAA match in Limerick. Mr Ryan was represented by Mr O’Brien Morgan in this instance. During the course of their defence, the two men produced confidential RIC documents, which they should not have been able to obtain. Mr Ryan was convicted of refusing to disclose information about where they acquired the documents, while Mr O’Brien Morgan was charged with having published them without lawful authority.
United States: In the US, a growing African-American identity was beginning to take shape. “ Hubert H. Harrison, the chief intellectual spokesman of the "new Negro" nationalism… suggested that "the colored people rise against the government just as the Irish against England unless they get their rights”
Robert A Hill. “The Marcus Garvey and UNIA Papers Project “ UCLA ( Via Internet Site June 1997 )
The British Government allows women to become taxi-drivers.
Afric, White Star liner, sunk by submarine.
Mata Hari is arrested in Paris for spying.
14
Westminster: ‘When is it intended to revoke the proclamation of martial law, under which Ireland lies today?’ This question was posed by John Dillon to the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Henry Duke, in the House of Commons. Mr Dillon further asked on what grounds martial law was being maintained in Ireland. In response, the Chief Secretary said that martial law was not in force in Ireland because the object of its introduction - namely the suppression of the Easter Rising - had been achieved. Therefore its powers were not being used.
Mr. Dillon was left entirely unimpressed with the Mr Duke’s response, saying that the fact that law was still in place was what mattered. The confusion on this issue arose from the fact that a proclamation announcing martial law for Ireland which was introduced in 1916 and had not been revoked. This lack of clarity had facilitated a wider view that martial law did remain in place and that its laws could be enforced whenever the government so decided.
15
France: To counteract spiralling food shortages, Restaurants can only serve two courses, only one being of meat, and all menus to be shown to the police.
Ruairi Brugha, Fianna Fail TD, MEP and member of the Senate born.
16
Westminster: Lloyd George proposed that terms of settlement should be discussed by a Convention of Irishmen whose duty would be to submit to the Cabinet proposals for the future Government of Ireland within the British Empire. Following
Redmond agreed to participate in the convention proposed, following a letter from Lloyd George in which he promised that if a substantial measure of agreement was reached, Parliament would give it effect.
17
Washington: Wilson and the Senate discuss possibility of arming US ships against attack. A group of anti-war senators filibustered the proposal with endless, repetitious debate.
Dublin: Arthur Griffith’s Nationality resumes publication.
Western Front: British troops on the Ancre capture German positions.
19
Lewes Prison: Diarmuid in a letter from Lewes to sister Mary advising her against a visit:
Westminster: Nearly £16,000 was to be paid out to dependants of victims of the 1916 Rising. The dependants, most of whom are women and children, have been engaged, through solicitors, in attempting to secure compensation for their personal losses during the Rising. The government has decided now that the pay-outs will be calculated based on the wage-earners previous income and personal injuries. Solicitors representing the Rebellion victims continue to disapprove of the bureaucratic method of distribution proposed and a deputation to Dublin Castle has requested that the payments be made directly to the dependents, except in the case of minors who should receive it when they come of age. The legal representatives are also requesting that the payments be made as soon as possible as most of the applicants are poor and in dire need of assistance.
Limerick: Two Limerick nationalists were sentenced to prison following prosecutions under the Defence of the Realm Act. James Ryan, secretary of the Limerick County Board of the GAA, was sentenced to 3 months without hard labour. His solicitor, Hugh O'Brien Morgan has been sentenced to 6 months without hard labour, although a portion of both sentences have been remitted. The trial relates to a previous case in which Mr Ryan was accused of unlawfully preventing RIC officers from entering a GAA match in Limerick. Mr Ryan was represented by Mr O’Brien Morgan in this instance. During the course of their defence, the two men produced confidential RIC documents, which they should not have been able to obtain. Mr Ryan was convicted of refusing to disclose information about where they acquired the documents, while Mr O’Brien Morgan was charged with having published them without lawful authority.
United States: In the US, a growing African-American identity was beginning to take shape. “ Hubert H. Harrison, the chief intellectual spokesman of the "new Negro" nationalism… suggested that "the colored people rise against the government just as the Irish against England unless they get their rights”
Robert A Hill. “The Marcus Garvey and UNIA Papers Project “ UCLA ( Via Internet Site June 1997 )
The British Government allows women to become taxi-drivers.
Afric, White Star liner, sunk by submarine.
Mata Hari is arrested in Paris for spying.
14
Westminster: ‘When is it intended to revoke the proclamation of martial law, under which Ireland lies today?’ This question was posed by John Dillon to the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Henry Duke, in the House of Commons. Mr Dillon further asked on what grounds martial law was being maintained in Ireland. In response, the Chief Secretary said that martial law was not in force in Ireland because the object of its introduction - namely the suppression of the Easter Rising - had been achieved. Therefore its powers were not being used.
Mr. Dillon was left entirely unimpressed with the Mr Duke’s response, saying that the fact that law was still in place was what mattered. The confusion on this issue arose from the fact that a proclamation announcing martial law for Ireland which was introduced in 1916 and had not been revoked. This lack of clarity had facilitated a wider view that martial law did remain in place and that its laws could be enforced whenever the government so decided.
15
France: To counteract spiralling food shortages, Restaurants can only serve two courses, only one being of meat, and all menus to be shown to the police.
Ruairi Brugha, Fianna Fail TD, MEP and member of the Senate born.
16
Westminster: Lloyd George proposed that terms of settlement should be discussed by a Convention of Irishmen whose duty would be to submit to the Cabinet proposals for the future Government of Ireland within the British Empire. Following
Redmond agreed to participate in the convention proposed, following a letter from Lloyd George in which he promised that if a substantial measure of agreement was reached, Parliament would give it effect.
17
Washington: Wilson and the Senate discuss possibility of arming US ships against attack. A group of anti-war senators filibustered the proposal with endless, repetitious debate.
Dublin: Arthur Griffith’s Nationality resumes publication.
Western Front: British troops on the Ancre capture German positions.
19
Lewes Prison: Diarmuid in a letter from Lewes to sister Mary advising her against a visit:
Lewes Prison
19 February, 1917
‘…The joint letter from D, T, M & yourself reached me in due course on Jan 18.
I wrote Mick etc, rewrote same Jan 29 – no reply so far. As mentioned in that letter I applied for a visiting order on Jan 18, & today find that the Home Office has not yet passed same. No explanation available at the moment.
Some friends in Ireland think we will not be kept long in prison - others that we will be kept to the end of the year etc etc etc. If an early release were likely, it would be ridiculous to spend a lot of money on a visit – more especially as it is. However I leave the matter to be decided by yourselves. (send these letters to Denis so that he may be kept posted ).
I trust Alice continues to improve. Dictionary from herself and Denis received. am delighted. It is a great help. The other book perhaps is not available. No matter. I have plenty to go on with. I am entitled to a visit per month. Presume Denis got official reply on this point in reply to his special inquiry. However it is necessary to give notice well in advance. See what has happened in pres.instance.
The pain which I complained of a month ago is now practically gone, thank God. By the way, if it is true that Walker is no longer managing for William, it would be well to see the new man also about the insurance policy. No need to trouble much about it as I feel that it matters very little now. Still - !
In case Denis receives letters for me from friends distant from one another, he could after noting same, end them here with ordinary letter. Under such circumstances, the Governor would probably let me have them, as tho’ written on the one sheet.
Fond love to self & the boys. Etc etc.
Diarmuid.
P.S. Feb 20. Visiting order forwarded from here today. Very sorry about Fr. O’C & Fr O’Mahony.
Post a new fountain pen – need not be as expensive as my old one – Denis can select.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3
Lynch not only kept letters he received but his brother, Denis, also made copies of Diarmuid's 'Round Robin' letters that he sent from Lewes Prison - some of these survive in the family archives (below).
Dated 19 February 1917, Lynch writes to Mrs Clarke (Tom Clarke's widow) at the Daly family home in 15 Barrington Street, Limerick and also to 'Mick'. (details to be transcribed at a later date)
Letter from the family of Constable James O'Brien looking for compensation after he was shot by Seán Connolly outside City Hall on Easter Monday, 1916. Click to view full documents. (Images: National Archives of Ireland)
Cork: Ireland’s Catholic bishops warned, in their Lenten pastoral letters, of the acute food shortages that were striking the country. The Bishop of Cloyne appealed for people to adhere to the authorities’ guidelines on food rationing. It was, he said, 'no time for selfishness or heartless greed’.
Cardinal Logue agreed with this and noted that although the high prices for food had brought prosperity to some, they have ‘led to want among those who have nothing to depend upon but a scanty wage’. The Cardinal deplored this ‘selfish profiteering’.
The pastorals were read from pulpits around the country yesterday as reports surface once more of farmers hoarding crops and of merchants stockpiling flour and other materials. The bishops’ warnings were delivered just days after Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, announced that there would now be more drastic restrictions on imports. Food stocks, he said, were still alarmingly low.
Cardinal Logue agreed with this and noted that although the high prices for food had brought prosperity to some, they have ‘led to want among those who have nothing to depend upon but a scanty wage’. The Cardinal deplored this ‘selfish profiteering’.
The pastorals were read from pulpits around the country yesterday as reports surface once more of farmers hoarding crops and of merchants stockpiling flour and other materials. The bishops’ warnings were delivered just days after Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, announced that there would now be more drastic restrictions on imports. Food stocks, he said, were still alarmingly low.
20
Dublin: The Irish Independent has launched a blistering attack on the Irish Party in a significant change in its editorial line.
'One of the besetting sins of the Irish leaders and of the bulk of the Party is their lack of straight forwardness in dealing with the people and the unlimited faith they seem to have in their ability to deceive and humbug the whole country. In all the political issues that have arisen in recent years they have invariably proceeded on the assumption that the people or a great number of them can be cajoled and fooled by senseless and inane catch-cries.’
‘The blunders and mistakes of the leaders and Party have been repeatedly pointed out to them, and at the same time the necessity for reform in their own ranks has been urged upon them. Instead of amending their ways they have simply defied the voice of the people.'
The editorial was scathing of plans to hold a conference on the Irish situation and broadly argued that the Party had entirely lost touch, that its proceedings are ‘farcical’, and that it is devoid of adequate leadership. Underlying all of these claims was a sense that the Irish Parliamentary Party was drowning in arrogance and had lost the confidence of the Irish people.
22
Westminster: During a debate on the 'Rebellion in Ireland' in the House of Commons, London, Irish MP Laurence Ginnell raised the issue of Diarmuid Lynch's courts martial in 1916 with the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs:
22
Westminster: During a debate on the 'Rebellion in Ireland' in the House of Commons, London, Irish MP Laurence Ginnell raised the issue of Diarmuid Lynch's courts martial in 1916 with the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs:
Question Time in Parliament:
REBELLION IN IRELAND.HC Deb 22 February 1917 vol 90 cc1445-8
Mr. GINNELL
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has furnished to the American Ambassador a full Report of the trial by secret court-martial, contrary to Statute, together with the evidence in the case of Dermod (Jeremiah) Lynch, an American citizen, a surrendered prisoner of war in Dublin last May; of the sentence of death, commuted to twenty years' penal servitude; of the fact that the sole witness against him was a British officer whose life Lynch had saved by imprisoning him in the Post Office; and of the manner of identification; and if he will inform the House of any communications received from the American Government on the form of trial, the denial of facilities for defence, the character of the evidence, the name of the witness, or otherwise with reference to this case?
The MINISTER of BLOCKADE (Lord Robert Cecil)
A request received from the United States Ambassador for information regarding the trial of Jeremiah Lynch was duly complied with.
Mr. GINNELL
Will the Noble Lord supply the Ambassador with this information when it is applied for?
Lord R. CECIL
The request for information was duly complied with.
Mr. GINNELL
asked the Home Secretary, in view of the length and increased cost of the journey from Ireland to Lewes and only half an hour allowed for visiting the Irish political prisoners there, whether he will extend the time for visiting or transfer the men to some prison in Ireland; whether he will rectify the apparent oversight by which the hard labour prisoners, in for the same cause, are still separated from the penal servitude prisoners; when and how he proposes to redeem the pledge given by his predecessor that the Countess Markievicz, in penal servitude for the same cause, should participate in the amelioration of condition accorded to the male prisoners; whether he is aware of the effect on this lady's nerves of having been kept in the prison at which her friends were being executed and within hearing of the signals and of the shots: and whether he will allow her to be visited now by her Dublin doctor acquainted with her health before her imprisonment?
§The SECRETARY of STATE for the HOME DEPARTMENT (Sir George Cave)
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative; and to the second that it is the rule not to allow hard labour prisoners to associate with penal servitude prisoners. As to the third, I would refer the hon. Member to the written reply which I gave yesterday to the hon. Member for the Dublin Harbour Division. As to the fourth, this prisoner receives all necessary medical attention from the medical staff of the prison.
http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1917/feb/22/rebellion-in-ieeland#column_1446
"The pay awarded to Irish women remains at a shockingly low level"
This claim was made by Cecilia Harrison, Chair of the Dublin Women's Civic Union in Dublin. Ms Harrison alleged that women and girl workers were underpaid in many occupations in Dublin. She referred in particular to the stationary and printing trades, and mentioned that her union was endeavouring to have the Trades Board Act applied to more areas employment. In general she referred to the state of women’s pay in the city as being utterly appalling and claimed that women were trying to ‘subsist on a sweated wage’.
23/24: Arrests of fifty leaders
‘26 members of national organisations were arrested, among them Terence McSwiney, Thomas MacCurtain and Sean T O’Kelly. Although the Chief Secretary admitted that in many of these cases no grounds could be found for either charge or trial, then of these prisoners were deported....these and other men arrested during January and February were charged with offences such as flying the tricolour, using expressions likely to cause disaffection and singing disloyal songs.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.209
MacCurtain was arrested by District Inspector Swanzy. ‘So met for the first time these two men, one to die a martyrs death, the other to pay with his life the penalty of that midnight murder.’
Florence O’Donoghue. ‘Thomas MacCurtain – Soldier & Patriot’ Anvil Books, Tralee, Co. Kerry. 1971. p125
Those arrested in Cork were taken to King Street RIC station and then on to the Military Detention Barracks. Early on the 23rd February, MacCurtain, McSwiney, Peadar O Hourihane and Sean Nolan were hancuffed and transported to Dublin by train, moved to Arbour Hill barracks and served with a deportation order from Ireland.
Of the persons arrested, most were deported to England where instead of being put into prison or prison camps, they were placed in small groups in towns under a form of open arrest. They were given maintenance allowances and allowed to move around the districts with certain limitations.
MacCurtain and O’Hourihane were sent to Ledbury, McSwiney and Nolan to Bromyard, O’Malley and Draingeain to Kingston and Nicholls, Murphy and Doherty to Leominster.
This claim was made by Cecilia Harrison, Chair of the Dublin Women's Civic Union in Dublin. Ms Harrison alleged that women and girl workers were underpaid in many occupations in Dublin. She referred in particular to the stationary and printing trades, and mentioned that her union was endeavouring to have the Trades Board Act applied to more areas employment. In general she referred to the state of women’s pay in the city as being utterly appalling and claimed that women were trying to ‘subsist on a sweated wage’.
23/24: Arrests of fifty leaders
‘26 members of national organisations were arrested, among them Terence McSwiney, Thomas MacCurtain and Sean T O’Kelly. Although the Chief Secretary admitted that in many of these cases no grounds could be found for either charge or trial, then of these prisoners were deported....these and other men arrested during January and February were charged with offences such as flying the tricolour, using expressions likely to cause disaffection and singing disloyal songs.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.209
MacCurtain was arrested by District Inspector Swanzy. ‘So met for the first time these two men, one to die a martyrs death, the other to pay with his life the penalty of that midnight murder.’
Florence O’Donoghue. ‘Thomas MacCurtain – Soldier & Patriot’ Anvil Books, Tralee, Co. Kerry. 1971. p125
Those arrested in Cork were taken to King Street RIC station and then on to the Military Detention Barracks. Early on the 23rd February, MacCurtain, McSwiney, Peadar O Hourihane and Sean Nolan were hancuffed and transported to Dublin by train, moved to Arbour Hill barracks and served with a deportation order from Ireland.
Of the persons arrested, most were deported to England where instead of being put into prison or prison camps, they were placed in small groups in towns under a form of open arrest. They were given maintenance allowances and allowed to move around the districts with certain limitations.
MacCurtain and O’Hourihane were sent to Ledbury, McSwiney and Nolan to Bromyard, O’Malley and Draingeain to Kingston and Nicholls, Murphy and Doherty to Leominster.
London: United States ambassador to the United Kingdom, Walter Hines Page, is shown the intercepted Zimmermann Telegram, in which Germany offers to give the American Southwest (Texas, New Mexico and Arizona) back to Mexico if Mexico declares war on the United States.
Western Front: General Nivelle started the heralded French offensive on the Western Front. Unfortunately, it was like all those that had preceeded it - achieving little but loosing over 120,000 French in 5 days. Commander Nivelle was relived of his posting. French troops had enough and mutiny spread throughout the ranks. Petain replaced Nivelle and through a mixture of coercion and kindness, ended the mutiny while a tight French censorship kept it from the rest of the world.
British forces retake Kut in Iraq and moved on Baghdad.
25
The latest loss of life came when the Cunard ship Laconia, carrying passengers and mail from New York, was torpedoed by SM U-50 6 nautical miles (11 km) northwest by west of Fastnet while returning from the USA to England with 75 passengers (34 first class and 41 second class) and a crew of 217 commanded by Captain Irvine. The first torpedo struck the liner on the starboard side just abaft the engine room, but did not sink her. 20 minutes later a second torpedo exploded in the engine room, again on the starboard side, and the vessel sank at 10:20 pm. A total of 12 people were killed; six crew and six passengers. Two of the killed passengers were American citizens, Mrs. Mary Hoy and her daughter, Miss Elizabeth Hoy, who were originally from Chicago. The death of the Hoys stirred up public opinion in America against the Germans, and raised public support for the United States entering the war.
Chicago Tribune reporter Floyd Gibbons was aboard Laconia when she was torpedoed and gained fame from his dispatches about the attack, his graphic account of the sinking read to both Houses of Congress and was credited with helping to push the United States into joining the war. The survivors were brought to Queenstown. One eyewitness reported that, on landing, they raised three cheers for the ship’s commander and crew for the kindness they showed on the sea and for the efficient way they had brought them safely to shore.
26
Ballinlough, Co. Mayo: John McNally, a native of Claremorris, Co. Mayo, was charged at Ballinlough Petty Sessions by the Crown under the Defence of the Realm Act with using ‘words likely to cause disaffection with the King and his subjects’ at a concert at Ballinlough. The artistes and the audience had just sung 'A Nation Once Again' and were leaving the hall when McNally climbed onto the stage to sing ‘Easter Week’, a song in praise of the men of the Rising.
An extract was read in court of the lyrics: ‘An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth; let this be our battle cry. Revenge for the men who died in Dublin; they murdered them in Kilmainham.’
The defendant was told by the Resident Magistrate that the charge was serious one and that he needed to find bail for himself of £10, as well as two £5 sureties. The alternative was two months in jail. After much persuasion, he agreed to enter into the required bond.
Reports of an Armenian massacre
London: Arthur Balfour, the Foreign Secretary, relayed further accounts of the reported sufferings of Armenians within the Ottoman Empire. Mr Balfour, in a letter to the American Committee for Armenian Relief, has claimed that of the 1.8 million Armenians who resided in the Ottoman Empire two years ago, some 1.2 million have been either massacred or deported.
Those who were killed died under ‘abominable tortures’ but, says Mr Balfour, ‘they escaped the longer agonies of the deported’. Men, women and children, were forcibly marched on a long journey without adequate food or shelter, and without heed to their capacity. According to Mr. Balfour:
‘Some died of exhaustion or fell by the way; some survived the journey of three months and reached the deserts and swamps along the middle Euphrates. There they have been abandoned and are now dying of starvation.’
Kut-el-Amara recaptured from Turks by new British Mesopotamian expedition under command of Gen. Sir Stanley Maude.
For further information, click Armenian Genocide.
27
Cork: The southern capital was described by an article in the Daily Mail by Harold Ashton as ‘ …a modern Baghdad for romantic and astonishing happenings’
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p39
Ashton went on to describe the city as being ‘in a jumpy mood. Dublin may be the capital of Ireland, but Cork is the chief city of Sinn Fein and it's many ramifications…Sinn Feiners were out in platoon roving the streets in a spirit of high bravado. Explosions like revolver shots sent the crowds skipping and the girls screaming, and for an hour or so the warm night was very lively with detonations, explosions and alarm, but the tall, quiet eyed men of the RIC moving always in couples among the press, cleverly broke up the demonstrators and never allowed any massed formations.’
In fact to considerable local deriision, the report actually described Patrick Street on a Saturday night, after a football match between the Presentation and Christian Brothers colleges.
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p50
The RIC Special Branch estimates that in the whole of County Cork, the Irish Volunteers had ’19 modern magazine rifles, 68 obsolescent rifles and several hundred shotguns and handguns’
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p64
In fact to considerable local deriision, the report actually described Patrick Street on a Saturday night, after a football match between the Presentation and Christian Brothers colleges.
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p50
The RIC Special Branch estimates that in the whole of County Cork, the Irish Volunteers had ’19 modern magazine rifles, 68 obsolescent rifles and several hundred shotguns and handguns’
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p64
March 1917
1
Washington: The US government makes public a communication from Germans to Mexico proposing an alliance, and offering as a reward the return of Mexico's lost territory in Texas, New Mexico and Arizona.
2
Puerto Rico becomes an American territory.
3
Western Front: British advance on Bapaume.
Mexico denies having received an offer from Germany suggesting an alliance.
A phamphlet circulated at this time was
A Ballad of European History
Prescribed instead of Irish History, 1916-17
for Teachers under the National Board
A is for Asquith, not easily caught. Shook hands with Sinn Feiners and said he forgot
B is for Balfour, ex-Admiral brave, put an end to Britannia’s ruling the wave.
C is for Constantine, a cute cunning Greek, who diddled the Allies - his tongue in his cheek.
D is for Dardanelles – disastrous defeat, or rather a timely, well ordered retreat.
Chorus:
Oh! This is the way that history is made
And this is the way that soldiers are paid
And this is the way Empire rule o’er the sea
Crushing Irish and Belge, and each small nationality
E is for Empire on which sun never sets. Shaking and quaking at Germany’s threats.
F La belle France, fraisant le moue, ‘Ma Friends of Irish Freedom, ce Jean Bull is diablement slow’
G for George Rex who sat up on a hoss, he wasn’t glued on, so came off with a toss.
H for the hill whose name is Mort homme, made hell by the Allies with bullet and bomb.
I is for Italy, tempted with gold to side with the Allies and find herself sold.
J for John Redmond and Judas as well. Betraying the Irish to Empire and Hell.
K is for Kaiser, who just for the fun, made Britaania squirm with his submarine gun.
L for Lloyd George, backsliding and base, duped Clydesmen and Welshmen, and the whole Celtic race.
M stands for monuments, and murder and mud, manure pits of men, and muck marshes of blood.
N is for Neutral – the slim U.S.A. for whose bullets John Bull has a big bill to pay.
O for Ostend that the Kaiser’s keen eye, covets in order on Britain to spy.
P is for Powers – ‘a kitchen of theives’ telling lies to the world that no one believes.
Q for quandary, and things looking queer. For war is not always just skittles and beer.
R is fro Runciman who cut off our food, till our rations were rats for the great Empire’s good.
S is for Samuel whom the Lord did not call, not wanting that type of Jewman at all.
T stands for Turk – ‘the unspeakable one’ from Gallipoli sands made the Anzacs all run
U for Unter den Linden where boastful Shawn Bwee planned, with a wink, to go on the Spree.
V for Venezelos, the Carson of Greece. May the devil sweep the pair in the interests of pease.
W is for Warsaw, where the Russian Poles are, the one subject people set free by the war.
X for xertions , we’re xpected to make, if we don’t want the rotten old Empire to break.
Y for New Ypres, which stands on the Liffey, by British Huns shelled to the ground in a jiffy.
Z is for Zeppelins falling in flame, while Ebglishmen cheered to their undying shame.
Chorus:
Oh! This is the way that history is made,
But how it will end can no man be said
Perhaps like the cats of old Kilkenny
There’ll be left but the tails of you and me.
Lynch Family Archives – Folder 4/1 & 2
Diarmuid Lynch was mentioned (albeit using his anglicised name) in passing in a United Press item from London printed in The Bismarck Tribune, Bismarck, North Dakota:
1
Washington: The US government makes public a communication from Germans to Mexico proposing an alliance, and offering as a reward the return of Mexico's lost territory in Texas, New Mexico and Arizona.
2
Puerto Rico becomes an American territory.
3
Western Front: British advance on Bapaume.
Mexico denies having received an offer from Germany suggesting an alliance.
A phamphlet circulated at this time was
A Ballad of European History
Prescribed instead of Irish History, 1916-17
for Teachers under the National Board
A is for Asquith, not easily caught. Shook hands with Sinn Feiners and said he forgot
B is for Balfour, ex-Admiral brave, put an end to Britannia’s ruling the wave.
C is for Constantine, a cute cunning Greek, who diddled the Allies - his tongue in his cheek.
D is for Dardanelles – disastrous defeat, or rather a timely, well ordered retreat.
Chorus:
Oh! This is the way that history is made
And this is the way that soldiers are paid
And this is the way Empire rule o’er the sea
Crushing Irish and Belge, and each small nationality
E is for Empire on which sun never sets. Shaking and quaking at Germany’s threats.
F La belle France, fraisant le moue, ‘Ma Friends of Irish Freedom, ce Jean Bull is diablement slow’
G for George Rex who sat up on a hoss, he wasn’t glued on, so came off with a toss.
H for the hill whose name is Mort homme, made hell by the Allies with bullet and bomb.
I is for Italy, tempted with gold to side with the Allies and find herself sold.
J for John Redmond and Judas as well. Betraying the Irish to Empire and Hell.
K is for Kaiser, who just for the fun, made Britaania squirm with his submarine gun.
L for Lloyd George, backsliding and base, duped Clydesmen and Welshmen, and the whole Celtic race.
M stands for monuments, and murder and mud, manure pits of men, and muck marshes of blood.
N is for Neutral – the slim U.S.A. for whose bullets John Bull has a big bill to pay.
O for Ostend that the Kaiser’s keen eye, covets in order on Britain to spy.
P is for Powers – ‘a kitchen of theives’ telling lies to the world that no one believes.
Q for quandary, and things looking queer. For war is not always just skittles and beer.
R is fro Runciman who cut off our food, till our rations were rats for the great Empire’s good.
S is for Samuel whom the Lord did not call, not wanting that type of Jewman at all.
T stands for Turk – ‘the unspeakable one’ from Gallipoli sands made the Anzacs all run
U for Unter den Linden where boastful Shawn Bwee planned, with a wink, to go on the Spree.
V for Venezelos, the Carson of Greece. May the devil sweep the pair in the interests of pease.
W is for Warsaw, where the Russian Poles are, the one subject people set free by the war.
X for xertions , we’re xpected to make, if we don’t want the rotten old Empire to break.
Y for New Ypres, which stands on the Liffey, by British Huns shelled to the ground in a jiffy.
Z is for Zeppelins falling in flame, while Ebglishmen cheered to their undying shame.
Chorus:
Oh! This is the way that history is made,
But how it will end can no man be said
Perhaps like the cats of old Kilkenny
There’ll be left but the tails of you and me.
Lynch Family Archives – Folder 4/1 & 2
Diarmuid Lynch was mentioned (albeit using his anglicised name) in passing in a United Press item from London printed in The Bismarck Tribune, Bismarck, North Dakota:
4
Washington: Woodrow Wilson is sworn in for a second term as President of the United States.
Jeannette Rankin of Montana becomes the first woman member of the United States House of Representatives. A life long pacifist, she was to be the only dissenting vote in the December 8th, 1941 Declaration of War by the United States on Japan.
5
The 50th anniversary of the failed Fenian rebellion of 1867 was widely marked in newspapers and in meetings across Ireland.
The Freeman’s Journal described the men of 1867 as no mere insurgents, but ‘like all revolutionary leaders down to our own day they were practical men. They were revolutionaries, most of them, because the road to genuine reform was blocked.’ The Freeman further claimed that the whole success of recent constitutional agitation dates from ‘that splendid failure of 1865 and 1867’.
By contrast, the paper drew an unfavourable comparison with the events of 1916: ‘It is impossible to conceive of the men of ’67 making war upon a peace ...upon a peace that commended itself to the majority of the Irish people...When we compare the men of ‘67 with these conditional rebels we recognise in the Fenian men, banned and blamed as they were in their day, a true moral and constructive force, born in the soul of Ireland for the sane and true regeneration of the people.’
They further claimed that since the 'new departure' bound together the forces of constitutional nationalism and militant republicanism in the 1870s, the Fenians would support those who used parliamentary methods to pursue Irish freedom.
Dublin: The Irish Stock Exchange was the source of rumours that all Irish breweries were to be taken over by the Government. While most of the facilities would be kept open and run by the state, there were fears in certain quarters that many would be closed. These rumours were a further blow to the drinks industry which has already been adversely affected by restrictive legislation. Production had dropped from 36 million to 20 million barrels per year in the last four years.
Another challenge to the future of the Irish drinks industry is presented by the temperance movement, which has gathered momentum during the war. The Irish branch of the ‘Strength of Britain’ organisation held a number of meetings in Dublin. One of the meetings was presided over by the Marchioness of Waterford. She claimed that not only was prohibition advisable during the war itself but also during the demobilisation period. This would be crucial as there would be rejoicing over victory and drink was likely to be offered to the ‘poor, wounded fellows returning home’.
Westminster: MP Laurence Ginnell again raised the issue of the British officer who had appeared as a witness in Lynch's Court Martial in 1916:
Washington: Woodrow Wilson is sworn in for a second term as President of the United States.
Jeannette Rankin of Montana becomes the first woman member of the United States House of Representatives. A life long pacifist, she was to be the only dissenting vote in the December 8th, 1941 Declaration of War by the United States on Japan.
5
The 50th anniversary of the failed Fenian rebellion of 1867 was widely marked in newspapers and in meetings across Ireland.
The Freeman’s Journal described the men of 1867 as no mere insurgents, but ‘like all revolutionary leaders down to our own day they were practical men. They were revolutionaries, most of them, because the road to genuine reform was blocked.’ The Freeman further claimed that the whole success of recent constitutional agitation dates from ‘that splendid failure of 1865 and 1867’.
By contrast, the paper drew an unfavourable comparison with the events of 1916: ‘It is impossible to conceive of the men of ’67 making war upon a peace ...upon a peace that commended itself to the majority of the Irish people...When we compare the men of ‘67 with these conditional rebels we recognise in the Fenian men, banned and blamed as they were in their day, a true moral and constructive force, born in the soul of Ireland for the sane and true regeneration of the people.’
They further claimed that since the 'new departure' bound together the forces of constitutional nationalism and militant republicanism in the 1870s, the Fenians would support those who used parliamentary methods to pursue Irish freedom.
Dublin: The Irish Stock Exchange was the source of rumours that all Irish breweries were to be taken over by the Government. While most of the facilities would be kept open and run by the state, there were fears in certain quarters that many would be closed. These rumours were a further blow to the drinks industry which has already been adversely affected by restrictive legislation. Production had dropped from 36 million to 20 million barrels per year in the last four years.
Another challenge to the future of the Irish drinks industry is presented by the temperance movement, which has gathered momentum during the war. The Irish branch of the ‘Strength of Britain’ organisation held a number of meetings in Dublin. One of the meetings was presided over by the Marchioness of Waterford. She claimed that not only was prohibition advisable during the war itself but also during the demobilisation period. This would be crucial as there would be rejoicing over victory and drink was likely to be offered to the ‘poor, wounded fellows returning home’.
Westminster: MP Laurence Ginnell again raised the issue of the British officer who had appeared as a witness in Lynch's Court Martial in 1916:
C0URTS-MARTLAL (IRELAND).
HC Deb 05 March 1917 vol 91
Mr. GINNEL asked what was the name of the British officer who appeared as a witness against Dermod (Jeremiah) Lynch, an American citizen, before a secret court-martial in Dublin last May; what is this officer's present rank; and where is he now-serving?
Mr. MACPHERSON I would refer the hon. Member to the oral reply given to-day by my right hon. Friend in answer to a question by the hon. Member for East Mayo
http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/written_answers/1917/mar/05/c0urts-martlal-ireland#S5CV0091P0_19170305_CWA_65
7
Irish Parliamentary Party walkout in Westminster
The day's business in the house started out in high drama as the Irish Parliamentary Party member, T.P. O’Connor MP made an impassioned speech about Ireland’s Home Rule journey, putting forward the following motion:
“That with a view to strengthening the hands of the Allies in achieving the recognition of the equal rights of small nations and the principles of nationality against the opposite German principle of military domination and government without the assent of the governed, it is essential, without further delay, to confer upon Ireland the free institutions long promised to her.”
Major Willie Redmond spoke in favour of the motion and urged Carson to let the past be forgotten and to allow for Home Rule for Ireland: ‘In the name of God, we here who are about to die, perhaps, ask you to do that which largely induced us to leave our homes…make our country happy and contended, and enable us, when we meet the Canadians, the Australians and the New Zealanders…to say to them ‘Our country, just as your, has self-Government within the Empire’.
The British Prime Minister David Lloyd George said any proposal that would be acceptable to the Irish people as a whole would be considered, but said he was not prepared to enact Home Rule when there were people in Ireland unwilling to accept it:
‘centuries of brutal and often ruthless injustice - and, what is worse when you are dealing with a high spirited and sensitive people, centuries of insolence and insult - have driven hatred of British rule into the very marrow of the Irish race. The long records of oppression, proscription and expatriation have formed the greatest blot on British fame of equity and eminence in the realm of Government. These remains...the invincible fact that today she is no more reconciled to British rule that she was in the days of Cromwell..’
He then further confused the issue by the device of claiming for the descendants of the British planters in four counties of Ulster, the status of a nation and nation’s rights. No more ingenious method of countering the Irish claim to national Self-Determination could have been devised:
‘In the north-eastern portion of Ireland, you have a population as hostile to Irish rule as the rest of Ireland is to British rule...and as ready to rebel against it as the rest of Ireland is against British rule ...to place them under National rule against their will would be as glaring an outrage on the principles of liberty and self -Government as the denial of self-government would be for the rest of Ireland.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.210-211.
John Redmond, in reply, said that the only straightforward course of action open to the government was to put the Home Rule Act at once into operation. He said that Mr Lloyd George had had months to consider the matter of Home Rule but when they asked him for action he gave them professions.
At this point, Mr Redmond called on his MPs to let the House of Commons do what it wishes in terms of the motion in respect of Home Rule and to withdraw from the chamber with him.
The entire Irish Parliamentary Party then left the debating chamber amid ‘great commotion.’
The move was criticised inside the house, by Tim Healy, as ‘play-acting’ and in the English press as a ‘pre-arranged piece of melodrama’.
Shortly afterwards, Willie Redmond was killed in action while serving in the Royal Irish Regiment.
"Livery Stable Blues", recorded with "Dixie Jazz Band One Step" on February 26 by the Original Dixieland Jass Band in the United States, becomes the first jazz recording commercially released. On August 17 the band records "Tiger Rag".
Irish Parliamentary Party walkout in Westminster
The day's business in the house started out in high drama as the Irish Parliamentary Party member, T.P. O’Connor MP made an impassioned speech about Ireland’s Home Rule journey, putting forward the following motion:
“That with a view to strengthening the hands of the Allies in achieving the recognition of the equal rights of small nations and the principles of nationality against the opposite German principle of military domination and government without the assent of the governed, it is essential, without further delay, to confer upon Ireland the free institutions long promised to her.”
Major Willie Redmond spoke in favour of the motion and urged Carson to let the past be forgotten and to allow for Home Rule for Ireland: ‘In the name of God, we here who are about to die, perhaps, ask you to do that which largely induced us to leave our homes…make our country happy and contended, and enable us, when we meet the Canadians, the Australians and the New Zealanders…to say to them ‘Our country, just as your, has self-Government within the Empire’.
The British Prime Minister David Lloyd George said any proposal that would be acceptable to the Irish people as a whole would be considered, but said he was not prepared to enact Home Rule when there were people in Ireland unwilling to accept it:
‘centuries of brutal and often ruthless injustice - and, what is worse when you are dealing with a high spirited and sensitive people, centuries of insolence and insult - have driven hatred of British rule into the very marrow of the Irish race. The long records of oppression, proscription and expatriation have formed the greatest blot on British fame of equity and eminence in the realm of Government. These remains...the invincible fact that today she is no more reconciled to British rule that she was in the days of Cromwell..’
He then further confused the issue by the device of claiming for the descendants of the British planters in four counties of Ulster, the status of a nation and nation’s rights. No more ingenious method of countering the Irish claim to national Self-Determination could have been devised:
‘In the north-eastern portion of Ireland, you have a population as hostile to Irish rule as the rest of Ireland is to British rule...and as ready to rebel against it as the rest of Ireland is against British rule ...to place them under National rule against their will would be as glaring an outrage on the principles of liberty and self -Government as the denial of self-government would be for the rest of Ireland.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.210-211.
John Redmond, in reply, said that the only straightforward course of action open to the government was to put the Home Rule Act at once into operation. He said that Mr Lloyd George had had months to consider the matter of Home Rule but when they asked him for action he gave them professions.
At this point, Mr Redmond called on his MPs to let the House of Commons do what it wishes in terms of the motion in respect of Home Rule and to withdraw from the chamber with him.
The entire Irish Parliamentary Party then left the debating chamber amid ‘great commotion.’
The move was criticised inside the house, by Tim Healy, as ‘play-acting’ and in the English press as a ‘pre-arranged piece of melodrama’.
Shortly afterwards, Willie Redmond was killed in action while serving in the Royal Irish Regiment.
"Livery Stable Blues", recorded with "Dixie Jazz Band One Step" on February 26 by the Original Dixieland Jass Band in the United States, becomes the first jazz recording commercially released. On August 17 the band records "Tiger Rag".
8
Dubin: The Irish Parliamentary Party leaders issued a statement protesting against the Prime Minister’s contention that a small minority in Ulster should have a veto for so long as they chose to exercise it on self-government for a united Ireland.
Westminster: The Government Commission on the Dardenelles campaign lays part of the blame for its failure on Lord Kitchener. The 60-page report offered a brutal analysis of the failings at many levels that led to the disastrous campaign at Gallipoli. In general the report details the genesis of the Gallipoli campaign and the scheme for acquiring the Dardanelles for defence, hatched by Winston Churchill. It concludes that Lord Kitchener, Herbert Asquith and the War Council were negligent in not seeking the advice of the naval officers, but also that those officers failed in their duty to advise regardless of being asked. The interim report also found that the War Council was unjustified in approving the plans.
The report further confirms public opinion on the incompetence that led to the disastrous loss of life and resources at Gallipoli.
Underlying the whole report is the sense that the War Council was at sixes and sevens throughout. One commentator noted that the entire cadre of leadership was engaged in a farce ‘beside which the Mad Hatter’s tea party would have been a model of lucid thinking’.
The Freeman’s Journal in an editorial noted:
‘Had these gentlemen who sat so decorously in London risked their own lives or their own property, rather than sacrifice etiquette or violate convention, they would have been sufficiently pitiable creatures. But they were gambling with blood – much of it, unfortunately, Irish blood – that cost them nothing, and the mandarinism of the War Office and the Admiralty has never before been hallowed by so rich an oblation.’
The February Revolution begins in Russia: Women calling for bread in Petrograd start riots, which spontaneously spread throughout the city.
Lewes, Sussex: Denis wrote to Diarmuid in Lewes Prison – part of the letter survives as on the reverse appears to be the first letter his future wife Kathleen [Kit] wrote to him. Denis commented:.
.’Visiting order has also arrived and Mick is arriving here on Tues on his way. I can't say about the others yet but all will probably go from here about Thursday or Fri. They will be able to tell you most recent news.
Mick said I might reply to his letter as he expected to see you so soon.
I was glad of the chance as the friends here were most anxious to send a line at first opportunity. About insurance – I drew W’s attention to it and kept it before him. He is still wavering, but he is not much use (I must not use slang). It's a pity to have him wasting his time so I’ll keep at him until he makes up his mind. He asked Wm advise, but he said to wait a little longer.
Finances are so speculative just now that they think they ought to wait a little longer. On that point too strict to help them overcome it but have not heard.’
On the reverse is the first surviving letter from Kathleen to Diarmuid:
Dear Diarmuid.
Through the geneorisity of A&D, Irish Americans also have been given a look in in this wonderful letter and consider myself highly honoured therefore, but how to express myself now as I want to is quite beyond my power presumably, so I must only wait patiently till we meet again which time I hope and pray D.V. will be at ‘a not far distant date’ and will be under very much happier circumstances than our last meeting.
Well D it's great to know you are enjoying better health now & I trust you may continue to do so, also each of your comrades.
We here are just living for the time when D.V, we will have you all back with us once more.
The releases at Christmas was source of great joy to us entirely, but I think the releases from Lewes will be even greater. In fact we will take lave of our senses alltogether, but waiting is such dull work.
So you remember last St. Patrick’s day Diarmuid? I often recall our conversation at that eve, can you recollect what it was about? But- we will talk about it later. How I envy Michael & party going over to see you next week. I would like to be with them. Mrs Nolan & her daughter Eva, with whom I play, wish to be particularly remembered to you. If opportunity presents itself, in or about the summer months I will probably take a trip to Lewes. With love from Ted & myself & sincerest wishes for you & all comrades. Kattie Q.
Lynch Family Archives Folder 3/28a
Cork: Henry Ford received permission to expand his business in Cork to produce low price farm tractors.
The move drew heavy criticism from a British trade magazine, Motor Traction, which said it was unfair to allow a foreign company set up without domestic competition. The magazine further complains that the fact that British motor companies are all invariably engaged in producing munitions for the war will give the Ford Tractor Company an unfair head start.
The Cork factory was expected to produce 50,000 tractors per annum and was speculated that the company in Cork would ultimately produce the type of light car that has proven so successful in America. Attempts by British manufacturers to produce such a car have so far proved unsuccessful.
Transcript of a 1917 speech by Judge Cohalan 'Another Aspect of Ireland's Problem'.
10
Russia: Workers riot in Petrograd against the war and famine and the Tsar suspends sittings of the Duma.
11
Middle East: Bagdad captured by British forces under Gen. Maude, going on to capture the oil fields and consoldiating Mesopotamia.
Lewes, Sussex: One of Lynch's copies of letters sent from Lewes prison survives - dated 11 March 1917, he writes to Denis McCullagh and to Ted. (image below - details to be transcribed at a later date)
Russia: Workers riot in Petrograd against the war and famine and the Tsar suspends sittings of the Duma.
11
Middle East: Bagdad captured by British forces under Gen. Maude, going on to capture the oil fields and consoldiating Mesopotamia.
Lewes, Sussex: One of Lynch's copies of letters sent from Lewes prison survives - dated 11 March 1917, he writes to Denis McCullagh and to Ted. (image below - details to be transcribed at a later date)
12
Russia:
The Russian Duma declares a Provisional Government.
Westminster:
In the House of Commons, J. P. Farrell proposes that Ireland be excluded from the operation of the National Services Act.
15,000 women applied for national service in the space of 3 days at St Ermin’s Hotel, Westminster, according to the Women’s Section of the National Service Department. The numbers of applications are particularly surprising because there has been no direct appeal for women to apply as there has been for men.
The Department says the applications have been received from every class of woman throughout the land, all expressing the most earnest desire to serve the nation. Very many skilled and trained women have applied, also a great number of domestic servants. The Department further explained:
‘Often the reason and qualification for serving are pathetic and often amusing. There are women who state that they can feed pigs or can dig potatoes. Several want to ‘get away from washing day’, and one girl says ‘she is fond of animals and might like motors’. A mother, in reply to a question as to previous national work said: ‘I have brought up six sons to be soldiers’. One solitary man applied for a form, as he wanted to ‘look after women on the land’.’
The Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps was announced last month but last week the National Service Department said it would initially only be taking applicants from the London area.
14
China breaks diplomatic relations with Germany.
15
Leominster: MacCurtain and McSwiney met in Leominster. Terence McSwiney announced his engagement to Muriel Murphy and marriage in June.
Russia: Emperor Nicholas II of Russia abdicates his throne and his son's claims. This is considered to be the end of the Russian Empire after 196 years.
Lewes, Sussex: Michael Lynch visited Diarmuid in Lewes Prison.
17
Lewes, Sussex: A St. Patrick's Day postcard was sent from Oxford to Lynch in Lewes:
“ St John’s Row, Oxford. St. Patrick’s Eve
Kind regards to all the boys in Lewes Prison from the following undergraduates at present in Oxford:
P.McCartan T. McCabe L. Mellows P Healy J.McBride S.T.O’Kelly M.O’Tighuladgh, Sceilg, (the writer John J O'Kelly) Wm.Peadlar Darrell Figgis
Another card was from Hugh Thornton ‘from one who met you during the week’
Western Front: Bapaume falls to British. Roye and Lassigny occupied by French.
Booth Line armed merchant liner SS Antony inward bound from South America torpedoed and sunk by UC-48 19 nmi (35 km) west of Coningbeg lightship; 55 killed.
Brian Boydell, composer, professor of music at Trinity College, Dublin born.
18
Oxford: Kathleen Clarke received a Clan na Gael communication from New York and went to see Sean T. O'Kelly and some other I.R.B men near Oxford: ‘I arrived there on a Saturday night, dead tired; I had been travelling all day. Travelling in England then was a dreadful experience; troop trains took precedence of all other trains….my arrival was a great surprise to the prisoners. There were only four there, as I recall Padraig O’Maille, Herbert Pim, Seoirse Nicholls…and Dr. Pat McCartan. They told me that Sean T. O'Kelly was in or near Fairfold with many others and we decided to visit them next day. The four prisoners decided to take French leave and accompany me, intending to be back that night. It was about 20 miles away, but we took hours to get there, as the only car we could hire was decrepit, with it’s tyres worn out… we got an enthusiastic reception from the prisoners there…after supper we all sat around the fire. I was being asked endless questions about home, and the things happening there. Someone asked what the people at home were thinking of doing about the prisoners…’They are waiting for a lead from you. Each of you in a way is a leader in your district…they will follow the lead you give them’.
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revoloutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P142
Western Front: Peronne, Chaulnes, Nesle and Noyon evacuated by Germans, who retire on an 85-mile front.
City of Memphis, Illinois, and Vigilancia, American ships, torpedoed.
19
Lynch wrote to his old friend, Richard 'Dick' Dalton (New York) from Lewes: (to be transcribed at a later date)
20
Families of Irish Prisoners soon began writing letters as a ‘round robin’ where a number of people would add their words to a communal letter which provided did not exceed a certain number of pages, was passed to the prisoner.
The first such surviving letter starts with a note from his sister Mary:
‘My Dear Diarmuid.
Am so pleased to hear from Michael that you are feeling & looking so much better that when I saw you. Glad to hear you are at outside work. Michael got back on good time, his seasickness did him a world of good as he got off all the bad stuff of Frongoch. I presume you have already had news of Dear Uncle Michael’s death RIP. Poor man went quickly in the end. Had an easy and peaceful death on the 13th March. Had a very big funeral to Filcrae Abbey. Aunt feels his death as much, she too is weak & [ words illegible ]. Auntie is keeping good through all she was with him when he died. Denis was down & saw him before he was coffined. Denis looked better that the last I saw him. I forgot to send you shamrocks for the 17 – but Michael told me Denis was to send you some on. Hope you got it OK. The weather for some time past has been very damp [ words illegible ]. Michael told me you said to change the shape of the news ..
Dr O’Brien wrote from 4 Camden Place, Cork and from this, it’s discovered that Diarmuid suffered from a stomach ulcer.
‘My dear Diarmuid.
I was delighted to get your note and to see that you are fairly well. Remember that in your case an error of dieting will bring on your old trouble of ulcer of stomach and as it gave me such anxiety to let you fight when you were under my treatment here, I am all the more anxious that you should keep so. I was thinking of writing to the Medical Officer of the Prison about your case as I felt, you would not for many reasons explain your case to him. By acting so, you would not do justice to yourself to even to your medical attendant.
We are all well here at Camden, but I suppose you heard from others of your Uncle Michael’s death. It was a great relief to him as he got a further attack of cerebral haemorrage and if he had lived for anytime, his condition would be desperate.
Be of good health as things are shaping well and we all trust you will be soon again with us.
With love from all at Camden.
Yours sincerely,
O’Brien M.D.
Killowen, Falls Rd, Belfast.
A Diarmuid dilis.
How to say the most to you in the smallest space is the question. Dinny* and myelf are proud to the be the common recipient of a note, blue from a distinguished ‘convict’ I would love to see the lean Diarmuid with a year’s beard up.
God help the first Irish lassie that will be lucky enough to greet you! In my young days as prison beard was a thing I tried to avoid gracefully! Delighted to hear you are in such good spirits. I would expect nothing else from such men as you. Everything is going along as usual, except the G.League which is making strides. There is kneeling room only in some of the classes here. I like the new state alright. You should try it..you’d see D* driving on it. A fine buxom happy wife to cook after his every need. A great job for me anyway. Cavehill makes us all sad when snow covers it and we begin to think! But it’ll go again and soon please God, when we shall not be sad but exultant. I mean to give you a good snowball on the other side next time. Tell G.McEntee that his fair Lily is to be ‘received’ into the Domincian order in Easter Week. She could not wait so long, she said! Between ourselves, I won't tellyou any more now! Tell him and all others that we are always thinking of them in prayers and otherwise. Years are very short Diarmuid, if it goes to that. Only Dinny will be coming after me now, I would send my love. Anyway I am still –
Una McCullough was interupted by Nancy Power & Kathleen Phelan who added a few lines:
‘A Cara.
Although I have been in Belfast 6 months, I have not been up the Cave Hill once. We are reserving it for the celebration which we will have when you are released. That will be a historic occasion and we will all say something historic. I am awfully glad to have an opportunity of writing you a line. With best wishes from myself & mother & Charlie, and with hopes of seeing you soon. Yours Nancy Power.
I was not on the Cave Hill but I was down below with the fair Lily. Is the English climate agreeing with you? It won't be long until you are back. Yrs, Kathleen Phelan.
Una McCullough adds in pencil ‘Excuse me, are you the Ard-fheis?’ U.
Finally Denis McCullough had an opportunity to write a few lines:
‘A cara Diarmuid.
Herself hasn’t left much room for me. I cannot say how much I appreciated the few lines, they brought you very near us again. And indeed yourself & our other friends are seldom out of our minds, you are the one man I would like a real solid yarn with over old times – and people. Keep up your heart a Diarmuid, that will soon come too and remember that my house must be one of your first places of call, after you have seen the home people. We will have so much to talk about, it will take days – but that can wait. Do you know that the greatest compliment Una thinks she can pay me is to say I am like you – perhaps that’s one of the reasons she took me when you were not available for the ‘running’. I must close now I suppose. Remember me to Eoin McNeill, Frank Fahy, Sean McGarry, Pearse Beasley, Joe McGuinness, Bob Brennan and the Wexford & Dundalk man and Sean McEntee. Give them our love & say we are hoping for & looking forward to their early homecoming – and no one I want to see more than yourself. With rememberances, so cara
Denis McCullough
The next addition to the 'round robin letter' is from a person unknown - their signature has not been identified to date.
A cara Diarmuid.
I was delighted to get your nore and to know you are so well. It was so good of you to think of me. Yes! I posted the medals to you. Sr. Paul gave them to me for you when I was going to Dublin to see you and you know, after interviewing several influential people, I was sadly disappointed, in fact cheated.
I would like to see you, but I don’t see any prospect of being able to get over, but D.V. you will very soon be home to dear old Ireland, and then you will pay us a visit as of old. Fr Walsh was here, glad to get your message and says he hope you will be released in a short time. He is very ill at present, and won't be able to write you a few lines, but hopes to get another opportunity again.
F.Dowhan is away, D.Markey, G. Purcell etc are all very well. Mother Maud and Tom send you best wishes, also Sr Paul. We all pray for you. How is Mr Willie Corrigan? I know some of his people very well and hear of him. I sent you shamrock which I hope you got. I better close up now & not spoil other friends chances of writing.
Best wishes and kindest rememberance.
[ signature illegible ]
Finally, Denis closed the letter with:
‘Alice received your letter last week about the third day after you sent it. Have forwarded most of the last letter, this will go today and just now I am waiting for Sean’s new address. They have been changed from Oxford ‘to the Lord knows where’. Fairford is the one I believe. All friends in town madly inquiring for you and all goes well except for Rose McGuinness. She is not at all well, just bet to go around but had to give up Guiness. Joe knows but I don’t think he knows she is really as unwell as she actually is. However there is some hope T.G. Poor Uncle Richard R.I.P. Tim will send you all full news and Alice will write you next week D.V. We are both well TG. Keep up the heart. Denis.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3
Westminster: A motion to reduce the salary of the British Prime Minister by £100 is introduced in the British House of Commons as a protest against the refusal to publish the proceedings of the 1916 Rising courts martial.
21
Russia: The Tsar and family are arrested in Petrograd.
Healdton, American ship, bound from Philadelphia to Rotterdam, sunk without warning; 21 men lost.
Washington: President Wilson calls a special session of Congress to discuss matters of National policy towards Germany.
Westminster: The dispute over the ownership and display of the late Sir Hugh Lane’s collection of paintings continued to rumble on. Alfie Byrne, MP, speaking in the House of Commons asked for the pictures, which are currently in the possession of the National Gallery, London, to be returned to the City of Dublin. After a dispute surrounding the building of a new gallery in Dublin, Sir Hugh bequeathed the paintings to London. Just before his death on the Lusitania in 1915, it appears he wrote and signed an amendment to his will, gifting them to Dublin instead. However, due to the fact that this document was not witnessed, it is not legally binding. The British government has declined to support the return of the pictures, leading Michael Joseph Flavin MP to ask: ‘Do you know there is a strong feeling throughout the whole of Ireland that these pictures should be restored to Ireland for the benefit of the Irish people?’ No reply was given to this question.
22
Washington: The United States becomes the first nation to recognise the new Russian Government.
23
Josef Locke, born Joseph McLaughlin, tenor born.
25
Britain: English newspapers have urged the British government to find an immediate solution to the Irish problem.
Such a solution, the papers argue, is key to successful prosecution of the Great War. The Daily Mail says that in every British dominion, with the exception of South Africa, there is a strong Irish vote and this vote needs to be assuaged. More than that, in the United States, the Irish question has been an ‘even more potent cause of difficulty’. The London Times agrees that an Irish solution is an imperial necessity, but claims also that ‘Ulster holds the key to a permanent Irish settlement’.
26
Washington: The Government enlists 26,000 more sailors and calls up the National Guard.
Westminster: The British government has confirmed that it is to adopt the recommendations of the Home Office Committee and the Summer Time Act would be enforced in Ireland in 1917. The clocks in Ireland will change at 2am on Sunday morning, 8 April 1917. The decision to proceed with Summer Time in Ireland came in the wake of Irish objections that it will be injurious to agriculture. Opponents of the measure stress the difference between the British economy and the Irish one: In Ireland 60% of the population is rural, while a mere 8% of Britain’s population is engaged in food production.
Western Front: British advance on Cambrai.
27
Westminster: MP Laurence Ginnell again raised the issue of Diarmuid Lynch in the House of Commons:
21
Russia: The Tsar and family are arrested in Petrograd.
Healdton, American ship, bound from Philadelphia to Rotterdam, sunk without warning; 21 men lost.
Washington: President Wilson calls a special session of Congress to discuss matters of National policy towards Germany.
Westminster: The dispute over the ownership and display of the late Sir Hugh Lane’s collection of paintings continued to rumble on. Alfie Byrne, MP, speaking in the House of Commons asked for the pictures, which are currently in the possession of the National Gallery, London, to be returned to the City of Dublin. After a dispute surrounding the building of a new gallery in Dublin, Sir Hugh bequeathed the paintings to London. Just before his death on the Lusitania in 1915, it appears he wrote and signed an amendment to his will, gifting them to Dublin instead. However, due to the fact that this document was not witnessed, it is not legally binding. The British government has declined to support the return of the pictures, leading Michael Joseph Flavin MP to ask: ‘Do you know there is a strong feeling throughout the whole of Ireland that these pictures should be restored to Ireland for the benefit of the Irish people?’ No reply was given to this question.
22
Washington: The United States becomes the first nation to recognise the new Russian Government.
23
Josef Locke, born Joseph McLaughlin, tenor born.
25
Britain: English newspapers have urged the British government to find an immediate solution to the Irish problem.
Such a solution, the papers argue, is key to successful prosecution of the Great War. The Daily Mail says that in every British dominion, with the exception of South Africa, there is a strong Irish vote and this vote needs to be assuaged. More than that, in the United States, the Irish question has been an ‘even more potent cause of difficulty’. The London Times agrees that an Irish solution is an imperial necessity, but claims also that ‘Ulster holds the key to a permanent Irish settlement’.
26
Washington: The Government enlists 26,000 more sailors and calls up the National Guard.
Westminster: The British government has confirmed that it is to adopt the recommendations of the Home Office Committee and the Summer Time Act would be enforced in Ireland in 1917. The clocks in Ireland will change at 2am on Sunday morning, 8 April 1917. The decision to proceed with Summer Time in Ireland came in the wake of Irish objections that it will be injurious to agriculture. Opponents of the measure stress the difference between the British economy and the Irish one: In Ireland 60% of the population is rural, while a mere 8% of Britain’s population is engaged in food production.
Western Front: British advance on Cambrai.
27
Westminster: MP Laurence Ginnell again raised the issue of Diarmuid Lynch in the House of Commons:
AMERICAN CITIZENS (POLITICAL OFFENCES).
HC Deb 27 March 1917 vol 92 c203 203
27. Mr. GINNELL asked the Home Secretary what the rule is governing permission to American citizens who are convicts in this country for alleged political offences to communicate with the American Ambassador here; whether Dermod (Jeremiah) Lynch, in this position at Dartmoor last October, was refused this permission; if so, what the reason was for the refusal; and whether American citizens now political convicts at Lewes will be allowed to communicate with the American Ambassador here and with the American Government in the event of the Ambassador neglecting them?
Mr. BRACE The rule is that alien prisoners while awaiting trial may communicate freely with the Ambassador or Minister of the country to which they belong, but after conviction they are not allowed to write to any Foreign Minister or other public authority, but must address their representations to the Secretary of State. Lynch after his conviction applied to write to the American Ambassador, and was refused in accordance with the rule. The reply to the last paragraph of the question is in the negative.
Mr. GINNELL Will the written statement of this man be transmitted to the Ambassador if handed to the prison authorities?
Mr. BRACE This man, like all other prisoners, will be bound by prison regulations.
Mr. GINNELL Do the Regulations allow Lib statement to be transmitted to the American Ambassador when handed to the prison authorities?
Mr. BRACE Will the hon. Member please put down another question?
http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1917/mar/27/american-citizens-political-offences#S5CV0092P0_19170327_HOC_167
29
Lewes, Sussex: An inspector from the British Home Office spent a week assesing the Irish prisoners in Lewes Prison.
As de Valera felt the inspector would recommend the dispersal of the prisoners, he ordered that in that event the prisoners should continue to act in unison :
‘1. Refuse to put on civilian clothes for the journey – we must therefore be taken in convict garb.
2. Refuse to give parole for the journey – we will therfore be chained or they will have to send a very strong escort – we will sing songs on the jounrey if we go in groups.
3. Refuse at any time to go home on a ‘Ticket of Leave’.
4. Refuse to associate with other prisoners at work or at exercise – this will mean confinement for us.
5. Refuse to act as orderlies ( ie take around dinners, take up slops etc ) – we will empty our own slops.
6. Refuse to use closets used by other prisoners – have chambers used in cells, I expect.
7. Refuse to do any labour in cell or out of it.’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P55
Berlin: The German Chancellor says Germany does not want war with the US.
London: Lloyd George says the Government will introduce a bill to allow married women over 30, the vote.
30
New York: Shane Leslie wrote to Leonie Leslie from New York while repesenting John Redmond and “To stem the Sinn Fein tide in America” 8.3.1917: "...I am afraid the Irish in America will never surrender their hostility toward England unless Home rule and a little more is granted. The trouble is that Sinn Feinism is the only logical alternative left. Even those who are still loyal to Redmond in America express that loyalty in Sinn Fein terms!"
University of Maryland Archives. Box: 20 Fold: 1 Shane Leslie - Corres. to Leonie Leslie. Internet site. June’1997
P.Lynch wrote from Somerville, Massachusetts:
Lewes, Sussex: An inspector from the British Home Office spent a week assesing the Irish prisoners in Lewes Prison.
As de Valera felt the inspector would recommend the dispersal of the prisoners, he ordered that in that event the prisoners should continue to act in unison :
‘1. Refuse to put on civilian clothes for the journey – we must therefore be taken in convict garb.
2. Refuse to give parole for the journey – we will therfore be chained or they will have to send a very strong escort – we will sing songs on the jounrey if we go in groups.
3. Refuse at any time to go home on a ‘Ticket of Leave’.
4. Refuse to associate with other prisoners at work or at exercise – this will mean confinement for us.
5. Refuse to act as orderlies ( ie take around dinners, take up slops etc ) – we will empty our own slops.
6. Refuse to use closets used by other prisoners – have chambers used in cells, I expect.
7. Refuse to do any labour in cell or out of it.’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P55
Berlin: The German Chancellor says Germany does not want war with the US.
London: Lloyd George says the Government will introduce a bill to allow married women over 30, the vote.
30
New York: Shane Leslie wrote to Leonie Leslie from New York while repesenting John Redmond and “To stem the Sinn Fein tide in America” 8.3.1917: "...I am afraid the Irish in America will never surrender their hostility toward England unless Home rule and a little more is granted. The trouble is that Sinn Feinism is the only logical alternative left. Even those who are still loyal to Redmond in America express that loyalty in Sinn Fein terms!"
University of Maryland Archives. Box: 20 Fold: 1 Shane Leslie - Corres. to Leonie Leslie. Internet site. June’1997
P.Lynch wrote from Somerville, Massachusetts:
‘Dear Diarmuid.
I received your note of January 29 on March 30, I assure you we were all glad to hear from you. I hope the change from Dartmoor will do you good. The office force who were slightly acquainted with you were particularly interested in your letter.
I was to see Fr Murphy of Boston last evening. Write to him like a good fellow. I know how hard it is to write without expressing yourself rather freely, but just a few words about your health will be sufficient. He understands the situation.
I was very glad to hear from your brother. I haven't had a letter from Ireland in many years. It looked good to even see one, even on the outside.
Spring is trying to assert herself after a long and wearisome winter, one of the most trying winters I have ever experienced. I hope we will have an early spring. It looks very favourable now, but you can never tel what will happen in the way of weather in New England. You are liable to have many varieties in the same day and snow and frost are as probable as anything else into May.
Have built quite a big hen house and laid out a large ganden, both flowers and vegetables in that lot back of the house. This was in line with the suggestions which you made when visiting us. You will notice an improvement when you come again which I hope will be soon. Would it be allowable to send you a copy of our magazine ‘The World’s Work’ which is one of the best. I get it monthly. Let me know.
I am glad your health was improved by the change. Your health ought to be your principal concern now. Forget eveything else.
The children are very proud of you and are looking forward to hear from you again and frequently. I hope you don't disappoint them. Write as often as permisable though you can only say a little at a time.
Hoping to hear from you at no distant date and earnestly hoping and praying for a betterment of your prospects and health in the near future.
I remain,
Sincerely yours
P. Lynch.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3
"More than 18,000 Irish children emigrated with their families to the Dominions in the period before March 1913."
This was according to the recently published Report of the Dominions Royal Commission. Many had been assisted to emigrate under the range of schemes in operation in Ireland - New Zealand, Australia and Western Canada all offered inducements to the ‘right kind’ of migrant.
While America has always been a popular destination for the Irish, the report recommended that steps be taken to attract the flow of emigrants from Ireland and to urge them instead to consider the Dominions. As a practical measures, it was recommended that an Imperial shipping route provide a service from a west of Ireland port such as Galway to Vancouver, Auckland or Sydney, it would be huge boost to the Dominions.
The Cork Examiner on the other hand, expresses the hope that after the war ‘the old tide of emigration will not resume its former volume, and that Irish boys and girls will be able to remain in Ireland to assist in the development of their native land.’
31
United States: Increasingly, the mood in America was towards joining the war in Europe and again, Irish Americans leaders were concerned at how their attempts to support Irish freedom would be interpreted in Washington. Devoy & Cohalan released a circular to members, more of a private reminder and public affirmation stating ‘We will remain loyal and will yield to none in devotion to the flag, whether the United States goes to war or remains at peace.’
McGarrity was annoyed with the content, commenting it was ‘a rather slavish circular’.
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P66
Westminster: Sweeping electoral reform was set to extend the franchise to women in the United Kingdom. The plan to finally give the vote to women was one of the most arresting features of electoral change recommended by the Speaker’s Conference on Electoral Reform. The other main recommendations of the report include a six-month qualification for voters, half-yearly revision of the register, restriction of plural voting, redistribution of seats, proportional representation in urban areas and the holding of elections on a single day.
In the course of the debate on the proposals, the former Prime Minister Herbert Asquith ‘recanted’ his opinion on women’s suffrage, and now recommended their enfranchisement. He said that he and others no longer regarded the issue from the standpoint they had held before the war: ‘Women have worked out their own salvation and how could we have carried on the war without them.’
Ulster Unionists remained opposed and demanded, instead, the immediate addition to the register of men on active service.
The Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, admitted that the ongoing exclusion of both war workers and military personnel from the register of voters was ‘absolutely indefensible’, but that the enfranchisement of servicemen was still impractical in wartime.
In a pithy comment on the changes in the franchise, the Freeman’s Journal opined: 'The ministering angels of peace have shelled their way to the franchise. Such are the ironies of history.' As the wider opposition to the enfranchisement of women simply melted away, a vote on the prompt introduction of the electoral reform proposals was supported by 341 votes to 62.
This was according to the recently published Report of the Dominions Royal Commission. Many had been assisted to emigrate under the range of schemes in operation in Ireland - New Zealand, Australia and Western Canada all offered inducements to the ‘right kind’ of migrant.
While America has always been a popular destination for the Irish, the report recommended that steps be taken to attract the flow of emigrants from Ireland and to urge them instead to consider the Dominions. As a practical measures, it was recommended that an Imperial shipping route provide a service from a west of Ireland port such as Galway to Vancouver, Auckland or Sydney, it would be huge boost to the Dominions.
The Cork Examiner on the other hand, expresses the hope that after the war ‘the old tide of emigration will not resume its former volume, and that Irish boys and girls will be able to remain in Ireland to assist in the development of their native land.’
31
United States: Increasingly, the mood in America was towards joining the war in Europe and again, Irish Americans leaders were concerned at how their attempts to support Irish freedom would be interpreted in Washington. Devoy & Cohalan released a circular to members, more of a private reminder and public affirmation stating ‘We will remain loyal and will yield to none in devotion to the flag, whether the United States goes to war or remains at peace.’
McGarrity was annoyed with the content, commenting it was ‘a rather slavish circular’.
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P66
Westminster: Sweeping electoral reform was set to extend the franchise to women in the United Kingdom. The plan to finally give the vote to women was one of the most arresting features of electoral change recommended by the Speaker’s Conference on Electoral Reform. The other main recommendations of the report include a six-month qualification for voters, half-yearly revision of the register, restriction of plural voting, redistribution of seats, proportional representation in urban areas and the holding of elections on a single day.
In the course of the debate on the proposals, the former Prime Minister Herbert Asquith ‘recanted’ his opinion on women’s suffrage, and now recommended their enfranchisement. He said that he and others no longer regarded the issue from the standpoint they had held before the war: ‘Women have worked out their own salvation and how could we have carried on the war without them.’
Ulster Unionists remained opposed and demanded, instead, the immediate addition to the register of men on active service.
The Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, admitted that the ongoing exclusion of both war workers and military personnel from the register of voters was ‘absolutely indefensible’, but that the enfranchisement of servicemen was still impractical in wartime.
In a pithy comment on the changes in the franchise, the Freeman’s Journal opined: 'The ministering angels of peace have shelled their way to the franchise. Such are the ironies of history.' As the wider opposition to the enfranchisement of women simply melted away, a vote on the prompt introduction of the electoral reform proposals was supported by 341 votes to 62.
April 1917
1
The Ford Motor Company begins construction of a factory in Cork to produce Fordson tractors.
An unseasonal snowstorm covered much of the country from Donegal through to Cork.
The US ragtime composer, Scott Joplin dies.
All the assets of the Tsar are consfiscated by the new Russian Provisional Government.
Aztec, an American armed ship, sunk in submarine zone.
United States: ‘John Rogers’ one of the agents and runners of the British spy network within the many and varied Irish groups, sent an assesment of the situation within Clan na Gael: ‘There is nothing that can be learned of the activities of the Society than can be construed as dangerous. True, they are active in social and propagandist ways, but in a revoloutioary way they are satisfactory….mind you they could be very troublseome, although some may think that they may be unimportant. I know different, for they are in the army, police, fire dept, and in a score of places where they are bound by the most solemn oath to stand by each other and against England. They would be a dangerous element to put in Allied trenches…these are conversations with men up in the society as they see them and they say that they cannot some to any other conclusion but that the US has taken sides against them and blasted any hopes of a satisfactory settlement of the Irish Question.’
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P66
An agent of the Dublin Metropolitan Police was also in New York observing Clan na Gael and reporting back to both Dublin and London. ‘The extreme Irish are uneasy as to whether the [ US ] Government may take action against them for their past performances carried out under their agreement with the German agents.’
Irish Rebel – John Devoy and America’s fight for Irish Freedom. Terry Golway. St Martins Press- New York. 1998. p240
London: Michael Lynch was in London where he ‘purchased revolvers, pistols and ammunition..(acting under instructions of Michael Collins ) and effected delivery to Michael Collins in Dublin.’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
The arms and ammunition were carried back to Dublin from London by two ladies ‘Miss Minnie O’Brien, c/o Gorevan Bros, 1 Camden St, Dublin..one of the two ladies who travelled with me from London to Dublin and in whose luggage the military stores purchased by me were smuggled.’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
2
Washington: ‘..the world must be made safe for democracy’.
Wilson asked a special joint session of Congress to declare war on the German Empire, stating, "We have no selfish ends to serve". To make the conflict seem more idealistic, he stated that the war would "make the world safe for democracy" and later that it would be a "war to end war".
The United States had a moral responsibility to enter the war, Wilson proclaimed. The future of the world was being determined on the battlefield, and American national interest demanded a voice. Wilson's definition of the situation won wide acclaim, and, indeed, has shaped America's role in world and military affairs ever since. Wilson believed that if the Central Powers won, the consequences would be bad for the United States. Germany would have dominated the continent and perhaps gain control of the seas as well. Latin America may have fallen under Berlin's control. The dream of spreading democracy, liberalism, and independence would have been shattered. On the other hand, if the Allies had won without help, there was a danger they would carve up the world without regard to American commercial interests. They were already planning to use government subsidies, tariff walls, and controlled markets to counter the competition posed by American businessmen. The solution was a third route, a "peace without victory", according to Wilson.
Wilson ended his historic address, asking Congress to declare war for the fourth time in its history, on a charismatic note, at once humble and messianic, frightening and portentous:
"It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilisation itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts -- for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other."
The decision was cheered from the public galleries but on his return to the White House, Wilson is reported to have said ‘my message was one of death for young men, how odd it seems to applaud that’.
The war resolution would be debated by the Senate and the House of Representatives over the following days.
1
The Ford Motor Company begins construction of a factory in Cork to produce Fordson tractors.
An unseasonal snowstorm covered much of the country from Donegal through to Cork.
The US ragtime composer, Scott Joplin dies.
All the assets of the Tsar are consfiscated by the new Russian Provisional Government.
Aztec, an American armed ship, sunk in submarine zone.
United States: ‘John Rogers’ one of the agents and runners of the British spy network within the many and varied Irish groups, sent an assesment of the situation within Clan na Gael: ‘There is nothing that can be learned of the activities of the Society than can be construed as dangerous. True, they are active in social and propagandist ways, but in a revoloutioary way they are satisfactory….mind you they could be very troublseome, although some may think that they may be unimportant. I know different, for they are in the army, police, fire dept, and in a score of places where they are bound by the most solemn oath to stand by each other and against England. They would be a dangerous element to put in Allied trenches…these are conversations with men up in the society as they see them and they say that they cannot some to any other conclusion but that the US has taken sides against them and blasted any hopes of a satisfactory settlement of the Irish Question.’
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P66
An agent of the Dublin Metropolitan Police was also in New York observing Clan na Gael and reporting back to both Dublin and London. ‘The extreme Irish are uneasy as to whether the [ US ] Government may take action against them for their past performances carried out under their agreement with the German agents.’
Irish Rebel – John Devoy and America’s fight for Irish Freedom. Terry Golway. St Martins Press- New York. 1998. p240
London: Michael Lynch was in London where he ‘purchased revolvers, pistols and ammunition..(acting under instructions of Michael Collins ) and effected delivery to Michael Collins in Dublin.’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
The arms and ammunition were carried back to Dublin from London by two ladies ‘Miss Minnie O’Brien, c/o Gorevan Bros, 1 Camden St, Dublin..one of the two ladies who travelled with me from London to Dublin and in whose luggage the military stores purchased by me were smuggled.’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
2
Washington: ‘..the world must be made safe for democracy’.
Wilson asked a special joint session of Congress to declare war on the German Empire, stating, "We have no selfish ends to serve". To make the conflict seem more idealistic, he stated that the war would "make the world safe for democracy" and later that it would be a "war to end war".
The United States had a moral responsibility to enter the war, Wilson proclaimed. The future of the world was being determined on the battlefield, and American national interest demanded a voice. Wilson's definition of the situation won wide acclaim, and, indeed, has shaped America's role in world and military affairs ever since. Wilson believed that if the Central Powers won, the consequences would be bad for the United States. Germany would have dominated the continent and perhaps gain control of the seas as well. Latin America may have fallen under Berlin's control. The dream of spreading democracy, liberalism, and independence would have been shattered. On the other hand, if the Allies had won without help, there was a danger they would carve up the world without regard to American commercial interests. They were already planning to use government subsidies, tariff walls, and controlled markets to counter the competition posed by American businessmen. The solution was a third route, a "peace without victory", according to Wilson.
Wilson ended his historic address, asking Congress to declare war for the fourth time in its history, on a charismatic note, at once humble and messianic, frightening and portentous:
"It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilisation itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts -- for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other."
The decision was cheered from the public galleries but on his return to the White House, Wilson is reported to have said ‘my message was one of death for young men, how odd it seems to applaud that’.
The war resolution would be debated by the Senate and the House of Representatives over the following days.
3
Dublin: Dublin Corporation demanded a general amnesty for all Irish Political prisoners and a revocation of the recent order of deportation upon other Irishmen following Britain’s official congratulations to the Provisional Government of Russia.
John Redmond’s message of congratulations to the Russian people on their revolution has brought a warm response from Petrograd. The President of the Duma, M. Rodzianko, replied: ‘Please accept my heartiest thanks for your kind congratulations on the liberation of the Russian people from autocratic rule, which enables our country to become really the sincerest champion of national emancipation, as well in its war ends as in its internal policy.’
In an editorial, the Freeman’s Journal wrote that Ireland has a better appreciation for the Russian Revolution than the British government, being ‘in the shadow of a prison-house’ herself:
‘Were English statesmanship endowed with even a hint of the imaginative insight of Russia’s new rulers, it would have realised long ago that only by conciliation can the memory of old unhappy things be obliterated and the foundations laid of an enduring friendship between nations.’
Russia: Meanwhile, workers’ and soldiers’ deputies to the new assembly in Petrograd have released a manifesto calling for the proletariat of Europe to cast off the yoke of autocratic ‘Tsardom’ as they have. The Provisional Government issued a proclamation recognising the nationhood of Poland, which has been occupied by Germany. It also pledged to continue the war with Germany until victory has been obtained.
4
Lewes Prison: Another 'round robin' letter was sent to Diarmuid in Lewes Prison:
Dublin: Dublin Corporation demanded a general amnesty for all Irish Political prisoners and a revocation of the recent order of deportation upon other Irishmen following Britain’s official congratulations to the Provisional Government of Russia.
John Redmond’s message of congratulations to the Russian people on their revolution has brought a warm response from Petrograd. The President of the Duma, M. Rodzianko, replied: ‘Please accept my heartiest thanks for your kind congratulations on the liberation of the Russian people from autocratic rule, which enables our country to become really the sincerest champion of national emancipation, as well in its war ends as in its internal policy.’
In an editorial, the Freeman’s Journal wrote that Ireland has a better appreciation for the Russian Revolution than the British government, being ‘in the shadow of a prison-house’ herself:
‘Were English statesmanship endowed with even a hint of the imaginative insight of Russia’s new rulers, it would have realised long ago that only by conciliation can the memory of old unhappy things be obliterated and the foundations laid of an enduring friendship between nations.’
Russia: Meanwhile, workers’ and soldiers’ deputies to the new assembly in Petrograd have released a manifesto calling for the proletariat of Europe to cast off the yoke of autocratic ‘Tsardom’ as they have. The Provisional Government issued a proclamation recognising the nationhood of Poland, which has been occupied by Germany. It also pledged to continue the war with Germany until victory has been obtained.
4
Lewes Prison: Another 'round robin' letter was sent to Diarmuid in Lewes Prison:
‘1486 Hoe Ave.New York
A Diarmuid a cara.
I cannot find word to express how delighted Mrs O’Boyle and I were to hear from you, but we are very sorry to learn that your health is not the best. Hope you are entirely well by this time. Many of your old P-C* friends (meeting at Dick’s house) join with me in sending you our kindest regards. Am glad to hear dear friend Joe McGuinness is getting on OK. Dear Diarmuid, I have every hope I will see you in New York soon. Aindrias.
* P-C – Philo Cletic Society, New York.
Unsigned regards from another New York friend:
‘W.C.Jacobs, Burkes, Jones, Matthews, McClunn and D. McInerney inquire for you. F.M.Carney is dead. John and Kathleen hope you are in good health and send best regards. We think and talk about you often.’
Dick wrote ‘Your God Daughter Maureen prays for ‘Uncle D’ every night ‘in the English prison’ and she is joined with your old friends Sheila and Seamus. Sold twenty shares of your stock in Terry-Wunderlich & Co, the proceeds being just sufficient to retire the outstanding loan against your life insurance policy, so that you will have it free and clear. When paying premiums on your other policy [ words illegible ] made that you be credited. Perhaps Dennis could collect for you if he had your order. The Washington apartment house has been making very unsatisfactory returns but we have just arrange to appoint new agents to manage same and have hopes that the investment will prove more profitable shortly. Dick.
’Uncle Diarmuid’s Room’ will be watiing for you in our new house at Larchmont. Love from Jimps and Marie.
‘Glad to get an opportunity to say ‘How are you?’ Everbody I know is praying & hoping for your welfare and every night the three kids offer up prayers on your behalf.’ P.Kavanagh.
‘Delighted to have this opportunity to write lines to you. Sorry you are not here all the old friends of our first drama are around but we must hope for the best Mother as well, also myself. Best regards from all the family. S McKelvey.’
[Sarah McKelvey - Born in Monaghan and emigrated to the United States at an early age. Sarah was involved for many years in the 1900s-1920s in the promotion of Irish culture and freedom. Later President of the New York branch of Cumann na mBan]
‘Just a word or two from Maura, Shawn and Cant, hoping you are feeling in the best of health and that we will be together in the newar future. As ever, Shawn Terry.’
‘I as surprised and delighted to hear from you and to get shamrocks from Denis. I am going to write another letter soon, good bye and God bless you. Mary C. McManus.
Sincerely hope you keep in good health and some day we’ll have the pleasure of meeting you here in New York again. ‘ AG O’Boyle
Through the kindness of A.G. O’Boyle I am glad to add just a line. Hope you are well and may we soon hear of your arrival home safe and well. James Mullins.
D! Indeed Sr M. Berchimans sincerely hopes you are very well & to see you home soon is our [ word illegible ] prayers. Maynooth.
Dia’s Mhuire’s Padraig dhuit (agus diobh go leir) a Diarmuid, a car chroidhe.
I was delighted to get your little note and will keep it as a relic. I showed it to Fr. Browne and he was very much pleased. Yes, I got your card last Easter and have it safe and sound, yet. We are all proud of you and the other brave fellows who are in prison. You have the heart of Ireland with you, that is the people whose esteem is worth having, not the place hunters of course. We are all well here and will have a great and hearty welcome for you when you return to the old land. God grant it may not be too long. We are going on as usual, teaching Irish, Irish Dancing & singing at our best. J.O’Nolan is teaching an Irish class in the town. Dan and all his brave companions are in it. They are getting on grand, all have better positions now than they last had people are in sympathy with them seem to be on the other side. The cream of the Maynooth boys went with Dan last Easter Monday. [ word illegible ] death was a great sorrow but her children are getting on much better than we expected. Kathleen’s husband, Ned O’Sullivan is above all praise. God is always good and kind to us. I hope that you get good health now that is [ words illegible ] more or less unwell as the weather was so inclement but now we are all blooming again & coming out with the primroses. Are you ever able to go out on the green fields of England to dew the primroses & daisies? The food in Ireland, especially the bread is very unwholesome now. I’m sure they will soon mix earth and lime with it. This is all the good the war has done. Many at home it has made desolate. They have not shown much sense in any case. Needless to say, I’m always praying for you & I’m sure our Blessed Mother and the Irish Saints will have an eye on you. With the kindest regards from all here and fond love from Colm.
(Dennis squeezed in a brief line)
‘Remember us to Joe Mac, G Duggan, P.Beasley, Ashe. Those are about all I know but goof health to all. Denis.
Some of the sisters at the Nazareth Convent Maynooth had a few words to add:
Very best wishes & hope we shall all see you in the near future, stronger than when you left your dear native land. Yours sincerely, Sr.Margaret-Mary.
Shake hands dear friend. Since I may not say all I think and feel about you. A silent handshake will speak more eloquently that any words could do. Amy you live to see and enjoy all your heart’s desires. Best to the honour of having the blood of one of the Manchester Martyr’s in my veins, I am proud of the privilege of writing to you. Sister Magdalen McCarthy Queenstown, Nazareth Maynooth.
(Dennis now completed the round-robin letter)
‘Dear Old Boy.
It's about time for me to begin here. I ought to have done so days ago but pressing on from one to the other takes time. Have started now, getting ready in advance of the next letter.
Now this is in reply to the letter due for the one you wrote on the 10th of March. Your letter to me of Easter Monday, I will reply to later, but in the meantime expect you will hear from home in answer to the letter you wrote last week.
How are you? Since Partridge & Cullen * have been released, we feel double anxious about you and all the boys. May God keep you in good health, however keep up your spirits because your sacrifice has not been made in vain. I hope this long letter will bring you some cheer – even though you have been a long time waiting for it! There are as many more friends would like to write you a wish but we put them off to another time. Martin Conlon and friends will have something to say I hope. Just now they have not time as they are very much out of town. Things are going exceedingly well with them in the country and next Wednesday they hope to finish very successfully. Never before had they such a difficult task. Fr Augustine has been out of town but I think he’s back now. I hope to see him some evening soon. I hope you will be allowed to get Domhnall O’Buachalla’s** note. I did not know he was going to write Irish – but I might have expected – but nevertheless he has not overstepped the regulations. I doubt if you have an Irish censor in Lewes.
Sr. Berchimans is Revened Mother at the convent - they were all most enthuastic to send you a line
Mick A. was not in Dublin recently. I don’t know if anyone came from that quarter. They can tell you best writing from home!
Willie Ahern was up this weeks since Monday. He came up about the foreshore of Dempsey’s land – the tide gets in and floods his, but he thinks he can't do much. Eddie got so excited when he saw you that he forgot all that he had to say; in fact he had little to tell us too. He amused us explaining the class of milk he was only able to get in London – each evening he finished up with a glass of milk and seedcake. Good judgement. Good food is scarce in England, that is no excuse why you prisoners should starve – because your friends would send plenty of food if only they were allowed. There is something to be said about that here too in a short time and please God it will be a stepping stone to bring you some comfort.
Your suggestion to Dan re: investments is very correct. I wished Dan and Mick would act on it, the investments they have in rails etc are good but I think they could use ready cash to better advantage. He buying of horses just now is off. None to be had.
Latest ‘order’ is to destroy race-horses etc to save fodder. Evidently Dick had not got your letter when he wrote here. He did not appear to have received your ‘order’ re insurance correspondence either. Why, I sent him that card months ago. I shall leave all to him. Shall ask Dan to send him insurance premiums this year at all events. Too bad about the apartment house, the new agents I hope will do better. P. Lynch of Boston was of the same opinion what helped Columba could help out of the difficulty.
Yes, I remember now about the toothpaste. I did not remember until Eddie returned. Last Saturday I sent you the grammar and another tube of toohpaste; is your toohbrush good?
No change was made in farm-hands this year but wages advanced. Micheal told me to tell you that the two [ word illigible ] are going on well. The change of air is agreeing with their business is being seen to allright. G.M. seeing King – he did not do as he was not quite clear on the matter – however it's as you wish it now per your letter to me.
Rose MacG has gone to Newcastle now and likes the place well and feels better.
Mrs Mac G is going home on Sunday for a few days. She was down last Sunday, but is now wanted every day. I have not heard from W. since I wrote you last. He is not much good anyway. We kept him to the one point entirely, so don’t get his side issues. We are not finished yet though. I wished I could tell you all about some kind inquiring friends here. I suppose you were surprised when you heard about Terry Mac’s real fiance – she is a very good sort. Met her last summer. Art O’Brians ***address is 2 Boiless Road, North Ealing, London..
I have not got Miss McTernan’s (Boston) address yet. If I don’t get it I’ll send any messages for her from you in care of Rev P.B. By the way, P.Lynch was to see the letters on { words illegible ] at their request I am to send them full particulars about you & friends. No chance whatever to get that German book.
Alice’s writing to her friend in Liverpool if she would suggest some book that would take it’s place. She has lots of novels too in German if we may send them. By the way, the books you got, can you bring away with you? We heard they would remain prison property. If that is so, next time we may not be particular in selecting new ones for you.
Yes, M got that will from Mrs Fitz. Allright & in good time. Ginnell**** asked recently why you were not allowed write to Ambassador & was told the rule was, all communications must be addressed to the Secretary of State – I wonder if you were told so.
O’Boyle told me that popular enthuasiasm was lacking in passing events. It was the press brought about present state of affairs. A letter from ‘PB’ to Nora recently said George had got another shock and was confined to bed. Rose brought his [ words illegible]..she would like to send you much news but knew it would be of no avail. She & all friends join in sending you good wishes. She wished to be remembered to Joe McGuinness ( the man of the day ) also. I am enclosing her letter herwith.
P.Lynch was equally glad to hear from you & the ‘office force’ who also know you were particularly interested. Evidently, Fr.M had not got your note when he (P.Lynch) when he wrote as he asked you to write him (Fr.M) Their wish was the most trying he had ever experienced. Your suggestion regarding garden then house, he has carried out. He would like to send you the ‘World’s Work’ magazine if it was allowed. Don't forget to say so when writing next, also about bowls if you will bring them away with you. He is also most anxious about your health. His children keep praying for you and all. Write again he says ‘don’t disappoint the youngsters’. I am enclosing his letter herewith also. He wrote a long letter also and another arrived a few days ago for some special date.
I was interested to hear his wife is a relative of the O’Brien’s Granig.
I was with Joe McDonagh a few days ago on income tax business. He saved me nearly £20. He and his brother ( whom [ word illegible] might wish to be remembered. As I was writing Martin C came in. I hardly knew him without his moustache. He did remember the last time you saw him. Fancy it was 12.30pm when he knew the real situation and then had to go home first. He is confident of success in the present struggle.
You will be sorry to hear Dairmuid O’Leary is closed up again. His own fault. Don’t know just yet what he will do but I heard Stokes will give him a bit. Mrs O’L has let a portion of her house at present & is able to meet the needful. There are many things I’d like to write about such as ‘Plots’, Gulf-Stream, Ford’s Factory etc but must have to another time. You will want spectacles after this production, but however, hope it will interest you for an hour. Won't delay so long anymore. Good bye Boy. God comfort & protect you and all. Best wishes from Alice & Denis.
(Alice next managed to squeeze in a few lines:)
‘My Dear Diarmuid. There is not much room left for me this time, but I think Denis and the others have told you all the news. Thed & Kattie wanted to wrote but as there was such little space left, they will wait till the next letter. If you were away in America or any other part of the world, you would hardly get such letters as these. See what it is to be important! May Moloney wishes to be remembers – you met her at Ryans [word illegible] she is a step-sister-in-law to Unlce Louis. Little Mary here is better, her case is not as bad as at first feared. Still, it will be months before she can do any work. The farmyard is progressing favourably – chickens, goat etc etc. we are always thinking & talking of you. We’re in a fever of excitement these days. Best wishes J.McG [ Joe McGuinness]. Fondest love from Alice.
Denis finally added: ‘about one intended visit – we have decided that only one of us will go when this time comes. Most unlikely to be during next three months at all wants. It will all depend on circumstances. Will let you know in time. Denis.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3-34
* Partridge & Cullen: *William Partridge – Irish Citizen Army, member of Dublin Corporation was with Mallin in Stephen’s Green, the College of Surgeons and Richmond Barracks. Sentenced to 15 years penal servitude with 5 remitted. His wife, Mary, was detained in Kilmainham for a few weeks after the surrender. Liam Cullen – Office in Command of a section of Henry Street.
** Domhnall O’Buachalla: (1866-1963) Sinn Fein & Fianna Fail politicain and Govenor-General 1932-37. Born in Maynooth, Co.Kildare where he later operated a shop and was prominent in Nationalist circles. Member of the Irish Volunteers, he led a detachment from his home to Dublin to fight in the GPO in Easter 1916. Interned for a time, he became active in the anti-concription campaign and was returned as an MP for Kildare in the 1918 General Election. Rejecting the Treaty, he supported the anti-treaty IRA during the Civil War when he was again jailed for a time. A founder member of Fianna Fail and held his seat until 1932. At de Valera’s request, O’Buachalla accepted the office of Govenor-General but did not reside in the Vice-Regal lodge but in his Monkstown home, commuting by bicycle each day rather than official car. He also did not make an appearance at official functions. Following the abolition of the office in 1937, he retired.
*** Art O’Briain. (1872-1949). Born London, qualified as a Civil Engineer. Joined the Gaelic League in 1899 and was President of the London organisation (1914-1935). Joined the Irish Volunteers and became President of the Sinn Fein Council of Great Britain (1916-23). Co-founder of the Irish Self-Determination League of Great Britain and Vice President (1919-22) and President (1922-24). Appointed official spokesman for Dail Eireann during the War of Indpendence. Opposed the Treaty and was dismissed by the Provisional Government in June 1922. Deported from Britain in March 1923 but returned after the House of Lords declared their deportations illegal. Subsequently charged with conspiracy and served two years imprisonment until released by the Labour Government in June 1924. There were accusations that O’Briain had revealed sensetive information at his trial and that an inordinate sum of money had been spent on his defence. In 1935, he became the Irish Minister Plenipotentiary to France and Belgium, retiring in 1939 to Ireland.
**** Lawrence Ginnell (1854-1923) Nationalist Politician and writer. Born Co. Westmeath. Barrister in both Britain & Ireland. Popularly known as the ‘Member for Ireland’ he was MP for Westmeath 1906-18. An impassioned orator, he was several times ejected from the House of Commons for not following procedure. He changed from the Irish Parliamentary Party following the Rising, joined Sinn Fein and became National Treasurer. Elected to the first Dail Eireann for Westmeath, he became Director of Publicity (1919-21). Imprisoned in May 1919. In August 1922, following a request from De Valera, he became the only Anti-Treaty supporter to sit in Dail Eireann but after demanding the credentials of the Dail, was forcibly removed. He became a member of the Republican Council of State in the Anti-Treaty Government . Died in the US.
Washington: The United States Senate voted overwhelmingly in favour of war against Germany, by a margin of 82 to six (the six holdouts were an eclectic bunch, and included Senator James Vardaman of Mississippi, an isolationist and notorious racist; George Norris of Nebraska, a left-leaning Progressive Republican who blamed Wall Street for bringing on the war; and Robert LaFollette, the pacifist Republican from Wisconsin, who had opposed even arming merchant ships as a belligerent act, and also had a large number of German-American constituents).
5
The Missourian, an American steamer, sunk in Mediterranean by U-Boat.
6:
Dublin Castle: The British Administration in Ireland banned all meetings, processions or demonstrations throughout Ireland from Sunday April 8th to Easter Sunday April 15th.
Russia: Kerensky’s provisional government introduces an 8 hour day and abolishes capital punishment.
Washington: Congress declared war on Germany. In the Senate, the resolution (below) passed 82 to 6 at 3am, with Senators Harry Lane, William J. Stone, James Vardaman, Asle Gronna, Robert M. La Follette, Sr., and George W. Norris voting against it. In the House, the declaration passed 373 to 50, with Claude Kitchin, a senior Democrat, notably opposing it. (One of the dissenters was Rep. Jeannette Rankin of Montana, who later became the only member of either chamber of Congress to vote against declaring war against the Japanese Empire on Monday, December 8, 1941.)
WHEREAS, The Imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of war against the people of the United States of America; therefore, be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of war between the United States and the Imperial German Government, which has thus been thrust upon the United States, is hereby formally declared; and that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.
Immediately after the resolution was passed by the House, it was signed by House Speaker, Champ Clark. About nine hours later, at 12:14 p.m., it was signed by Vice President Thomas R. Marshall. Less than an hour after that, when President Wilson signed it at 1:11 p.m., the United States was officially at war against the German Empire.
Allied and Axis reaction
The reaction in the Allied powers to the U.S. declaration of war was understandably jubilant, as the world’s largest neutral country (possessing the world’s largest economy) finally swung into action after years of prevarication and delay.
The American declaration of war further depressed German morale. Chief of the general staff Paul von Hindenburg and his chief collaborator, Erich Ludendorff, remained convinced that the U.S. contribution to the Allied war effort would be mostly financial, and German newspapers reassured the public accordingly (of course not everyone shared their confidence). One German junior officer, Fritz Nagel, recalled the general attitude at the time, as well as the skepticism of the more cosmopolitan industrial elite:
In April 1917 the U.S. Congress declared war, but the German people were not too frightened. We knew the Americans had a small army and navy and we could not see how these forces could influence the war’s events. It would take years for them to mobilize and by that time the war would be over. The average German knew very little about American history, and while thinking about American soldiers, he visualized an army of cowboys appearing on the battlefield with their funny hats and lassos, like Teddy Roosevelt and his Rough Riders. Surely they would not amount to much on the Western Front. But some educated people, especially those in north Germany who knew the United States well, now feared it might be impossible to win.
WHEREAS, The Imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of war against the people of the United States of America; therefore, be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of war between the United States and the Imperial German Government, which has thus been thrust upon the United States, is hereby formally declared; and that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.
Immediately after the resolution was passed by the House, it was signed by House Speaker, Champ Clark. About nine hours later, at 12:14 p.m., it was signed by Vice President Thomas R. Marshall. Less than an hour after that, when President Wilson signed it at 1:11 p.m., the United States was officially at war against the German Empire.
Allied and Axis reaction
The reaction in the Allied powers to the U.S. declaration of war was understandably jubilant, as the world’s largest neutral country (possessing the world’s largest economy) finally swung into action after years of prevarication and delay.
The American declaration of war further depressed German morale. Chief of the general staff Paul von Hindenburg and his chief collaborator, Erich Ludendorff, remained convinced that the U.S. contribution to the Allied war effort would be mostly financial, and German newspapers reassured the public accordingly (of course not everyone shared their confidence). One German junior officer, Fritz Nagel, recalled the general attitude at the time, as well as the skepticism of the more cosmopolitan industrial elite:
In April 1917 the U.S. Congress declared war, but the German people were not too frightened. We knew the Americans had a small army and navy and we could not see how these forces could influence the war’s events. It would take years for them to mobilize and by that time the war would be over. The average German knew very little about American history, and while thinking about American soldiers, he visualized an army of cowboys appearing on the battlefield with their funny hats and lassos, like Teddy Roosevelt and his Rough Riders. Surely they would not amount to much on the Western Front. But some educated people, especially those in north Germany who knew the United States well, now feared it might be impossible to win.
Below: Cumann na mBan letter concerning Irish prisoners from 1916 Rising
The letter, apparently addressed to newspaper editors, criticises the treatment of Republican prisoners in Britain, forced to "wear convict clothes stamped with the broad arrow...heads are cropped....not allowed shake hands with relatives...warder always present during visits...live on prison food...allowed no supplies from outside....only one hour's exercise,....locked in their cells after work....rise at 5.30...monotonous work all day...lights are out at 8 o'clock in spite of promises ...no time for reading or literary work...food consists principally of dry bread, beans, tea etc...heating at Lewes prison is very bad...drudgery...slavery to warders...We claim...the right to be treated as Prisoners of War...The case of Countess Markievicz calls for special attention...in Aylesbury Convict Prison, and is only allowed association with the lowest criminals."
The letter, apparently addressed to newspaper editors, criticises the treatment of Republican prisoners in Britain, forced to "wear convict clothes stamped with the broad arrow...heads are cropped....not allowed shake hands with relatives...warder always present during visits...live on prison food...allowed no supplies from outside....only one hour's exercise,....locked in their cells after work....rise at 5.30...monotonous work all day...lights are out at 8 o'clock in spite of promises ...no time for reading or literary work...food consists principally of dry bread, beans, tea etc...heating at Lewes prison is very bad...drudgery...slavery to warders...We claim...the right to be treated as Prisoners of War...The case of Countess Markievicz calls for special attention...in Aylesbury Convict Prison, and is only allowed association with the lowest criminals."
7
The London Daily Mail wrote:
‘there is only one obstacle to the undiluted outpouring of American sentiment in favour of the allies. That obstacle is Ireland.’
Count Plunkett called for a convention for the purpose of achieving a common understanding between Nationalist groups and methods to be taken to work towards full independence.
Wage demands by workers across the building trades led to a series strike actions in the Munster region. In Cork, where the masons’ and plasterers’ societies took strike action, the scale of the wage increases sought ranged between 6s and 9s a week. In response, the builders signalled a willingness to concede to some, though not all, of the strikers’ demands: in respect of the masons, for instance, they have indicated a willingness to grant a war bonus of 3s a week subject to a number of unspecified conditions. The actions of Cork’s masons and plasterers are rooted in concerns around increased living costs and they arose at a time when another dispute - between the Cork Carpenters’ Society and the Builders’ Federation - looked set to worsen in the absence of mediation. Despite reports of an improved atmosphere between the two parties, at meeting of the Carpenters, arrangements were made for further action to be taken should the strike continue.
The current industrial unrest was not confined to Cork. In neighbouring Kerry, a recent strike action involving members of the Carpenters’ Society at Donovan’s Ltd in Tralee had escalated into a ‘lockout’ of workers. The strike, which arose over the non-payment of a promised war bonus, appeared to have been settled when the both the carpenters and Donovan’s Ltd agreed that the men would resume work on their old work conditions until such time as the Board of Trade had decided upon the issue of the war bonus. 12 of the 25 men who had been on strike returned to work on those conditions, but of all them have been subsequently dismissed for unsatisfactory performance, the company alleging that not enough work was being ‘turned out’ by the men in question.
The Tralee Branch of the Society of Carpenters and Joiners has claimed that their members have been ‘locked out’ by their employer motivated by, in part, a hostility towards unions. Furthermore, the Society has claimed that ‘no men have suffered more under war conditions than the men of the building trade. The rises in building material have grown so excessive that people would actually leave their buildings to fall before they would repair them: consequently for the carpenter it meant complete idleness.’
The Society also noted that when the British government started placing munitions orders with Irish contractors, it did so on the understanding that a fair wage clause would be observed, the wages to be determined by the conditions prevailing in each locality. It was impossible for men to live on the same wages as they received prior to the war and that’s why the war bonus was so crucial to the Society’s members. ‘Is there any reason’, the Society has asked, ‘why men who have been hardest hit by the war and for whose benefit principally Munitions works were established here should not get that bonus?’
Washington: The U.S.Immigration Act of 1917 expanded excludable political subversives beyond the anarchist category to include persons who advocate the assassination of government officials or the destruction of private property. Also in 1917, a literacy test was added to the admission requirements--although it was speadily waived in the interest of admitting aliens as war production workers.
Cuba and Panama declare war with Germany.
A classic cultural artifact of the era is the song “Over There,” penned by George M. Cohan in a few hours travelling by train from New Rochelle to New York. It was first registered with the Library of Congress by publisher William Jerome, on June 1. The song reflected Americans' expectations that the war would be short. The song was introduced to the public in the autumn of 1917, when it was sung at a Red Cross benefit in New York City. It would later become the most popular song during the war, with over two million copies sold. Notable early recordings include versions by Nora Bayes, Enrico Caruso, Billy Murray, Arthur Fields and Charles King.
Johnny, get your gun, get your gun, get your gun.
Take it on the run, on the run, on the run.
Hear them calling you and me,
Every Son of Liberty.
Hurry right away, no delay, go today.
Make your Daddy glad to have had such a lad.
Tell your sweetheart not to pine,
To be proud her boy's in line.
Johnny, get your gun, get your gun, get your gun.
Johnny, show the "Hun" you're a son-of-a-gun.
Hoist the flag and let her fly
Yankee Doodle do or die.
Pack your little kit, show your grit, do your bit.
Yankee to the ranks from the towns and the tanks.
Make your Mother proud of you
And the old red-white-and-blue
Chorus
Over there, over there,
Send the word, send the word over there
That the Yanks are coming, the Yanks are coming
The drums rum-tumming everywhere.
So prepare, say a prayer,
Send the word, send the word to beware –
We'll be over, we're coming over,
And we won't come back till it's over, over there.
8
New York: A large Irish-American meeting was held in Carnegie Hall, New York with Judges Cohalan and Goff the principal speakers There they organised a telegram of Irish-American support for any measures President Wilson may advocate for the ‘maintenance and protection of America’s honour and interests’ while hoping that he would ‘raise his voice in a demand for justice to Ireland which can only be secured by establishing her independence’. In another letter to the Congress Speaker, Clark, an appeal was made for Congress to ‘take such action as will secure the independence of Ireland, not at the end of the war when scraps of paper may be safely torn up, but now when America’s intervention will count for more than at any other time in the future’ Similiar meetings were held in Buffalo, Philadelphia and elsewhere and identical demands made.
Devoy was shrewd enough to know that this public posturing would do little to change opinions in some quarters of Washington.
Austria-Hungary breaks diplomatic relations with United States.
9
Washington: During the following months, the Friends of Irish Freedom continued to organise meetings and lobby Congress.
On Capitol Hill, Washington, Representative McCormick of Illinois, introduced a resolution calling for American support in the fight for Irish freedom. This resolution was easily sidestepped and pigeonholed. Judge Cohalan stated ‘..if a plebiscite were taken tomorrow, a large majority of the men and women of Ireland would declare themselves in favour of independence and of an Irish Republic.’
Dublin: Along with the usual religious observances, Easter 1917 saw a number of events commemorating the rebellion that took place in Dublin. At Glasnevin Cemetery Easter Sunday, 100 girls placed wreaths trimmed with green, white and orange on the graves of republicans who were shot during the rebellion. The girls then stood by the graves and offered prayers in Irish for the souls of the dead. A strong force of police at the cemetery did not seek to intervene. In Dublin city centre earlier today, there was much commotion when a Republican flag was raised to half-mast over the rubble of the GPO. The flag was placed there by a young man wearing ‘an ancient Irish costume’. A small party of men and women also waved a tricolor on the summit of Nelson’s Pillar. This was greeted with cheering – and more cheering again when the party descended. Here and there around the city small copies of the Easter Proclamation were posted. They bore the slogan: ‘The Irish Republic Still Lives.’
Two men were arrested in Sackville street area when a scuffle erupted and shop windows were broken after police ordered the flag to be cut down. Later in the day there was some stone-throwing around the Talbot Street area, but it remained of relatively minor importance.
Western Front: Germans retreat before British forces on long front as part of the Nivelle Offensive.
Vincent O'Brien, race horse trainer born.
10
Washington: Aware that the Irish question had many political implications, President Wilson felt that something should be done about extending Home Rule to Ireland. If this could be done in a manner that would not seriously affect British interests, it would remove a problem that continue to dog Anglo-American relations. He wrote to Ambassador Page in London to ‘convey to the Prime Minister in the most confidential manner’ that the only factor preventing complete American co-operation with Britain was ‘the failure to find a satisfactory method of self-government for Ireland....if the people of the United States could feel that there was an early prospect of the establishment for Ireland of substantial self-government, a very great element of satisfaction and enthuasism would be added to the co-operation...between this country and Great Britain....successful action now would absolutely divorce our citizens of Irish birth and sympathy from the German sympathisers here with whom many of them have been inclined to make common cause..’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.230
London: The War Cabinet met and Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour (former Conservative Prime Minister 1902-06 & Foreign Minister 1916-19) was tasked to conciliate American opinion during his forth-coming official visit to the US at the end of April and while there, agreed to undertake to 'make special enquiry, and to telegraph the War Cabinet, as to the importance of the Irish Question in connection with our relations with the United States of America'.
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p63
The Balfour Mission to the United States, also referred to as the Balfour Visit, became the first formal war-time diplomatic visit to the United States by the British Government. The mission's purpose was to promote wartime cooperation, and to assess the war-readiness of Britain's new partner. Various meetings were planned between Balfour & President Woodrow Wilson including discussions on the secret treaties which bound Britain and France to Italy and others.
11
Western Front: The Arras Offensive starts as British forces pierce German lines to three miles and take 11,000 prisoners.
12
Lewes Prison: Gerald Crofts, a 28 year old ‘Delft Merchant’ jailed for 5 years penal servitude for his part in the Rising was released from Lewes Prison on the grounds of ill-health. Hidden in a scapular worn by Crofts, de Valera wrote a despatch seeking a more reliable methold of communication:
‘The only chance would be to draw up a detailed account and give it to trustworthy visitors coming here, with instructions that they were to endeavour to pass it to one of our men ( in convict dress ) who is often at the gate.’
De Valera considered a knowledge of the political position essential for the prisoners: ‘ we regard ourselves as at present, in a very special way, identified with the cause, the ideals and aspirations for which our comrades died last Easter. We feel than any important action of ours will, too, have a reflex effect on last Easter’s sacrifice. To do anything which would be liable to be misinterpreted and misrepresented – to create a wrong impression as to ideals, principles and opinoons which prompted last Easter’s action would, it seems to us, be a national calamity’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P54/55
Switzerland: Austrian and Bulgarian diplomats approach Allied envoys to discuss peace terms.
United States: The world’s largest telescope is opened when the Hooker Reflector at Mount Wilson Observatory, Californaia swung into action. The previous title holder for 72 years was the 72 inch ( 182.8cm ) speculum commissioned and developed by William, Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse in 1843-45.
Rev B. Murphy wrote from Our Lady of the Rosary, South Boston:
Dear Diarmuid.
Got your little note today – the first word I got from any member of the family for over a year.
We are well over here. Mail you a letter also by this same mail c/o The Gov of Lewes Prison.
M. Curley, Mayor of Boston has at last taken up your case [ words illegible ] we are leaving no stone unturned [ words illegible ]
Yours fondly
Rev P.B.Murphy
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3-35
13
Washington: Representative Gallagher of Chicago introduced another resolution calling for American support in the fight for Irish freedom in the House of Representatives, Washington. This too was easily sidestepped.
The British Ambassador in Washington, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, certainly appreciated the still considerable influence that the 'Irish Question' played in American politics and in Irish-American public opinion, wrote to Lord Robert Cecil in the British Foreign Office:
‘the Irish-American’s are of very great political importance at the present moment. The question is one which is at the root of most of our troubles with the United States...the President is by descent an Orangeman and by education a Presbyterian. But he is the leader of the Democratic Party in which the Irish play a prominent part, and he is bound in every way to give consideration to their demands...’.
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.226
And..’The fact that the Irish question is still unsettled is continually quoted against us, as a proof that it is not wholly true that the fight is one for…the independence of small nations.’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.43
Thousands in Ireland are thretened with unemployment by the new restrictions on output by the brewing and distilling industries.
Western Front: Vimy Ridge, Givenchy, Bailleul and positions about Lens taken by Canadians.
14
Washington: Congress votes a $7,000 Million war loan.
The Committee for Public Information (CPI), was established by Wilson in order to promote awareness of the reasons for America’s entry into the war, generate support for the war effort, and disseminate information about how ordinary Americans can contribute. Led by journalist George Creel, the CPI quickly grew into a powerful, well-funded propaganda machine, using every means available to persuade Americans that the war was just and discredit its opponents. Media employed by the CPI included posters, books, pamphlets, movies, gramophone records, music, live theater, and “spoken word,” including the famous “four-minute men,” an army of 75,000 speakers who could deliver a carefully rehearsed speech in favour of some aspect of the U.S. war effort in any public setting (a powerful tool before the widespread adoption of radio).
One of the main goals of the CPI was inducing compliance with the draft; it would go on to play a key role raising awareness of the “Liberty Loan” public bond sales and convincing Americans to put their savings at the disposal of the war effort, as well as defending unpopular measures like rationing. Although propaganda doubtless played a role in shaping public opinion, America’s patriotic fervour was real and widespread.
Lewes Prison: Diarmuid Lynch received another ‘Round Robin’ letter from amogst others, Kathleen Clarke, Madge Daly & Alice Lynch. Kathleen Clarke, widow of Tom Clarke starts the letter from Barrington Street, Limerick:
The London Daily Mail wrote:
‘there is only one obstacle to the undiluted outpouring of American sentiment in favour of the allies. That obstacle is Ireland.’
Count Plunkett called for a convention for the purpose of achieving a common understanding between Nationalist groups and methods to be taken to work towards full independence.
Wage demands by workers across the building trades led to a series strike actions in the Munster region. In Cork, where the masons’ and plasterers’ societies took strike action, the scale of the wage increases sought ranged between 6s and 9s a week. In response, the builders signalled a willingness to concede to some, though not all, of the strikers’ demands: in respect of the masons, for instance, they have indicated a willingness to grant a war bonus of 3s a week subject to a number of unspecified conditions. The actions of Cork’s masons and plasterers are rooted in concerns around increased living costs and they arose at a time when another dispute - between the Cork Carpenters’ Society and the Builders’ Federation - looked set to worsen in the absence of mediation. Despite reports of an improved atmosphere between the two parties, at meeting of the Carpenters, arrangements were made for further action to be taken should the strike continue.
The current industrial unrest was not confined to Cork. In neighbouring Kerry, a recent strike action involving members of the Carpenters’ Society at Donovan’s Ltd in Tralee had escalated into a ‘lockout’ of workers. The strike, which arose over the non-payment of a promised war bonus, appeared to have been settled when the both the carpenters and Donovan’s Ltd agreed that the men would resume work on their old work conditions until such time as the Board of Trade had decided upon the issue of the war bonus. 12 of the 25 men who had been on strike returned to work on those conditions, but of all them have been subsequently dismissed for unsatisfactory performance, the company alleging that not enough work was being ‘turned out’ by the men in question.
The Tralee Branch of the Society of Carpenters and Joiners has claimed that their members have been ‘locked out’ by their employer motivated by, in part, a hostility towards unions. Furthermore, the Society has claimed that ‘no men have suffered more under war conditions than the men of the building trade. The rises in building material have grown so excessive that people would actually leave their buildings to fall before they would repair them: consequently for the carpenter it meant complete idleness.’
The Society also noted that when the British government started placing munitions orders with Irish contractors, it did so on the understanding that a fair wage clause would be observed, the wages to be determined by the conditions prevailing in each locality. It was impossible for men to live on the same wages as they received prior to the war and that’s why the war bonus was so crucial to the Society’s members. ‘Is there any reason’, the Society has asked, ‘why men who have been hardest hit by the war and for whose benefit principally Munitions works were established here should not get that bonus?’
Washington: The U.S.Immigration Act of 1917 expanded excludable political subversives beyond the anarchist category to include persons who advocate the assassination of government officials or the destruction of private property. Also in 1917, a literacy test was added to the admission requirements--although it was speadily waived in the interest of admitting aliens as war production workers.
Cuba and Panama declare war with Germany.
A classic cultural artifact of the era is the song “Over There,” penned by George M. Cohan in a few hours travelling by train from New Rochelle to New York. It was first registered with the Library of Congress by publisher William Jerome, on June 1. The song reflected Americans' expectations that the war would be short. The song was introduced to the public in the autumn of 1917, when it was sung at a Red Cross benefit in New York City. It would later become the most popular song during the war, with over two million copies sold. Notable early recordings include versions by Nora Bayes, Enrico Caruso, Billy Murray, Arthur Fields and Charles King.
Johnny, get your gun, get your gun, get your gun.
Take it on the run, on the run, on the run.
Hear them calling you and me,
Every Son of Liberty.
Hurry right away, no delay, go today.
Make your Daddy glad to have had such a lad.
Tell your sweetheart not to pine,
To be proud her boy's in line.
Johnny, get your gun, get your gun, get your gun.
Johnny, show the "Hun" you're a son-of-a-gun.
Hoist the flag and let her fly
Yankee Doodle do or die.
Pack your little kit, show your grit, do your bit.
Yankee to the ranks from the towns and the tanks.
Make your Mother proud of you
And the old red-white-and-blue
Chorus
Over there, over there,
Send the word, send the word over there
That the Yanks are coming, the Yanks are coming
The drums rum-tumming everywhere.
So prepare, say a prayer,
Send the word, send the word to beware –
We'll be over, we're coming over,
And we won't come back till it's over, over there.
8
New York: A large Irish-American meeting was held in Carnegie Hall, New York with Judges Cohalan and Goff the principal speakers There they organised a telegram of Irish-American support for any measures President Wilson may advocate for the ‘maintenance and protection of America’s honour and interests’ while hoping that he would ‘raise his voice in a demand for justice to Ireland which can only be secured by establishing her independence’. In another letter to the Congress Speaker, Clark, an appeal was made for Congress to ‘take such action as will secure the independence of Ireland, not at the end of the war when scraps of paper may be safely torn up, but now when America’s intervention will count for more than at any other time in the future’ Similiar meetings were held in Buffalo, Philadelphia and elsewhere and identical demands made.
Devoy was shrewd enough to know that this public posturing would do little to change opinions in some quarters of Washington.
Austria-Hungary breaks diplomatic relations with United States.
9
Washington: During the following months, the Friends of Irish Freedom continued to organise meetings and lobby Congress.
On Capitol Hill, Washington, Representative McCormick of Illinois, introduced a resolution calling for American support in the fight for Irish freedom. This resolution was easily sidestepped and pigeonholed. Judge Cohalan stated ‘..if a plebiscite were taken tomorrow, a large majority of the men and women of Ireland would declare themselves in favour of independence and of an Irish Republic.’
Dublin: Along with the usual religious observances, Easter 1917 saw a number of events commemorating the rebellion that took place in Dublin. At Glasnevin Cemetery Easter Sunday, 100 girls placed wreaths trimmed with green, white and orange on the graves of republicans who were shot during the rebellion. The girls then stood by the graves and offered prayers in Irish for the souls of the dead. A strong force of police at the cemetery did not seek to intervene. In Dublin city centre earlier today, there was much commotion when a Republican flag was raised to half-mast over the rubble of the GPO. The flag was placed there by a young man wearing ‘an ancient Irish costume’. A small party of men and women also waved a tricolor on the summit of Nelson’s Pillar. This was greeted with cheering – and more cheering again when the party descended. Here and there around the city small copies of the Easter Proclamation were posted. They bore the slogan: ‘The Irish Republic Still Lives.’
Two men were arrested in Sackville street area when a scuffle erupted and shop windows were broken after police ordered the flag to be cut down. Later in the day there was some stone-throwing around the Talbot Street area, but it remained of relatively minor importance.
Western Front: Germans retreat before British forces on long front as part of the Nivelle Offensive.
Vincent O'Brien, race horse trainer born.
10
Washington: Aware that the Irish question had many political implications, President Wilson felt that something should be done about extending Home Rule to Ireland. If this could be done in a manner that would not seriously affect British interests, it would remove a problem that continue to dog Anglo-American relations. He wrote to Ambassador Page in London to ‘convey to the Prime Minister in the most confidential manner’ that the only factor preventing complete American co-operation with Britain was ‘the failure to find a satisfactory method of self-government for Ireland....if the people of the United States could feel that there was an early prospect of the establishment for Ireland of substantial self-government, a very great element of satisfaction and enthuasism would be added to the co-operation...between this country and Great Britain....successful action now would absolutely divorce our citizens of Irish birth and sympathy from the German sympathisers here with whom many of them have been inclined to make common cause..’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.230
London: The War Cabinet met and Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour (former Conservative Prime Minister 1902-06 & Foreign Minister 1916-19) was tasked to conciliate American opinion during his forth-coming official visit to the US at the end of April and while there, agreed to undertake to 'make special enquiry, and to telegraph the War Cabinet, as to the importance of the Irish Question in connection with our relations with the United States of America'.
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p63
The Balfour Mission to the United States, also referred to as the Balfour Visit, became the first formal war-time diplomatic visit to the United States by the British Government. The mission's purpose was to promote wartime cooperation, and to assess the war-readiness of Britain's new partner. Various meetings were planned between Balfour & President Woodrow Wilson including discussions on the secret treaties which bound Britain and France to Italy and others.
11
Western Front: The Arras Offensive starts as British forces pierce German lines to three miles and take 11,000 prisoners.
12
Lewes Prison: Gerald Crofts, a 28 year old ‘Delft Merchant’ jailed for 5 years penal servitude for his part in the Rising was released from Lewes Prison on the grounds of ill-health. Hidden in a scapular worn by Crofts, de Valera wrote a despatch seeking a more reliable methold of communication:
‘The only chance would be to draw up a detailed account and give it to trustworthy visitors coming here, with instructions that they were to endeavour to pass it to one of our men ( in convict dress ) who is often at the gate.’
De Valera considered a knowledge of the political position essential for the prisoners: ‘ we regard ourselves as at present, in a very special way, identified with the cause, the ideals and aspirations for which our comrades died last Easter. We feel than any important action of ours will, too, have a reflex effect on last Easter’s sacrifice. To do anything which would be liable to be misinterpreted and misrepresented – to create a wrong impression as to ideals, principles and opinoons which prompted last Easter’s action would, it seems to us, be a national calamity’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P54/55
Switzerland: Austrian and Bulgarian diplomats approach Allied envoys to discuss peace terms.
United States: The world’s largest telescope is opened when the Hooker Reflector at Mount Wilson Observatory, Californaia swung into action. The previous title holder for 72 years was the 72 inch ( 182.8cm ) speculum commissioned and developed by William, Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse in 1843-45.
Rev B. Murphy wrote from Our Lady of the Rosary, South Boston:
Dear Diarmuid.
Got your little note today – the first word I got from any member of the family for over a year.
We are well over here. Mail you a letter also by this same mail c/o The Gov of Lewes Prison.
M. Curley, Mayor of Boston has at last taken up your case [ words illegible ] we are leaving no stone unturned [ words illegible ]
Yours fondly
Rev P.B.Murphy
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3-35
13
Washington: Representative Gallagher of Chicago introduced another resolution calling for American support in the fight for Irish freedom in the House of Representatives, Washington. This too was easily sidestepped.
The British Ambassador in Washington, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, certainly appreciated the still considerable influence that the 'Irish Question' played in American politics and in Irish-American public opinion, wrote to Lord Robert Cecil in the British Foreign Office:
‘the Irish-American’s are of very great political importance at the present moment. The question is one which is at the root of most of our troubles with the United States...the President is by descent an Orangeman and by education a Presbyterian. But he is the leader of the Democratic Party in which the Irish play a prominent part, and he is bound in every way to give consideration to their demands...’.
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.226
And..’The fact that the Irish question is still unsettled is continually quoted against us, as a proof that it is not wholly true that the fight is one for…the independence of small nations.’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.43
Thousands in Ireland are thretened with unemployment by the new restrictions on output by the brewing and distilling industries.
Western Front: Vimy Ridge, Givenchy, Bailleul and positions about Lens taken by Canadians.
14
Washington: Congress votes a $7,000 Million war loan.
The Committee for Public Information (CPI), was established by Wilson in order to promote awareness of the reasons for America’s entry into the war, generate support for the war effort, and disseminate information about how ordinary Americans can contribute. Led by journalist George Creel, the CPI quickly grew into a powerful, well-funded propaganda machine, using every means available to persuade Americans that the war was just and discredit its opponents. Media employed by the CPI included posters, books, pamphlets, movies, gramophone records, music, live theater, and “spoken word,” including the famous “four-minute men,” an army of 75,000 speakers who could deliver a carefully rehearsed speech in favour of some aspect of the U.S. war effort in any public setting (a powerful tool before the widespread adoption of radio).
One of the main goals of the CPI was inducing compliance with the draft; it would go on to play a key role raising awareness of the “Liberty Loan” public bond sales and convincing Americans to put their savings at the disposal of the war effort, as well as defending unpopular measures like rationing. Although propaganda doubtless played a role in shaping public opinion, America’s patriotic fervour was real and widespread.
Lewes Prison: Diarmuid Lynch received another ‘Round Robin’ letter from amogst others, Kathleen Clarke, Madge Daly & Alice Lynch. Kathleen Clarke, widow of Tom Clarke starts the letter from Barrington Street, Limerick:
Kathleen Clarke * wrote: ‘Dear Diarmuid. Your brother has very kindly allowed me space for self & friend to write you a few lines. Needless to say it is a great pleasure to me, but it would be much greater a pleasure could I write fully & tell you all the happenings here since Easter. I was glad to hear from Sean McGarry that you all received St Patrick’s Day cards, now that little break in prison monotony must be pleasant. For some days after Easter, I mourned you as one of those who had crossed the border, as, on my release from the Castle on the morning of May 3rd, a military police officer told me you were going ‘under the sword’ that morning. That night, Madge, Laura & I saw Ned [ Edward Daly, her brother.] but, could not get any information whatever about you. I never saw Ned look so well, we feel very proud of him. It was a great grief to Uncle John that he was not with you all. I fear I shall have to stay in Limerick until the war is over, as starting in business is out of the question until then. Supplies are so hard to get in every line of business. Madge now finds a difficulty even in her line. Do you remember the man from the West who was in the parlour last time I saw you. He is still in the West. I hear from him occasionally. I fear I have been too good to my friends & left myself short of space, so must conclude. Your friend, Kathleen Clarke.
Dairmuid, a cara dil. I just came into Barrington Street & found Mrs Clarke writing to you, so she kindly gave me a chance of saying a few words. I hope you are v.well & in good form. It's a long time now since that damous day when you put something in my [word illegible] in O’Connell Street and I believe I havent met you since. However, as I intent going to see Tomas at Easter, I’m going to ask for you too for a short time. Nora Foley will probably be with me & also a young lady from Donabate. I have visited G. Lodge often since Easter last – it’s the same answer, the same old place but the crowd all new. I was at a big ceilidhe at 25 before Xmas – all the absent members photos ( Keating’s I mean ) were hanging on the walls and even tho’ we all seemed to be enjoying the dances to perfection, there was something in every face & in every heart which told there was something missing. I knew some of the girls cried for hours & could not be comforted. Micheal Foley often writes to me from England & so does Sean O’Muirtuille – they are enjoying life at present in England. Both were at the Concert St Patrick’s night in London. I hope you got the cards I sent you at Xma & also St. Pat’s day. Give my love to A. Stack, C. Collins, de Valera, F, Lawless & Tomas. I hope to see you at Easter. Bets love, your old friend Nora.
Madge Daly: ‘Dear Diarmuid. I am so glad of a chance of writing to you if only to send a message of congratulations and of hope. I have met many of your comrades since Christmas and all tell the same tale, out before long. Please God, you will be able to tell the showl story to your friends and until then,believe that their thoughts and prayers are with you at all times.
Do you remember meeting Laura that Tuesday? Well, she arrived home wild with excitement and has never ceased regretting that she came home, but indeed we all have a grievance and will never cease bemoaning that fate placed us here, at that time. It would have been so much easier to have been with our own. However it is a great joy that our best loved friends all found themselves equal to the highest we had thought of them.
Kathleen is living here for the present and the boys, but her heart is in Dublin and she will goback after awhile. Daly is not very strong, he had to leave St. Edna’s lately in consequence, but Tom and Emmet and growing big and strong. My mother is also in rather poor health, she was so stuck in bed and the blow was not expected, that she is suffering from the shock. Lama & Kathu & I saw Ned and I don’t know how we faced home to her with the news the next day, but she took it so well and never grumbled.
Laura also has been very ill, she is in the Dr’s hands all the time and is now suffering from sciatica and in bed for over a month. However I have given you enough of our sickness and I would like to give you some good news, but I may not, so you must guess it for the present.
I was so glad that you can all talk doe an houe each day. It must be a great pleasure for I know well the havoc playe by that silent system on men. Will you give my best wishes to Con Collins, P Beasleay, A Stack, D McGarry, F Fahy, T Hunter, F Dunne. I feel so sure that you will all be home in Ireland before long, enjoying the fruits of your sacrifices and until then, Goodbye. With every good wish rom my mother, Agnes, laura, …I send you a card of regds on St Patrick’s Day. Hope you got it.
Yours sincerely,
M. Daly.
(The letter had now reached Dublin as Denis & Alice Lynch added their words)
Dear Mr Lynch.
Isnt it awfully good of Mrs L [ Alice Lynch ] to spare a page in the ‘budget’. I have often wished I could send you a line just to let you see you are not forgotten in Mountjoy Square. Everyone you kno who comes up asks for you. Gran was very sorry to hear about the pain in your back. She was wishing she had you here again to cure it up. We have never missed you one night out of the Rosary since Easter. Many thnaks for all the messages you sent us, we were delighted to get them. I’m sure you will be interested to hear a bit of news of Eithne. She left Africa in Nov. to come home via Australia and California. She arrived as far as Honolulu where Madame Melba ‘took her up and brought her to stay with her for a month. Then they came to ‘Frisco where she is her guest until the end of April. Isnt she very lucky? She then goes to New York, so I don’t suppose we’ll see her for some time. I passed by Richmond the other day for the first tiem since May. It reminded me of our last meeting and ‘Heres to the hope that the next will not be at a too distant date”. I shall now say goodbye as Mr & Mrs L have I’m sure, more more interesting news than I and I have already taken up too much space. Joined by Gran in wisihing you ‘Good Luck and all the blessings of Easter”.
I Remain ever sincerely
Aileen.
Alice completed the round robin with: ‘My dear Diarmuid. I was charmed to get your letter and all the enclosures which we forwarded. So far only one acknowledgement has reached us from United States. That was from Miss McManus. She & others will write to you in the near future & we will enclose their letters with ours. We were delighted to hear from her, for now we feel sure all the other notes have reached their destinations also & that answers will come in time. We have no communication from Dick for months & months & they have not heard of Curran & Keogh since before Xmas. We have written many times. I hope your letter will bring an answer and an acknowledgement to all our messages.
Denis had a short letter from J. Thornton asking for you, by this he has yours. All the relatives and friends far and near are very well. By all accounts Aunt Julia is now improved and not fretting too much. Paney still comes in everyday. Michael has got very strong & far since his last trip from Hollyhead & Dublin, which he did not enjoy, but which evidently did him good. We are very anxious for another letter from you & hope you will be in as good form as when you wrote the last. We were hoping you would get this in time for Easter, but there were delays. However, we hope Easter brought you many happy and consoling thoughts. We had a great letter yesterday from Sean T.O.K. He and others are preparing to send letters to you next time, so when all the friends have their notes filled in, there’s precious little space left for ourselves. So I had better make the best of this. Denis had another letter from Walter yesterday, nothing doing so far but we wrote again & hope for better luck next time. They are very slow about taking out that policy.
O’Callaghan is with Coyle & Co, Brothers who have an office where the Equitable were in Westmoreland St. Did you hear that T.McSweeney is to be married shortly, either this month or in June, to Miss Murphy of Cork! Your girls are still turning up from all directions! You are a nice boy, there will be ‘some fun’ when you come home! Kattie spent Monday with me, she always asks for you. Thed is home & the same as ever. She went mad for a couple of weeks, but has settle down to normal life again. She will be here next week or the following one.
The plot at the Model Farm is progressing favourably. T Hyde and Sean O’D are still at home on holidays and Denis misses their help. I don’t know if we told you, Denis has a plot at the Model Farm Glasnevin, 1/8 of an acre. Donnely’s Orchard is all let in plots – such a change! Dr Woods was asking for you most kindly on Weds & sent his kindest regards. I had to take Mary [their housemaid] to him – she seems to be getting very delicate. I’m afraid we will have to find her some months rest treatment in the country. I am getting her examined by a specialist next week & then we shall know for certain. Poor little creature, I hope she will be allright, she is such a little treasure.
Louis & Mollie have left ‘Hibernia’ and taken a small farm beyond Ballymun. Sr Columba was delighted with your note and keeping it as a ‘relic’ if only you knew all the ‘relics’ of you that are knocking around! Do you know where your little watch strap is day & night??? We will give Sr Columba an opportunity of sending you a line later on. Dennis and I will go and see her soon. Goodbye now old boy with best love from us both.
Your affectionate sister.
Alice.
PS Dennis just received your letter. Have you seen the Dr? So sorry to hear about the pains but hope they are gone. Denis and others will write to you next week.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3-37.
Kathleen Clarke (1879-1972) – the neice of veteran Fenian, John Daly, sister of Edward Daly and married in 1901 to Tom Clarke. Lived for 6 years in the US an returned to Ireland in 1907. closely involved in her husbands work, she played a leading role in the Cumman na mBan. Jailed for a short time following the Rising, she became more involved with Sinn Fein and the struggle for independence. Entered Dail Eireann as a TD for Dublin in 1921, strongly opposed the Treaty. Lost her seat in 1922 and regained it in 1927 only to loose it again the following year. Nominated to the Senate from 1937. Sat as Lady Mayor of Dublin in 1943 and famously removed lingering royal portraits in the Mansion House, particularly Queen Victoria.
Austin Stack (1880-1929) – republican, Sinn Fein politician. Employed as an Income Tax inspector for the Dingle, Co.Kerry region. Founder-member of the Irish Volunteers in Kerry and was Commandant during the Rising. Unaware that the Aud was rriving three days earlier than the scheduled date, he failed to make contact with it. When hearing of a stranger arrested on Banna Strand, he made enquiries at the Tralee RIC station where Casement was held and was himself arrested. During his period of imprionment, he was ostracised by the Kerry Volunteers for not attempting to rescue Casement.
Elected as an honorary secretary of Sinn Fein, he was returned as the Sinn Fein representative for West Kerry to the first Dail Eireann in December 1918. Substitute Minister for Home Affairs in 1920 and Minsiter for Home Affairs from August 1921 to January 1922. Accompanied de Valera to London for talks with Lloyd George in July 1921 and supported the Anti-Treaty . Captured in April 1923, he was jailed and led a hunger strike which critically affected his health. Elected as an abstentioust republican for Kerry and West Limerick in 1923.
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Valerie Hobson, actress born.
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Youghal, Co. Cork: A Youghal bakery – Pasley and Co. Ltd – was charged with selling barm bracks in direct contravention of the Bread Order 1917. Youghal Petty Sessions heard that the firm had continued to sell barm bracks despite the fact that the Order prohibited the production of cakes. The bakery’s defence centred on the fact that they claimed not to realise brack was a cake, instead considering it to be a type of bread. This was contradicted by an expert witness Mr A.C. Reilly, who with 30 years of experience in the industry, stated before the court that ‘by no stretch of the imagination could barm bracks be called bread’. After hearing the case, however, Sir Henry Blake dismissed the charge saying that the order in question had yet to be published and as such it could not be acted upon. He appealed to bakeries to limit the amount of cakes they produced as flour was extremely scarce and would be better used in bread. The prohibition, when it comes into effect, means that afternoon tea in hotels and eateries will effectively be banned.
German government cut the daily bread ration from 1800 grams to 1350 grams per person per week.
16th Easter Sunday:
Dublin: Following the end of the British Administration ban on marches, demonstrations and meetings on the 15th, over 20,000 people gathered in front of the ruined GPO and cheered as a new tricolour was raised and members of Cumman na mBan distributed reprints of the 1916 proclamation overprinted with the words ‘The Republic Still Lives’. Throughout the country, masses were said for the 15 executed leaders of the Easter Rising.
‘ the War Cabinet confessed to itself that:
(1) The Home Rule Act is, in certain respects, out of date, and , in any circumstances and by common consent, must be amended before it can come into operation.
(2) The Government have announced in Parliament their intention of endeavouring to find a settlement.
(3) The Irish Nationalist Party decline to enter into any negotiations for a settlement.
(4) The permanent partition of Ireland has no friends, but, on the other hand, any attempt to include Ulster in a scheme of Home Rule at the present time must end in failure.’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.254
Westminster: The Cabinet proposed an Amending Bill to the Government of Ireland Act -Home Rule Bill, allowing each of the six Ulster counties to vote itself out of Home Rule by a 55% majority of electors voting.
The proposal then would be to refer the Bill, between its second reading and committee stages, to the Speakers’ Conference, not necessarily composed of MP’s or Peers. If the Amending Bill survived, the Government would then announce its intention of enforcing the original Home Rule Act unless the Bill was agreed upon and accepted before a certain date.
Not surprisingly, Sir Edward Carson was totally opposed to them. He was now mounting an opposition to Lloyd George by fusing the navy and Irish problems into one issue.
On the Naval front, the extent of shipping sunk by U-boats indicated that November 1st was the furthest limit of British shipping endurance. After that, the country would not have sufficient munitions, essential war supplies or food to survive the winter. Lloyd George proposed a convoy system but was blocked by the Admiralty and Sir Edward Carson. Through alliances, Lloyd George insisted on a trial convoy which left in mid-May, arriving successfully on May 20.
Russia: The Bolshevik leader, Lenin, returned to Russia, on arrival calling for an end to the war with Germany, an overthrow of the Provisional Government and abolition of the bureaucracy, army and police. Lenin and 17 other Bolsheviks were shipped across Germany in a sealed train as part of a secret deal reached with German ministers. The German motive for helping Lenin reach Russia was purely military, believing he may provoke a new revolution in Russia, which in turn would reverse the allied policy of the Provisional Government, or to seek an alternative peace and remove Russia from the war with Germany.
New York: Over 60,000 Germans had been arrested in the United States since the declaration of war on Germany, accused of spying and other offences. German sympathisers were also accused of being responsible for two explosions in munitions factory in Philadelphia, which have killed 200 people, mostly women. Two men were arrested – they are said to have warned their fellow-workers during the week not to continue at the plant. The news came as thousands of men enlisted in the American armed forces. Some 1,366 men enlisted in the navy on Easter aturday, constituting a new record.
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Dublin: Count Plunkett chaired a meeting of representatives of various national organisations in the Mansion House. Conflicting opinion on policy could only be partially resolved but with no one defined leadership. Most nationalists were keeping a low profile. The Irish Volunteers national organisation was still relatively intact, strong in some areas but weak to non-existent in others.
The Times and the Daily Mail (London newspapers both owned by Lord Northcliffe) print atrocity propaganda of the supposed existence of a German Corpse Factory.
New York: A Clan na Gael meeting in Carnegie Hall backed the President in ‘whatever measures he planned to take in defence of ‘America’s honour and interests’. The principal speaker was Cohalan; he urged Wilson to provide ‘justice to Ireland’. Devoy drafted a letter to Speaker Champ Clark of the House of Representatives assuring Congress ‘of our unswerving loyalty to the United States’ during the war.’
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P66
To many, including McGarrity, this seemed an about-face of what the Clan stood for.
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Page, the US Ambassador in London, met with Lloyd George and had a confidential conversation on the President’s instructions on April 10th. He wrote of the meeting to the State Secretary, Lansing:
‘he instantly understood and showed that he already knew the facts that I presented and was glad that the President had instructed me to bring the subject up. He had the American situation in mind during the whole discussion of Home Rule and he was doing his best...he asked me to request the President to give his views to Mr Balfour...after his arrival. Our country has no better English friend than Mr Balfour...the enlistment of his influence would be a great help...’ ’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.231
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Mansion House Committee set up in to pursue the unification of all republicans under the one banner.
While the broad-front committee which had organised Count Plunkett's election campaign in Roscommon had worked effectively together, the election had exposed a major weakness among republicans; the lack of an agreed programme. At issue was whether Plunkett’s ‘Liberty Clubs’ or Arthur Griffith’s Sinn Féin would become the nucleus and driving force of the new nationalist political movement
Count Plunkett identified this issue and with Rory O'Connor called a national convention to clarify which policy would drive the national movement, republicanism reinforced by physical force or Arthur Griffith's and early Sinn Féin's less radical dual-monarchy strategy.
Almost on the first anniversary of the Rising, some 1,000 delegates from 70 public bodies (including Board of Erin, Cumann na mBan, National Aid Association, Irish Nation League, the Irish Volunteers, 150 clergymen and members of Count Plunkett's Liberty Clubs) attended in the Mansion House, Dublin.
While the meeting proved inconclusive, the delegates in the Mansion House had failed to unite around a single programme or a single party, a committeewas set up to pursue this agenda in the coming months.
At the conclusion of the conference, a declaration was released. Based on the 1916 Proclamation, the declaration itself would be the basis itself for future declarations including the famous Declaration of Independence in 1919 and said:
- That we proclaim Ireland to be a separate nation.
- That we assert Ireland's right to freedom from all foreign control, denying the authority of any foreign parliament to make laws for Ireland.
- That we affirm the right of the Irish people to declare their will as law and enforce their decisions in their own land without let or hindrance from any country...
- That we declare that Ireland has never yielded, but has ever fought against foreign rule.
- That we hereby bind ourselves to use every means in our power to attain complete liberty for our country.''
The National Committee otherwise known as the Mansion House Committee elected were: George Plunkett; Arthur Griffith; Father Michael O'Flanaghan; Alderman Tom Kelly; Stephen O'Meara; Thomas Dillon; William O'Brien; Helena Moloney; Sean Milroy, Countess Plunkett and Sean Brown.
A National council of all Irish Nationalist organisations formed. Among the groups attending were Cumman na mBan, the National Aid Association, The Irish Nation League and Sinn Fein. While it proved impossible to unite the various groups into one organisation, a committee was appointed to form a National Council. The National Council in turn declared that Ireland was a separate nation, denied the right of any foreign Parliament to make laws for Ireland, and resolved that after the war, it would seek Irish representation at the proposed Peace conference and to use every means within their power to attain complete liberty for Ireland.
At the same meeting, it was decided that Joseph McGuinness, an I.R.B. prisoner serving three years in Lewes Prison for his part in the rising, would be proposed as a candidate in a by-election for the Irish Parliamentary Party stronghold of South Longford.
Again Collins, Griffith and De Valera joined in the campaign and MacGuinness even received the endorsement of the Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. W.J.Walsh.
Blackrock: A meeting of the Blackrock Urban Council discussed a circular which has been sent demanding better treatment for Countess Markievicz. The chairman of the council, J.P. McCabe moved a resolution that, while not approving of the policy or the attitude with which she was identified in the Rising, she should receive the same privileges as the other Irish prisoners. He concluded that it was owing to the way Lloyd George had acted that Ireland was in turmoil. Mr T. Murphy stated that if the Countess had been in the Russian Revolution she would have been made a second Joan of Arc. The English Government had congratulated the Russian revolutionaries on securing their freedom: ‘Why should Ireland be downtrodden?’
The views of McCabe and Murphy were opposed by Lady Dockrell and by Dr Good, who said he was ashamed to be a member of the council. In response, the chairman said that if it wasn’t for the actions of Sir Edward Carson there would never have been a rebellion. The four Unionist members present then withdrew in protest and the resolution was carried unanimously.
The first US shots in the European war when the ‘Mongolia’ sinks a German submarine.
Washington: Shane Leslie now invited 6 individuals to form a delegation of representative & prominent Irish Americans to meet with the British Foreign Secretary, Arthur Balfour (1848-1930) who was heading a vital British mission to Washington. This delegate group was to be led by John Quinn (1870-1924) a successful New York lawyer, supporter of the arts and prominent member of the once powerful Irish League of America. The group also included Dr William Maloney, Laurence Godkin, Fr. Wynee, Col. Robert Emmet and ex-Mayor Fitzgerald.
Prior to his visit, Lord Northcliffe had cabled the American Press that ‘Mr Balfour had power to settle the Irish issue in Washington’ on his arrival.
Dr Maloney agreed to present a written statement to Mr Balfour ‘providing the statement was adequate and the six would adhere to it. The invitation was not repeated.’
Press Statement by William J Maloney* – July 1921. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives. Folder 6/2
Leslie's delegate group's statement when it was eventually agreed upon & issued, urged that Home Rule be implemented immediately in Ireland so as to soothe Irish-American opinion and so ensure greater co-operation between the United States and Britain in the combined war effort. Reaction was to be swift.
Balfour was mainly remembered in Irish & Irish-American circles as 'Bloody Balfour' from his stint as Chief Secretary of Ireland (1887-1891) when he distinguished himself with a mixture of ruthless coercion and some mediocre conciliation. However he had made constructive efforts to deal with the land problem, established a system of rail networks linking the West of Ireland to Dublin, oversaw the Congested Districts Board to deal with land issues in the west and the 1891 Land Purchase Act. However, Balfour was a lifelong opponent of Home Rule and certainly used his influence to prevent any such measures from being considered. Later as Prime Minister he oversaw the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act 1903, which bought out the Anglo-Irish land owners. His Balfour Declaration of 1917, in a letter to Lord Rothschild affirming the British government's support for the establishment of a "national home for the Jewish people" in Palestine, then part of the Ottoman Empire, became a lasting legacy with two indirect consequences, the emergence of Israel and a chronic, ongoing state of conflict between Arabs and Jews throughout the Middle East. It has been described as the "original sin" with respect to both Britain's failure in Palestine and for wider events in Palestine
Churchill compared Balfour to H. H. Asquith: "The difference between Balfour and Asquith is that Arthur is wicked and moral, while Asquith is good and immoral."
Dr William Maloney (1882-1852) by Kelly Anne Reynolds
In Dr William J. M. A. Maloney’s own words, he was ‘a nobody in the Irish movement’, but for a nobody the ‘Doc’ proved to be one of the more complex characters of the Irish Revolution. He was beloved by Dr Patrick McCartan and Joseph McGarrity, but loathed by others like Judge Daniel F. Cohalan and John Devoy. A Scottish nerve specialist with no previous ties to Irish nationalism, Dr Maloney’s progression from a disillusioned British Army physician into a full-fledged Irish nationalist happened seemingly overnight. Maloney was ‘The Doctor’ behind some of the most powerful Irish propaganda in the United States during his time in the Irish movement. His interpretations about how to achieve recognition for an Irish Republic differed from that of others, as did the ways in which he used American progressive ideas to communicate the Irish struggle beyond an Irish-American audience. |
Born of Irish descent in Edinburgh on October 16, 1882, the University of Edinburgh alumnus developed a reputation as an exceptional mind after completing his medical degree in 1907. Ahead of the time in his research, he spent the next years continuing his medical training with fellowships in Paris, London, and Munich... Maloney was inducted into the Royal Society of Edinburgh and moved to New York in 1911 to be Professor of Nervous Diseases at Fordham University. In January, 1913 he married Margaret McKim, daughter of renowned American architect Charles Follen McKim, in Canada and during their first years of marriage they traveled to Bermuda, England, Scotland, and Ireland. In Ireland, Maloney was in contact with Douglas Hyde...but before the war Maloney’s own views on Ireland are not clear. Although his later writing looks down on Carson and the unionists describing the Ulster crisis as the ‘Carson Rebellion’ and being far from the peaceful assembly they claimed it to be.
While visiting Ireland in 1914, the outbreak of the First World War pushed Dr Maloney to enlist as a Lieutenant in the Royal Army Medical Corps. As a British subject, he believed it a moral obligation and was among those motivated by the ‘iniquity of the German invasion of Belgium.’ Wounded at the Battle of the Marne, and then more seriously at Gallipoli when trying to aid an officer, he earned a promotion and the Military Cross. Maloney returned to New York and soon after traveled to Bermuda with his wife.
His involvement in Irish affairs began after the execution of the Easter Rising leaders, when he travelled to England in July to aid Roger Casement in his appeal. Maloney had connections to Lord Eustace Percy and Sir Shane Leslie in their professional connections to the British foreign office, but remained coy about any previous connections to Roger Casement himself. During this trip Maloney found out that his younger brother had died at the Somme from wounds received at Longueval. On 4 August, the day after Casement’s execution, Maloney got into an altercation with fellow officers at a private club in London over Casement’s execution and resigned from his commission before sailing home on the 5th.
To continue the recovery of paralysis in his right leg, Maloney and his wife spent seven months (October 1916 – April 1917) in Jamaica. Maloney returned once the United States had entered the war, and from this point on he became increasingly more disillusioned with the British war aims and even returned his Military Cross in anger. He put his effort behind the Irish cause, beginning with critical editorials in the New York Evening Post on the Irish Question and the War, the Balfour Mission, and the Irish Convention. Maloney’s ‘Irish Convention Symposium’ was a series of articles in the Evening Post where he posed questions and published the responses from political leaders, in an attempt to understand the opinions of Irish Americans. This showed the views on the convention varied and were not as supportive as the British propaganda portrayed. Since a group of prominent Irish-American Presbyterians were reportedly going over to aid ‘their Ulster brethren,’ Maloney then suggested that a similar group supporting the nationalist and Sinn Féin perspective should go as well. That group could include prominent figures such as the lawyer Michael J. Ryan, Justice Daniel F. Cohalan, former Senator James O’Gorman, composer Victor Herbert, and the progressive lawyer Bainbridge Colby. Maloney seems to have been seeking some balance between the two opposing sides even as the British and American governments sought to promote moderation in order to decrease support for Irish revolutionaries. Maloney believed that the Irish convention was British ‘camouflage’ and criticised attempts to preemptively blame the native Irish population should the convention fail. Due to his wife’s familial connection to Oswald Garrison Villard, owner of the Evening Post and The Nation, Maloney had unfettered access to publishing his views.
Dr Maloney advocated for Irish independence through connections with notable liberal and progressive Americans after he tried to convince his British peers to take action. He failed to persuade his friend Lord Eustace Percy, the blockade specialist with the Balfour Mission, to find a quick and fair solution to the Irish Question. This happened at a notorious 3 May British Embassy meeting with his friends Lord Percy and Sir Shane Leslie. Later in September, this meeting would be used by Judge Cohalan as proof of a conspiracy by the American and British governments to silence him with the Von Igel Papers scandal. In doing so he evoked the names of the men at the meeting including Dr Maloney, as Maloney had given him permission to do so.
Although Dr Maloney’s role was often behind the scenes because he did not have titles or leading roles in the organisations and efforts he helped spearhead, he was often a key manager. His efforts ranged from planning and written work to demonstrations with groups like the Irish Progressive League and the League of Oppressed Peoples. Maloney’s medical contributions extended to the Irish cause too, when he acted as a physician to several Irish nationalists during their time in the United States. Maloney became a reliable physician to ailing Irish Revolutionaries like Liam Mellows, Joseph McGarrity, Harry Boland, and even advised Laurence Ginnell via letter while he was in Argentina. From 1918 onward, he worked closely with Dr McCartan and McGarrity becoming the single most prolific contributor to the Irish Press; according to Dr McCartan, Maloney ‘not only wrote articles and editorials, but gathered news for us and helped us in our policy. It was Maloney’s writing on Irish Conscription for the New York Evening Post, the New York Globe, and America that got the attention of both Irish-America and the British Embassy. Maloney approached Irish conscription in a manner that reflected the American situation in relation to conscientious objectors, mainly that conscription was in violation of the rights of the individual. He did not portray the issue as nationalist, but as imperialist: ‘the obsession of these imperialists to impose unity of sacrifice in the empire. They [we]re trying to make conscription a means of imperial consolation.’ He concluded that every ‘Irish Republican is, ipso facto, a conscientious objector to imperial conscription’ as how could they be ‘forced to fight for a liberty which they themselves do not possess.’
Maloney increasingly put the Irish situation in the context of international affairs and global history, as seen in his series ‘The Irish Issue’. His most scathing analysis came in the two articles on the ‘English Aspect’ and the ‘Ulster Aspect’ which contrasted English imperialism with that of Germany. In the ‘Ulster Aspect,’ Maloney criticised home rule because it would have created ‘an Ireland without economic or judicial or political or any other independence, an Ireland more subject to Britain than is Canada or any of Britain’s self-governing dominions.’ As Maloney’s disappointment increased with each British policy blunder in Ireland, so grew his Irish nationalism. It was a risky tactic to compare England to Germany while America was still at war and consumed with anti-German sentiment. Maloney wrote:
The German Imperialist demonstrably had both in Schleswig-Holstein and in Alsace-Lorraine no purpose distinguishable from that which the British Imperialist still has in Ireland, and still makes complex and obscure by the stereotyped plea of religious, national, and imperial rights of British colonists in Ulster…So long as England governs Ireland, the privileged, the parasitic, and the professional Loyalists will exercise their religious, national, and imperial right to administer, on behalf of the Empire, the satrapy of Ireland.
Such direct critique resonated with both Americans and Irish nationalists. Maloney further explained: ‘the negligible number of Irish Loyalists, in a world where the principle of majority rule is the foundation of democracy, is allowed to impose for their Imperial masters an insuperable veto to ‘the government of Ireland by the consent of the governed.’
Even with all of his connections he was not safe from the American Sedition and Espionage Acts. He was followed for months by various American military intelligence personnel and the British allotted three agents whose sole task was to shadow him. His mail was opened, phones tapped, office raided, and under constant surveillance. His writing was censored and he was threatened with incarceration in November 1918 under the suggestion of the British Embassy. This fact was confirmed by a memo by the American Federal Bureau of Investigation in 1941 describing an incomplete World War I intelligence file on Maloney. In letters with Patrick McCartan, Maloney aggressively criticised the Bureau of Investigation (the predecessor to the Federal Bureau of Investigation) and the raids on innocent civilians without proper warrants around the time Maloney had his home raided.
The Sinn Féin election in December 1918 put Maloney at odds with John Devoy and Judge Cohalan, the two leading Irish-Americans who labeled the gallant captain a British spy in private letters and alluded to this in Gaelic American editorials without actually naming Maloney. Maloney’s influence and skill were both a gift and burden, especially when Devoy accused him of ‘pouring poison into the ears of sick or diseased men and making them the unconscious instruments of his treachery’ as the ‘arch Plotter’ to take down Clan na Gael. On the other hand, Maloney, McCartan, and McGarrity believed that the Irish people had already exercised their right to self-determination; therefore, the only essential next steps were to declare the establishment of a Republic and seek recognition from the world. Parties nearly came to blows when a dispute emerged at the 1919 Irish Race Convention in Philadelphia when McGarrity put Maloney on the Committee on Resolutions to propose asking President Wilson to demand admission to the Paris Peace Conference for Irish delegates. The resolution sought to force Wilson to uphold their claim for recognition of the Irish Republic before the assembled nations. This did not go well. Maloney, who had never spoken at an Irish meeting before, was vilified as a British outsider sent to sow dissension.
Dr Maloney in turn collaborated with other nationalist groups like the Friends of Freedom for India to offer his assistance. For example, Sailendranath Ghose, a Hindu nationalist in New York working with Friend of Freedom for India, asked Maloney for introductions to influential Americans to get their moral and financial support, which mirrored what Maloney had done for the Irish. In the aftermath of World War I, Wilson’s cornerstone message of self-determination would haunt the allied nations through the Paris peace conference, and Maloney would not let them forget the small nations. Maloney continued this international coordination through his work with the League of Oppressed Peoples.
With the arrival of Éamon de Valera and Harry Boland, Maloney’s next move was to prevent the formation of the League of Nations through his satirical pamphlets. His most notorious, The Re-Conquest of America (1919), portrayed a classified document found outside the home of British Intelligence Officer Sir William Wiseman. It drew attention to the soft power of British propaganda during the war, but made it appear as if it revealed a secret British plot to reconquer their former American colonies. Maloney’s lesser known pamphlet The Hypocrypha (1920) used humor and creativity to expose the hypocrisy of the war and treaty negotiations by the Allied governments. Maloney did not want to further risk the wrath of the American government, nor implicate his publisher J. E. C. Donnelly (publisher of James Connelly’s Harp), which explains the anonymity and a false publisher’s name, The Statesman Press.
According to Maloney, he initially kept his distance from Boland and de Valera so as to not entangle them in the escalating tensions with Cohalan and Devoy. They eventually brought Maloney into their confidences to assist with the Irish Bond Drive, much to the ire of Devoy. Maloney moved from writing to organising movements. With the support of Cumann na mBan he helped organise their picketing campaign in Washington D.C., by focusing on the power of the visual for propaganda with those iconic photographs of Women and children with signs asking for the United States to take action or for the Red Cross to give aid.
Maloney’s most successful effort, came with the help of American progressives in the formation of the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland (ACCI) and the American Committee for Relief in Ireland (ACRI) in late 1920. Maloney worked with Oswald Garrison Villard to form the ACCI, which featured Muriel and Mary MacSwiney as witnesses to the atrocities in Ireland at the hands of British misrule. Behind the scenes Maloney did most of the heavy lifting through planning and his work on the financial committee. According to his memorandum outlining the commission, ‘the main object to be kept in mind is that [it] is merely a mask to place the Irish case before the tribunal of the civilised world.’ Maloney worked tirelessly to ensure that the foreign press was reporting on the investigative committees and organised publications of the reports with the conclusions from the investigations, transcripts of the witness testimonies, and photographs portraying the devastation. Beyond English speaking nations, the ‘Report of the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland’ was published in France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy. He understood that these witness testimonials could ignite enough sympathy to fund his next strategy, a relief effort.
In December 1920, Maloney proposed a global relief enterprise (the ACRI) which would generate diverse support due to ongoing American global involvement in post- First World War relief. Maloney was one of the second wave of American liberal progressives who involved themselves in nationalist movements, political activism, civil liberties, the rights of small nations, and relief work abroad. He viewed everything he did from its publicity potential, no matter what cause he was promoting, including ACCI and ACRI. This was part of a larger plan by Maloney to de-racialise and secularise Irish independence which was generally seen as Catholic in American public opinion. By tying the Irish situation to the destruction of Europe, Maloney aimed to gain empathy from those recovering nations and to demonstrate the destructive nature of British misrule in Ireland. His goal was to utilise the ACCI witness statements to benefit ACRI fundraising efforts for relief and he single-handedly wrote out the organisational plans for use in the United States and in Ireland. Maloney also pushed key figures, including a reluctant Éamon de Valera and a generous Joseph McGarrity, to back him.
The ACRI’s relief was highly successful, raising approximately $5 million and often working through a sister organisation in Ireland, the Irish White Cross. The formation of the Irish White Cross was part of Maloney’s original organisation scheme, and he used his Quaker connections to initiate that effort through James Douglas. Maloney’s efforts legitimised the relief movement when the British Authorities at every step tried to dismantle or discredit them. His powerful reports and propaganda demonstrated to the public the real need for relief in Ireland. The relief helped stabilise Ireland’s population and rebuild home and business that had been destroyed in reprisal attacks. In Belfast a street that had been burned down in the 1920 Pogrom was rebuilt with the funds and renamed ‘Amcomri’ as an abbreviation for the American Committee for Relief in Ireland. While not overtly created to further the cause for recognition of an Irish Republic, the American Committee for Relief in Ireland (ACRI) was a strategic milestone to that end for Dr William J. M. A. Maloney. At a time when Irish America was ideologically split, ACRI tried to remain independent of factionalism on both sides of the Atlantic.
Although Maloney initially supported the Irish Free State, he sought in vain to prevent internecine conflict from further escalating in 1922. His efforts were stalled once his wife fell ill while travelling to Ireland in July 1922. After the death of his dear friend Harry Boland in what he called ‘fratricide’, Maloney stepped back into his professional role as a physician and did not involve himself further in the raw ideological split in Irish politics. Any involvement with Ireland from that point on was through research for his book The Forged Casement Diaries. Maloney spent the rest of his life travelling between Newport, Edinburgh, New York, Canada, and the Caribbean. He died in Edinburgh in 1952 and was buried in New Jersey with his wife. Without any children, his only legacy was his extensive set of Irish historical papers at the New York Public Library.
Maloney was moving between various distinct worlds within American society, Irish-America and that of the American reforming elite, and was connecting with a global world as well. It may be that his adherence to, or understanding of, American progressivism allowed him to be such a strong propagandist and advocate for the Irish cause. He wrote in a way that was not overtly radical, but still challenged the status quo. The body of work he left behind is historically based and still comes across as logical, theoretical, and concise. He was able to recruit more people to the Irish cause, even though some viewed outsiders as dangerous, especially in the Irish American context, his allegiance was repeatedly questioned, as were his motivations. Due to his connections and expansion into the humanitarian realm, Maloney was able to make the Irish case resonate in such a way that it was more than just an ethno-racial problem. He reflects people who did a lot of good without necessarily being a leader in, or someone who took up arms for, Ireland. His writings helped to foreground the Irish situation in American and global circles. Despite British citizenship and wartime service, the ideological migration Maloney made — first into someone who was an ardent critic of the Anglo-American approach to the Irish Question, then as an ardent Irish nationalist — he demonstrates that not every story follows a predictable arc. Behind his political progression and social fluidity was a search for what he felt was the fair and right solution. As he challenged the status quo, he took greater risks in spite of the possible repercussions from the British, the Americans, and the Irish. He wasn’t reckless but he also did not stay silent — as some in America did — because he knew his background gave him an advantage that others did not have. Maloney was right in saying that ‘the Irish people do not acquiesce.’
Kelly Anne Reynolds has a BA in history from Fordham University and recently completed her MA in Irish and Irish-American Studies at New York University. Her ongoing research focuses on Dr Maloney and the connection of American progressives with the Irish through organisations like the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland, the American Committee for Relief in Ireland, and the American Civil Liberties Union
While visiting Ireland in 1914, the outbreak of the First World War pushed Dr Maloney to enlist as a Lieutenant in the Royal Army Medical Corps. As a British subject, he believed it a moral obligation and was among those motivated by the ‘iniquity of the German invasion of Belgium.’ Wounded at the Battle of the Marne, and then more seriously at Gallipoli when trying to aid an officer, he earned a promotion and the Military Cross. Maloney returned to New York and soon after traveled to Bermuda with his wife.
His involvement in Irish affairs began after the execution of the Easter Rising leaders, when he travelled to England in July to aid Roger Casement in his appeal. Maloney had connections to Lord Eustace Percy and Sir Shane Leslie in their professional connections to the British foreign office, but remained coy about any previous connections to Roger Casement himself. During this trip Maloney found out that his younger brother had died at the Somme from wounds received at Longueval. On 4 August, the day after Casement’s execution, Maloney got into an altercation with fellow officers at a private club in London over Casement’s execution and resigned from his commission before sailing home on the 5th.
To continue the recovery of paralysis in his right leg, Maloney and his wife spent seven months (October 1916 – April 1917) in Jamaica. Maloney returned once the United States had entered the war, and from this point on he became increasingly more disillusioned with the British war aims and even returned his Military Cross in anger. He put his effort behind the Irish cause, beginning with critical editorials in the New York Evening Post on the Irish Question and the War, the Balfour Mission, and the Irish Convention. Maloney’s ‘Irish Convention Symposium’ was a series of articles in the Evening Post where he posed questions and published the responses from political leaders, in an attempt to understand the opinions of Irish Americans. This showed the views on the convention varied and were not as supportive as the British propaganda portrayed. Since a group of prominent Irish-American Presbyterians were reportedly going over to aid ‘their Ulster brethren,’ Maloney then suggested that a similar group supporting the nationalist and Sinn Féin perspective should go as well. That group could include prominent figures such as the lawyer Michael J. Ryan, Justice Daniel F. Cohalan, former Senator James O’Gorman, composer Victor Herbert, and the progressive lawyer Bainbridge Colby. Maloney seems to have been seeking some balance between the two opposing sides even as the British and American governments sought to promote moderation in order to decrease support for Irish revolutionaries. Maloney believed that the Irish convention was British ‘camouflage’ and criticised attempts to preemptively blame the native Irish population should the convention fail. Due to his wife’s familial connection to Oswald Garrison Villard, owner of the Evening Post and The Nation, Maloney had unfettered access to publishing his views.
Dr Maloney advocated for Irish independence through connections with notable liberal and progressive Americans after he tried to convince his British peers to take action. He failed to persuade his friend Lord Eustace Percy, the blockade specialist with the Balfour Mission, to find a quick and fair solution to the Irish Question. This happened at a notorious 3 May British Embassy meeting with his friends Lord Percy and Sir Shane Leslie. Later in September, this meeting would be used by Judge Cohalan as proof of a conspiracy by the American and British governments to silence him with the Von Igel Papers scandal. In doing so he evoked the names of the men at the meeting including Dr Maloney, as Maloney had given him permission to do so.
Although Dr Maloney’s role was often behind the scenes because he did not have titles or leading roles in the organisations and efforts he helped spearhead, he was often a key manager. His efforts ranged from planning and written work to demonstrations with groups like the Irish Progressive League and the League of Oppressed Peoples. Maloney’s medical contributions extended to the Irish cause too, when he acted as a physician to several Irish nationalists during their time in the United States. Maloney became a reliable physician to ailing Irish Revolutionaries like Liam Mellows, Joseph McGarrity, Harry Boland, and even advised Laurence Ginnell via letter while he was in Argentina. From 1918 onward, he worked closely with Dr McCartan and McGarrity becoming the single most prolific contributor to the Irish Press; according to Dr McCartan, Maloney ‘not only wrote articles and editorials, but gathered news for us and helped us in our policy. It was Maloney’s writing on Irish Conscription for the New York Evening Post, the New York Globe, and America that got the attention of both Irish-America and the British Embassy. Maloney approached Irish conscription in a manner that reflected the American situation in relation to conscientious objectors, mainly that conscription was in violation of the rights of the individual. He did not portray the issue as nationalist, but as imperialist: ‘the obsession of these imperialists to impose unity of sacrifice in the empire. They [we]re trying to make conscription a means of imperial consolation.’ He concluded that every ‘Irish Republican is, ipso facto, a conscientious objector to imperial conscription’ as how could they be ‘forced to fight for a liberty which they themselves do not possess.’
Maloney increasingly put the Irish situation in the context of international affairs and global history, as seen in his series ‘The Irish Issue’. His most scathing analysis came in the two articles on the ‘English Aspect’ and the ‘Ulster Aspect’ which contrasted English imperialism with that of Germany. In the ‘Ulster Aspect,’ Maloney criticised home rule because it would have created ‘an Ireland without economic or judicial or political or any other independence, an Ireland more subject to Britain than is Canada or any of Britain’s self-governing dominions.’ As Maloney’s disappointment increased with each British policy blunder in Ireland, so grew his Irish nationalism. It was a risky tactic to compare England to Germany while America was still at war and consumed with anti-German sentiment. Maloney wrote:
The German Imperialist demonstrably had both in Schleswig-Holstein and in Alsace-Lorraine no purpose distinguishable from that which the British Imperialist still has in Ireland, and still makes complex and obscure by the stereotyped plea of religious, national, and imperial rights of British colonists in Ulster…So long as England governs Ireland, the privileged, the parasitic, and the professional Loyalists will exercise their religious, national, and imperial right to administer, on behalf of the Empire, the satrapy of Ireland.
Such direct critique resonated with both Americans and Irish nationalists. Maloney further explained: ‘the negligible number of Irish Loyalists, in a world where the principle of majority rule is the foundation of democracy, is allowed to impose for their Imperial masters an insuperable veto to ‘the government of Ireland by the consent of the governed.’
Even with all of his connections he was not safe from the American Sedition and Espionage Acts. He was followed for months by various American military intelligence personnel and the British allotted three agents whose sole task was to shadow him. His mail was opened, phones tapped, office raided, and under constant surveillance. His writing was censored and he was threatened with incarceration in November 1918 under the suggestion of the British Embassy. This fact was confirmed by a memo by the American Federal Bureau of Investigation in 1941 describing an incomplete World War I intelligence file on Maloney. In letters with Patrick McCartan, Maloney aggressively criticised the Bureau of Investigation (the predecessor to the Federal Bureau of Investigation) and the raids on innocent civilians without proper warrants around the time Maloney had his home raided.
The Sinn Féin election in December 1918 put Maloney at odds with John Devoy and Judge Cohalan, the two leading Irish-Americans who labeled the gallant captain a British spy in private letters and alluded to this in Gaelic American editorials without actually naming Maloney. Maloney’s influence and skill were both a gift and burden, especially when Devoy accused him of ‘pouring poison into the ears of sick or diseased men and making them the unconscious instruments of his treachery’ as the ‘arch Plotter’ to take down Clan na Gael. On the other hand, Maloney, McCartan, and McGarrity believed that the Irish people had already exercised their right to self-determination; therefore, the only essential next steps were to declare the establishment of a Republic and seek recognition from the world. Parties nearly came to blows when a dispute emerged at the 1919 Irish Race Convention in Philadelphia when McGarrity put Maloney on the Committee on Resolutions to propose asking President Wilson to demand admission to the Paris Peace Conference for Irish delegates. The resolution sought to force Wilson to uphold their claim for recognition of the Irish Republic before the assembled nations. This did not go well. Maloney, who had never spoken at an Irish meeting before, was vilified as a British outsider sent to sow dissension.
Dr Maloney in turn collaborated with other nationalist groups like the Friends of Freedom for India to offer his assistance. For example, Sailendranath Ghose, a Hindu nationalist in New York working with Friend of Freedom for India, asked Maloney for introductions to influential Americans to get their moral and financial support, which mirrored what Maloney had done for the Irish. In the aftermath of World War I, Wilson’s cornerstone message of self-determination would haunt the allied nations through the Paris peace conference, and Maloney would not let them forget the small nations. Maloney continued this international coordination through his work with the League of Oppressed Peoples.
With the arrival of Éamon de Valera and Harry Boland, Maloney’s next move was to prevent the formation of the League of Nations through his satirical pamphlets. His most notorious, The Re-Conquest of America (1919), portrayed a classified document found outside the home of British Intelligence Officer Sir William Wiseman. It drew attention to the soft power of British propaganda during the war, but made it appear as if it revealed a secret British plot to reconquer their former American colonies. Maloney’s lesser known pamphlet The Hypocrypha (1920) used humor and creativity to expose the hypocrisy of the war and treaty negotiations by the Allied governments. Maloney did not want to further risk the wrath of the American government, nor implicate his publisher J. E. C. Donnelly (publisher of James Connelly’s Harp), which explains the anonymity and a false publisher’s name, The Statesman Press.
According to Maloney, he initially kept his distance from Boland and de Valera so as to not entangle them in the escalating tensions with Cohalan and Devoy. They eventually brought Maloney into their confidences to assist with the Irish Bond Drive, much to the ire of Devoy. Maloney moved from writing to organising movements. With the support of Cumann na mBan he helped organise their picketing campaign in Washington D.C., by focusing on the power of the visual for propaganda with those iconic photographs of Women and children with signs asking for the United States to take action or for the Red Cross to give aid.
Maloney’s most successful effort, came with the help of American progressives in the formation of the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland (ACCI) and the American Committee for Relief in Ireland (ACRI) in late 1920. Maloney worked with Oswald Garrison Villard to form the ACCI, which featured Muriel and Mary MacSwiney as witnesses to the atrocities in Ireland at the hands of British misrule. Behind the scenes Maloney did most of the heavy lifting through planning and his work on the financial committee. According to his memorandum outlining the commission, ‘the main object to be kept in mind is that [it] is merely a mask to place the Irish case before the tribunal of the civilised world.’ Maloney worked tirelessly to ensure that the foreign press was reporting on the investigative committees and organised publications of the reports with the conclusions from the investigations, transcripts of the witness testimonies, and photographs portraying the devastation. Beyond English speaking nations, the ‘Report of the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland’ was published in France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy. He understood that these witness testimonials could ignite enough sympathy to fund his next strategy, a relief effort.
In December 1920, Maloney proposed a global relief enterprise (the ACRI) which would generate diverse support due to ongoing American global involvement in post- First World War relief. Maloney was one of the second wave of American liberal progressives who involved themselves in nationalist movements, political activism, civil liberties, the rights of small nations, and relief work abroad. He viewed everything he did from its publicity potential, no matter what cause he was promoting, including ACCI and ACRI. This was part of a larger plan by Maloney to de-racialise and secularise Irish independence which was generally seen as Catholic in American public opinion. By tying the Irish situation to the destruction of Europe, Maloney aimed to gain empathy from those recovering nations and to demonstrate the destructive nature of British misrule in Ireland. His goal was to utilise the ACCI witness statements to benefit ACRI fundraising efforts for relief and he single-handedly wrote out the organisational plans for use in the United States and in Ireland. Maloney also pushed key figures, including a reluctant Éamon de Valera and a generous Joseph McGarrity, to back him.
The ACRI’s relief was highly successful, raising approximately $5 million and often working through a sister organisation in Ireland, the Irish White Cross. The formation of the Irish White Cross was part of Maloney’s original organisation scheme, and he used his Quaker connections to initiate that effort through James Douglas. Maloney’s efforts legitimised the relief movement when the British Authorities at every step tried to dismantle or discredit them. His powerful reports and propaganda demonstrated to the public the real need for relief in Ireland. The relief helped stabilise Ireland’s population and rebuild home and business that had been destroyed in reprisal attacks. In Belfast a street that had been burned down in the 1920 Pogrom was rebuilt with the funds and renamed ‘Amcomri’ as an abbreviation for the American Committee for Relief in Ireland. While not overtly created to further the cause for recognition of an Irish Republic, the American Committee for Relief in Ireland (ACRI) was a strategic milestone to that end for Dr William J. M. A. Maloney. At a time when Irish America was ideologically split, ACRI tried to remain independent of factionalism on both sides of the Atlantic.
Although Maloney initially supported the Irish Free State, he sought in vain to prevent internecine conflict from further escalating in 1922. His efforts were stalled once his wife fell ill while travelling to Ireland in July 1922. After the death of his dear friend Harry Boland in what he called ‘fratricide’, Maloney stepped back into his professional role as a physician and did not involve himself further in the raw ideological split in Irish politics. Any involvement with Ireland from that point on was through research for his book The Forged Casement Diaries. Maloney spent the rest of his life travelling between Newport, Edinburgh, New York, Canada, and the Caribbean. He died in Edinburgh in 1952 and was buried in New Jersey with his wife. Without any children, his only legacy was his extensive set of Irish historical papers at the New York Public Library.
Maloney was moving between various distinct worlds within American society, Irish-America and that of the American reforming elite, and was connecting with a global world as well. It may be that his adherence to, or understanding of, American progressivism allowed him to be such a strong propagandist and advocate for the Irish cause. He wrote in a way that was not overtly radical, but still challenged the status quo. The body of work he left behind is historically based and still comes across as logical, theoretical, and concise. He was able to recruit more people to the Irish cause, even though some viewed outsiders as dangerous, especially in the Irish American context, his allegiance was repeatedly questioned, as were his motivations. Due to his connections and expansion into the humanitarian realm, Maloney was able to make the Irish case resonate in such a way that it was more than just an ethno-racial problem. He reflects people who did a lot of good without necessarily being a leader in, or someone who took up arms for, Ireland. His writings helped to foreground the Irish situation in American and global circles. Despite British citizenship and wartime service, the ideological migration Maloney made — first into someone who was an ardent critic of the Anglo-American approach to the Irish Question, then as an ardent Irish nationalist — he demonstrates that not every story follows a predictable arc. Behind his political progression and social fluidity was a search for what he felt was the fair and right solution. As he challenged the status quo, he took greater risks in spite of the possible repercussions from the British, the Americans, and the Irish. He wasn’t reckless but he also did not stay silent — as some in America did — because he knew his background gave him an advantage that others did not have. Maloney was right in saying that ‘the Irish people do not acquiesce.’
Kelly Anne Reynolds has a BA in history from Fordham University and recently completed her MA in Irish and Irish-American Studies at New York University. Her ongoing research focuses on Dr Maloney and the connection of American progressives with the Irish through organisations like the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland, the American Committee for Relief in Ireland, and the American Civil Liberties Union
20
Turkey broke diplomatic relations with the United States.
In Lewes Prison, Diarmuid Lynch (Prisoner Q192) signed Seamus J. Brennan's autograph book.
Seamus Brennan joined the Tullamore branch of the Irish Volunteers upon their formation in November 1913. On 20th March, 1916, he was involved in an incident which resulted in the shooting of an RIC Constable in Tullamore. He subsequently fled the town and joined the Kimmage Garrison in Dublin. After helping George Plunkett to commandeer a tram on Easter Monday, Brennan took up a position in the Tower Bar, across from the GPO. He was interned until June 1917. Brennan rejoined the Irish Volunteers upon his release and assisted with Sinn Féin’s election campaigns in 1917 and 1918. He was twice interned during the War of Independence, participating in a hunger strike on one occasion.
Click image for additional information.
Turkey broke diplomatic relations with the United States.
In Lewes Prison, Diarmuid Lynch (Prisoner Q192) signed Seamus J. Brennan's autograph book.
Seamus Brennan joined the Tullamore branch of the Irish Volunteers upon their formation in November 1913. On 20th March, 1916, he was involved in an incident which resulted in the shooting of an RIC Constable in Tullamore. He subsequently fled the town and joined the Kimmage Garrison in Dublin. After helping George Plunkett to commandeer a tram on Easter Monday, Brennan took up a position in the Tower Bar, across from the GPO. He was interned until June 1917. Brennan rejoined the Irish Volunteers upon his release and assisted with Sinn Féin’s election campaigns in 1917 and 1918. He was twice interned during the War of Independence, participating in a hunger strike on one occasion.
Click image for additional information.
The Posters That Sold World War I to the American Public
A vehemently isolationist nation needed a little enticement to join the European war effort. These advertisements were part of the campaign to do just that.
Publicity posters possessed both visual appeal and ease of reproduction. They could be pasted on the sides of buildings, put in the windows of homes, tacked up in workplaces, and resized to appear above cable car windows and in magazines. And they could easily be reprinted in a variety of languages.
World War I produced one of the most memorable images in American history: the U.S. Army recruiting poster that depicts a commanding Uncle Sam pointing his finger at the viewer and urging young men to enlist in the war effort. Painted by noted U.S. illustrator James Montgomery Flagg, the image first appeared on the cover of the July 6, 1916, issue of Leslie’s Weekly magazine with the title “What Are You Doing for Preparedness?” The U.S. would not declare war on Germany until April of the next year, but the storm signals were clear. The image was later adapted by the U.S. Army for the poster with the new, unforgettable call to action. More than 4 million copies of it were printed between 1917 and 1918.
To merge this popular form of advertising with key messages about the war, the U.S. government’s public information committee formed a Division of Pictorial Publicity in 1917. The chairman, George Creel, asked Charles Dana Gibson, one of most famous American illustrators of the period, to be his partner in the effort. Gibson, who was president of the Society of Illustrators, encouraged the country's best illustrators to volunteer their creativity to the war effort.
These illustrators produced some indelible images, including one of the most iconic American images ever made: James Montgomery Flagg’s stern image of Uncle Sam pointing to the viewer above the words, “I Want You for U.S. Army.” (Flagg’s inspiration came from an image of the British Secretary of State for War, Lord Kitchener, designed by Alfred Leete.) The illustrators used advertising strategies and graphic design to engage the casual passerby and elicit emotional responses. How could you avoid the pointing finger of Uncle Sam or Lady Liberty? How could you stand by and do nothing when you saw starving children and a (fictional) attack on New York City?
Despite the passage of 100 years—as well as many wars and disillusionment about them—these posters retain their power to make you stare. Good and evil are clearly delineated. The citizens obligations are hard to ignore. The posters tell you how to help, and the look in the eyes of Uncle Sam makes sure you do.
Longford: At a meeting of the clergy of Longford in St. Mel’s College, the decision was taken to support Joseph M. Flood as a candidate in the forthcoming South Longford by-election. The meeting was presided over by the Bishop of Ardagh, who has since announced his intention to nominate Mr Flood who is standing for the Irish Parliamentary Party. Flood, however, has been dismissed by a leading Sinn Féin campaigner as a ‘Government official, earning £200 a year, who wanted promotion to £400 a year’. Patrick McKenna was also reputed to be standing and willing to take the Irish Parliamentary Party whip.
The Sinn Féin candidate was Joe McGuinness who was expected to poll strongly with Sinn Féin canvassers ‘motoring daily in all directions’ to seek votes for Mr McGuinness, who was in prison in England.
The election had been called following the death of the incumbent Irish Parliamentary Party MP, John Phillips with Polling day set for 9 May 1917.
Below: Three electoral pamphlets issued by Sinn Féin candidate Joseph McGuinness during the South Longford by-election campaign in 1917 - click to view. (Images: National Library of Ireland)
22
New York: John Devoy explained to McGarrity the reasons why Clan na Gael appeared to have made an about face with the entry of the US in the war:
‘It was a cruel necessity which was very irksome to me, but no public men anywhere would speak for us if we did not do it…we fight for the same thing, simply adjusting our tactics to the new situation…The Secret Service men was ready to act on Easter Sunday evening and had their men ready in the hall. They expected wild resoloutions, denunciations of the President and a turbulent scene. The same is true of Buffalo, but their plans were knocked out by the action taken. Now the orders are to soft-pedal. I missed being caught alone in the office by a narrow shave on Good Friday evening, had to keep away for several days, change my lodging place three times etc. all my papers are so far as I can judge, safe now. They raided the Knights of the Red Branch a few days previously, but they were too late. The English are all in these raids, but there is already bad blood between the Americans and the English because of the impudence of the English. ‘
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P66
In fact, another raid by the Secret Service on a Clan na Gael contact in San Francisco netted a letter from Devoy that confirmed his relationship with the German diplomats and defending the assistance given. He was also critical of Casement’s role, blaming him in part for the failure of the Rising.
Washington: British Foreign Minister, Arthur Balfour arrived in Washington, beginning a round of meetings to secure troops for service in France, shipping and trade negotiations with the Irish issue also on the table.
24
Lewes Prison: Word of Joseph McGuinness’s selection to run for the Longford parliamentary seat got through to Lewes Prison. There it was felt that ‘something might be done in the name of the prisoners which might be considered as a retreat from the position taken up in the 1916 Proclamation of the Republic. McGuinness’s letter refusing the nomination was drafted by de Valera. Other drafts were proposed by Thomas Ashe and Diarmuid Lynch. Despite this, McGuinness’s candidature went ahead’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P57
Diarmuid Lynch wrote to Margaret 'Madge' Daly (1877-1969), expressing general pleasantries and commenting on events unfolding in Ireland. Letter now part of the Daly Papers, University of Limerick Special Collections and Archives.
Born into a prominent Fenian family, Madge Daly was appointed as the first President of the Cumann na mBan branch in Limerick City upon its foundation in 1914. She was a sister of Edward Daly, commandant of the 1st Dublin Battalion of the Irish Volunteers, and Kathleen Clarke, prominent nationalist and wife of Tom Clarke. Kathleen informed her of the plans for the Easter Rising on Easter Thursday, and Madge disparaged Michael (The) O’Rahilly when he arrived at her house with Eoin MacNeill’s countermanding order. She played an active role in Cumann na mBan during the revolutionary period, fund-raising, arranging safe-houses, and issuing propaganda, amongst other activities. Daly retired as President of the Limerick branch in 1924.
Western Front: William Kent, the brother of Easter Rising leader Éamonn Ceannt was killed in action at the Battle of Arras. Colour-Sergeant William Kent had been in the Royal Dublin Fusiliers and was stationed for a number of years at the RDF depot at Naas. Éamonn Ceannt was executed for his part in the Easter Rising in May 1916.
Washington: Wilson signs the War Finance Act which loans Britain £200 Million.
‘Archbishop Christie of Portland, Oregon, wrote to President Wilson and suggested that he make a public statement favouring Home Rule. When this letter was turned over to Secretary ( of State ) Lansing, he suggested that Tumulty ( President Wilson private secretary ) should write merely a ‘brief acknowledgement’ of the letter from the Archbishop. Tumulty followed this advice and thus refused to have the President dragged into the matter of Home Rule.’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.227
25
The first anniversary of the Easter Rising saw a profusion of tricolour on black armlets, the Republican Proclamation reprinted and postered on walls and Government reaction included banning public meetings and police patrolling the streets in force. The tricolour was hoisted at half mast over the ruins of the G.P.O., which took the police over 6 hours to remove it.
In Lewes Prison, de Valera read an article in the ‘Catholic Bulletin’ & ‘calculated the calorific value of the prison diet. He claimed it was insufficient to maintain health even in idelness. Separate petitions were signed by de Valera. MacNeill and Eamon Duggan…as a result, the prisoners were allowed a kippered herring three times a week. The Govenor, however, soon became involved in trouble when a prisoner was sent to the punishment cell on bread and water for talking during work, and the prisoners, on de Valera orders, refused to work. The Govenor came to terms and released the man. Discipline was being broken down.’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P55
26
In Ireland, the government warned of imminent bread rationing.
Dublin: The first anniversary of the murder of Francis Sheehy Skeffington was commemorated when the front of the Irish Women’s Franchise League offices was draped in remembrance material. Francis Sheehy Skeffington was arrested during the Easter Rising while he was trying to prevent looters who were active in the city centre. He was executed two days later while in British custody at Portobello Barracks.
28
Western Front: The Nivelle and Chemin des Dames Offensives end in disastrous failures for the French. The high levels of casualties caused unrest throughout the French army with a month long series of mutinies breaking out. General Nivelle is sacked, ending his career and is replaced by General Phillipe Petain
Dublin: Sir Horace Plunkett writing to President Wilson advisor, Colonel House, commented that the many letters appearing in the American press concerning Home Rule indicated a ‘pretty deep feeling on the subject in Irish circles’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.227
Washington: Shane Leslie with a close friend, the Rev. S.W.Fay wrote an article titled “What Does Ireland Want” in the pages of ‘America’. ‘…he was confident that the average Irishman was not clamoring for revenge or for a republic. What he really desired was Home Rule with the framework of the British Empire…’ …Ireland wants less than any other small nationality in Europe today. She asks to possess and enjoy that full colonial independence enjoyed by Canada..’
Charles Callan Tansill. “America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922” Devin-Adair Company. P222
New York: Devoy's Gaelic American predictably thundered out against the Balfour diplomatic mission and 'condemned Home Rule as a sham. It argued that John Quinn's delegation did not represent Irish-America and only had the authority to speak for John Quinn. Devoy's analysis was ultimately proved correct. Redmond's support organisation, the United Irish League in America, never regained the support of Irish America. Like its counterpart in Ireland, the Home Rule Party, it did not survive the war"
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p64
30
While British Foreign Secretary Balfour did meet with the Irish-American Quinn Delegation, he did not meet with the most representative voice of Irish American opinion, the Friends of Irish Freedom, which Michael Doorley argues that 'since the Friends advocated total Irish independence, something the British government flatly refused, such a meeting would have achieved little. Moreover, despite the impact of the 1916 Rising on Ireland and Irish-America, the British government still hoped that John Redmond would once again regain the support of Irish nationalist opinion. A British meeting with the FOIF would only enhance their credibility with among Irish-Americans and further undermine what little support remained for Redmond.'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p64
However, it would appear highly probable that neither the executive of the Friends of Irish Freedom, let alone Judge Cohalan or John Devoy would have sanctioned such a meeting, should one have been proposed.
Meanwhile, further American opinion on the matter of Home Rule was forthcoming, this time from two prominent former US Presidents:
“In the New York World Newspaper, letters on the subject of Home Rule for Ireland from representative Americans were published. Ex-Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and William H Taft were among contributors to this symposium. Roosevelt believed that ‘both permanently and as regards this particular war it would be an immense advantage to the empire to give Ireland Home Rule’. Taft expressed the opinion that such action would ‘help solidify and hearten American public sentiment in the great cause. Cardinal Gibbons thought that the Irish Question arose ‘from the fear of the minority in Ulster that they will be coerced into a union with the rest of Ireland which will be their ruin...the only way I see out of the difficulty is the way of guarantees. The present position is impossible. Ireland cannot be sacrificed to a few counties in Ulster. These few counties cannot be sacrificed to the rest of Ireland ..’”
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.227
The next family and friends 'round robin' letter to Diarmuid started from 19 Ranelagh Road, Dublin:
New York: John Devoy explained to McGarrity the reasons why Clan na Gael appeared to have made an about face with the entry of the US in the war:
‘It was a cruel necessity which was very irksome to me, but no public men anywhere would speak for us if we did not do it…we fight for the same thing, simply adjusting our tactics to the new situation…The Secret Service men was ready to act on Easter Sunday evening and had their men ready in the hall. They expected wild resoloutions, denunciations of the President and a turbulent scene. The same is true of Buffalo, but their plans were knocked out by the action taken. Now the orders are to soft-pedal. I missed being caught alone in the office by a narrow shave on Good Friday evening, had to keep away for several days, change my lodging place three times etc. all my papers are so far as I can judge, safe now. They raided the Knights of the Red Branch a few days previously, but they were too late. The English are all in these raids, but there is already bad blood between the Americans and the English because of the impudence of the English. ‘
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P66
In fact, another raid by the Secret Service on a Clan na Gael contact in San Francisco netted a letter from Devoy that confirmed his relationship with the German diplomats and defending the assistance given. He was also critical of Casement’s role, blaming him in part for the failure of the Rising.
Washington: British Foreign Minister, Arthur Balfour arrived in Washington, beginning a round of meetings to secure troops for service in France, shipping and trade negotiations with the Irish issue also on the table.
24
Lewes Prison: Word of Joseph McGuinness’s selection to run for the Longford parliamentary seat got through to Lewes Prison. There it was felt that ‘something might be done in the name of the prisoners which might be considered as a retreat from the position taken up in the 1916 Proclamation of the Republic. McGuinness’s letter refusing the nomination was drafted by de Valera. Other drafts were proposed by Thomas Ashe and Diarmuid Lynch. Despite this, McGuinness’s candidature went ahead’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P57
Diarmuid Lynch wrote to Margaret 'Madge' Daly (1877-1969), expressing general pleasantries and commenting on events unfolding in Ireland. Letter now part of the Daly Papers, University of Limerick Special Collections and Archives.
Born into a prominent Fenian family, Madge Daly was appointed as the first President of the Cumann na mBan branch in Limerick City upon its foundation in 1914. She was a sister of Edward Daly, commandant of the 1st Dublin Battalion of the Irish Volunteers, and Kathleen Clarke, prominent nationalist and wife of Tom Clarke. Kathleen informed her of the plans for the Easter Rising on Easter Thursday, and Madge disparaged Michael (The) O’Rahilly when he arrived at her house with Eoin MacNeill’s countermanding order. She played an active role in Cumann na mBan during the revolutionary period, fund-raising, arranging safe-houses, and issuing propaganda, amongst other activities. Daly retired as President of the Limerick branch in 1924.
Western Front: William Kent, the brother of Easter Rising leader Éamonn Ceannt was killed in action at the Battle of Arras. Colour-Sergeant William Kent had been in the Royal Dublin Fusiliers and was stationed for a number of years at the RDF depot at Naas. Éamonn Ceannt was executed for his part in the Easter Rising in May 1916.
Washington: Wilson signs the War Finance Act which loans Britain £200 Million.
‘Archbishop Christie of Portland, Oregon, wrote to President Wilson and suggested that he make a public statement favouring Home Rule. When this letter was turned over to Secretary ( of State ) Lansing, he suggested that Tumulty ( President Wilson private secretary ) should write merely a ‘brief acknowledgement’ of the letter from the Archbishop. Tumulty followed this advice and thus refused to have the President dragged into the matter of Home Rule.’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.227
25
The first anniversary of the Easter Rising saw a profusion of tricolour on black armlets, the Republican Proclamation reprinted and postered on walls and Government reaction included banning public meetings and police patrolling the streets in force. The tricolour was hoisted at half mast over the ruins of the G.P.O., which took the police over 6 hours to remove it.
In Lewes Prison, de Valera read an article in the ‘Catholic Bulletin’ & ‘calculated the calorific value of the prison diet. He claimed it was insufficient to maintain health even in idelness. Separate petitions were signed by de Valera. MacNeill and Eamon Duggan…as a result, the prisoners were allowed a kippered herring three times a week. The Govenor, however, soon became involved in trouble when a prisoner was sent to the punishment cell on bread and water for talking during work, and the prisoners, on de Valera orders, refused to work. The Govenor came to terms and released the man. Discipline was being broken down.’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P55
26
In Ireland, the government warned of imminent bread rationing.
Dublin: The first anniversary of the murder of Francis Sheehy Skeffington was commemorated when the front of the Irish Women’s Franchise League offices was draped in remembrance material. Francis Sheehy Skeffington was arrested during the Easter Rising while he was trying to prevent looters who were active in the city centre. He was executed two days later while in British custody at Portobello Barracks.
28
Western Front: The Nivelle and Chemin des Dames Offensives end in disastrous failures for the French. The high levels of casualties caused unrest throughout the French army with a month long series of mutinies breaking out. General Nivelle is sacked, ending his career and is replaced by General Phillipe Petain
Dublin: Sir Horace Plunkett writing to President Wilson advisor, Colonel House, commented that the many letters appearing in the American press concerning Home Rule indicated a ‘pretty deep feeling on the subject in Irish circles’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.227
Washington: Shane Leslie with a close friend, the Rev. S.W.Fay wrote an article titled “What Does Ireland Want” in the pages of ‘America’. ‘…he was confident that the average Irishman was not clamoring for revenge or for a republic. What he really desired was Home Rule with the framework of the British Empire…’ …Ireland wants less than any other small nationality in Europe today. She asks to possess and enjoy that full colonial independence enjoyed by Canada..’
Charles Callan Tansill. “America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922” Devin-Adair Company. P222
New York: Devoy's Gaelic American predictably thundered out against the Balfour diplomatic mission and 'condemned Home Rule as a sham. It argued that John Quinn's delegation did not represent Irish-America and only had the authority to speak for John Quinn. Devoy's analysis was ultimately proved correct. Redmond's support organisation, the United Irish League in America, never regained the support of Irish America. Like its counterpart in Ireland, the Home Rule Party, it did not survive the war"
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p64
30
While British Foreign Secretary Balfour did meet with the Irish-American Quinn Delegation, he did not meet with the most representative voice of Irish American opinion, the Friends of Irish Freedom, which Michael Doorley argues that 'since the Friends advocated total Irish independence, something the British government flatly refused, such a meeting would have achieved little. Moreover, despite the impact of the 1916 Rising on Ireland and Irish-America, the British government still hoped that John Redmond would once again regain the support of Irish nationalist opinion. A British meeting with the FOIF would only enhance their credibility with among Irish-Americans and further undermine what little support remained for Redmond.'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p64
However, it would appear highly probable that neither the executive of the Friends of Irish Freedom, let alone Judge Cohalan or John Devoy would have sanctioned such a meeting, should one have been proposed.
Meanwhile, further American opinion on the matter of Home Rule was forthcoming, this time from two prominent former US Presidents:
“In the New York World Newspaper, letters on the subject of Home Rule for Ireland from representative Americans were published. Ex-Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and William H Taft were among contributors to this symposium. Roosevelt believed that ‘both permanently and as regards this particular war it would be an immense advantage to the empire to give Ireland Home Rule’. Taft expressed the opinion that such action would ‘help solidify and hearten American public sentiment in the great cause. Cardinal Gibbons thought that the Irish Question arose ‘from the fear of the minority in Ulster that they will be coerced into a union with the rest of Ireland which will be their ruin...the only way I see out of the difficulty is the way of guarantees. The present position is impossible. Ireland cannot be sacrificed to a few counties in Ulster. These few counties cannot be sacrificed to the rest of Ireland ..’”
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.227
The next family and friends 'round robin' letter to Diarmuid started from 19 Ranelagh Road, Dublin:
19 Ranelagh Rd
A Diarmuid, a cara dil.
We are just sending you a few lines in your brother’s letter hoping to keep ourselves before your mind some what, we are of course always charmed to hear such good news of you , that you are in such good spirits & that you look so well is very enouraging. We would love to have a glimpse of you or two and if any of us are in London in the near future, which however does not seem likely, we certainly must go to Lewes to see you. I suppose the interview would be very unsatisaftory judged by an [ word illegible ] where not even a handsake is allowed. Heavens! Wait anyway ‘till you are a fine man again and we’ll see just! Do remember me to Mr McNeill, Bob Brennan* & all the Wexford men, P. Beasley, Mr Stack & Conn Collins & D Fitzgerald and any one else who should remember me. Don’t forget to remember me to the Member for South Longford. We are having shining times here since the election. In fact in general, things have not been dull here for the past couple of years, but still there is a great difference now from last year. So many new people are on the scene that we seem a bit out of date. We have not even the privilidge of seeing Sean T. [ O’Kelly ] now and we are hoping to lose Liam O’B as he is likely to get the French chair in Galway Univ. So we are waiting for you Diarmuid! There is no escape!!
Kit wants to write something, so good health! Do you remember the bottle of Champagne in the Red Bank? You & Liam & I. Best wishes. [ signature illegible ]
Here writing this! The anniversary period here in the form of masses which [ majority of letter is illegible – needs transalation]
We are both down here for a few days. I am for the C.Gn meeting tomorrow evening. I shall not have any pleasure in handing out tea now. Best love to McEntee & the Wexford men. Yrs, Una.
And of course Diarmuid, I have to go where she is. Saw several of the boys while here and had a long yarn with Mrs Lowe, who is coming to Dublin permanently soon. she is in good form & cheerful now. Am warned off the course now, so please give my regards to all the men I know and tell Frank Fahy I had a very cheerful letter from Mrs Frank from Cork. Yours sincerley, Donnachadha.
The last time I saw you I was sitting by you at a card table. Despite the many circumstances which have intervened, I hope to see you in a like position again some day. When we meet, I shall shake your hand. As a favour, kindly mention my name to Eoin McBeill and give him kind wishes from his friends and yours, Fr. Paul.
I am left the wee bit at the end as usual, all the same I may be here more faithful than all when you do come out, and may it not be too long. You are the same as ever I suppose, in every respect and so is everyone here I think, living in the future. You have been told over & over I think, all the nice things I could say. Tis an education to me anyway. Love anyway, from Phyllis.
In 19 Ranelagh Road this Sunday evening, we have been reminiscining more than normal. This last Sunday ( or rather yesterday Saturday ) before last was the day of your dance here of very dear though tragic memory. Mr Denis Lynch told us yesterday he ironed your kilt for the great occasion. Anyway, they were a [ illegible ] & created more than the usual flutter in our feminine hearts. I really can't imagine ou in your present honourable garb. Not in the least. Nor do I however visualise you in kilts. We see in your effective pink shirt. Do you remember that game of Nap? Father asks very frequently about you ever since. You know what a sincere admiration he has for a good cardperson & what a corresponding distate for the man who does not ‘know the value of his cards’. To be able value cards in to have a real hold in life, in his opinion. He seems to the right occasionally. We have not had him up this Spring yet, consequently no Nap. Sometimes I think this house is changed yet Sean T. [O'Kelly] an Liam are here we are all wrangling away with great warmth. I wish we could complete our circle. I wonder yo you ever think of your last at all? I mean your more or less immedaite past. Don’t go back too far. We keep thinking of the future and I can't help feeling it is the imemdiate future. Sometimes we still have great, almost exhaustive stories of all our friends adventures & scrapes last year. Tradition is already weaving it's web around you. We are all overjoyed to think you can see each other to speak a little at present. One becomes adept at saying a great deal in a short time no doubt. Still, don’t get up such a habit permanently. It would not suit us as after all, you would be lonely without us. There are lots of concerts & socials on hand. Perhaps they have lost their old glamour for those who attended them last year, this of course we can't pretend.
We have to carry on ..I am being ruled out. People here in the room are clamouring for my blood for taking up so much space; so many aspirant for a word with you. I kiss my hand to you therefore…your friend. [ unsigned ]
Well Diarmuid, isn't it a wonder I am let say a word to you! How are you at all. I am so sorry to hear you are suffering from a pain in your side. I only wish I could massage you a bit and make some sort of soothing application! I am hoping to be able to see you sometime. I shall probably for over to London sometime this summer and then for certain I’ll make my way to Lewes. I often think of our own last meeting when we ran into each other in the dark in a certain spot. We are looking forward tremendously to seeing you out again. Meantime we are as happy as one can expect to be under the circumstances. You have my best wishes as ever. Min.
I’m coming third on the sheer and feeling very small! I havent got either the language of Kit or the impudence of Min to help me out in all I should like to say to you, however I am trying to educate myself to the proper standard and by the time you are here again I am hoping to be able to get waved to the top, and perhaps even exceed all this grand talk of pink shirts and dark stairs and things of that sort. Anyway, I mean as much as either & that speaks lightly. Phyllis.
Well Diarmuid, I’m afraid I have nothing to say but when you come home, I hope to have a great talk with you about -----. There is a nice girl, a friend of yours, looking on so I can't say what I’d like to say, so for the present, ‘carry on’. Jem.
I am scribbling these few lines in the old spot in ‘25’. McCisdeoir is the other side of the barrier changing annoyingly the coins in the same old fashion and falling asleep now and then at intervals as usual. I came back from my holidays a few days after Christmas and have been doing my best to try and settle back into the old routine of work, but it is very difficult. Things have really changed a good deal. So many old faces are missing and so many familiar landmarks have passed into oblivion. I had a hurried tour around Limerick, Waterford, Cork and Galway recently and every where went, found some old friends and colleagues of yours who were making anxious and interested enquries about you and all the other boys. C. Brugha* is on the road again. His leg is still bad and I fear it will never be quite well again. He is able to cycle though he cannot walk without a crutch. My lef you will be glad to hear is as well as ever. P.O’Maille and S.Nicholl are now back in Gallimh. S. O’Muirthuile is confined to Limerick city and of course there he lays. Griffith has revived his last weeks publication and you will also be glad to hear that the new ‘Freeman’ makes it's bow to the public today. The offices are now in Westmoreland St and the printing works in Townsend St. Judge has an organ of lager for the next time. Love to all the boys. Signed: Sean T.
Lynch Family Archives – Folder 3-38
Bishop Edward Thomas O’Dwyer* (1842-1917) made a pronouncement on the treatment of remaining Irish prisoners in Britain. ’Surely Maxwell’s summary methold of dealing with Irish rebels was less cruel than the slow torture and degradation of Penal Servitude…is there any intention to give us Home Rule in any shape or form, or are all the discussions that are being carried on about it merly the latest shape which British perfidy assumes for it’s own puposes? [ the Rebellion of 1916 ]…was a reactions against weakness and stupidty and corruption. But hopeless as it was, it has not been fruitless. It has galvanised the dead bones of Ireland, and breathed into them the spirit which England has now to reckon…’
Lynch Family Archive – Folder 3/39
* Bishop Edward Thomas O’Dwyer (1842-1917) Individualist, RC Bishop of Limerick 1886-1917. Hostile to land agitation and the Plan of Campaign and accepted the Papal Rescipt of 1887 withdrawing confessional absoloution to individuals involved in the Campaign. Occasionally a severe critic of the Irish Parliamentary Party, he refused to sign the episcopal condemnation of Parnell issued by Bishop Willie Walsh in 1890. During World War 1, he advocated neutrality for Ireland and strongly ctitcised the pro-British policy of the Irish Parliamentary Party leader John Redmond. O’Dwyer was the first of the clergy to defend the rebels shot in 1916, publically castigating Maxwell. Presented with the Freedom of the City of Limerick September 1916.
London: The Ministry of Labour in London issued a statement emphatically denying all charges that Irish girls in London were being inappropriately treated. Controversy over Irish girls working in London emerged the previous week when Rev. R.F. Colohan, the parish priest in Bray, Co. Wicklow wrote to the Irish Catholic newspaper to warn of the perils of Irish girls going to London for munitions work: ‘The immorality in London is something appalling’.
The Minstry's statement denies that they ‘do not make adequate provision for girls who are migrating from Ireland in order to take up munitions work in this country’. It further denies that any girl under 18 is accepted and says that any girl under 21 must have the permission of her parents. On top of that, ‘girls are sent only to employment of a suitable nature, found for them in advance, and in connection with which suitable conditions are offered and suitable supervision provided’.
Germany announces intention of sinking all vessels in war zone around British Isles.
- Bob Brennan (1881-1964) Journalist, diplomat & Director of Broadcasting of Radio Eireann (1947-48). Active in Wexford Gaelic League and Sinn Fein. Recruited into the IRB by Sean T. O'Kelly and in 1913 joined the Irish Volunteers. Unable to get to Dublin when the Rising broke out and imprisoned in the aftermath. On release he played a leading role in the re-organisation of the Irish Volunteers and Sinn Fein. National Director of Elections for Sinn Fein in the December 1918 general election. Became Under-Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs 1921-22, organising the Irish Race Convention held in Paris 1922. Rejected the Treaty, he worked as a propagandist for the Anti-Treaty forces during the Civil War. Afterwards working as a journalist on the Enniscorthy Evening Echo. When de Valera founded the Irish Press in 1931, Brennan became the General Manager until appointed Secretary of the Irish Legation in Washington DC (1934-38), Acting Charge d’Affairs and later Minister Plenipotentaiy (Ambassador) from 1938 to 1947.
- Piaras Beaslai (1881-1965) Journalist & soldier. Born in Liverpool, arrived in Dublin in 1904 and joined the Gaelic League. Edited the Gaelic League journal, An Fainne 1917-22. Beaslai worked closely with Michael Collins at the IRA HQ during the War of Independence. Captured and imprisoned in Mountjoy in 1919, escaped but recaptured some month later. Supported the Treaty and was Major-General during the Civil War. Resigned from politics in 1923 to devote his time to the Irish Language movement producing numerous books including a transalaton of Godsmith’s She Stoops to Conquer to Irish.
- Desmond Fitzgerald (1889-1947) Journalist and Politician ( Sinn Fein, Cumman na nGaedhael & Fine Gael ). Born London, fluent in six languages and became active in the nationalist movement including the Irish Volunteers for whom he became an organiser in Kerry with Ernest Blythe. During the Rising, he fought in the GPO and later imprisoned. Returned for Sinn Fein in the First Dail and was substitute Director of Propaganda during the War of Independence, Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Provisional Government and also in the Free State Government until 1927. Minister for Defence 1927-32 and Member of the Senate 1938-47. His son, Dr Garret Fitzgerald ( b.1926) later became leader of the Fine Gael party.
- Liam O’Briain (1889-1974) Scholar & Repubklican. Assistant of the French Department 1910. Received a travelling scholarship in Celtic Studies, he worked in Berlin and Bonn Universities. Returned to Ireland in 1914 to resume his position in the French Department at UCD. Member of the Irish Volunteers & Gaelic League Executive, he fought in the Easter Rising and imprisoned. Became Professor of Romance Languages at UCG (1917-58) Again imprisoned duirng the War of Indpendence, he later became a member of the Governing Body of UCG, served on the Censorship Appeals Board, the Board of the Abbey Theatre and the Military History Society of Ireland.
- Cathal Brugha (1874-1922) Republican soldier & Sinn Fein politician. Born Dublin, became active in the Gaelic League and the GAA and from 1913, the Irish Volunteers. During the Rising, Brugha was 2nd in command to Eamon Ceannt at the South Dublin Union Garrison and disabled as a result of wounds rececived. Elected to the first Dail & President of the Assembly. Later Minister for National Defence up until the Treaty. Impassioned opponent of the Treaty, fighting on the Republican side. As part of the Four Courts Garrison, he later took up positions in Hamman Hotel when the garrison surrendered. As the hotel came under heavy fire, he ordered his troops to surrender and finally came out himself in a heroic last stand and was fatally wounded.
Bishop Edward Thomas O’Dwyer* (1842-1917) made a pronouncement on the treatment of remaining Irish prisoners in Britain. ’Surely Maxwell’s summary methold of dealing with Irish rebels was less cruel than the slow torture and degradation of Penal Servitude…is there any intention to give us Home Rule in any shape or form, or are all the discussions that are being carried on about it merly the latest shape which British perfidy assumes for it’s own puposes? [ the Rebellion of 1916 ]…was a reactions against weakness and stupidty and corruption. But hopeless as it was, it has not been fruitless. It has galvanised the dead bones of Ireland, and breathed into them the spirit which England has now to reckon…’
Lynch Family Archive – Folder 3/39
* Bishop Edward Thomas O’Dwyer (1842-1917) Individualist, RC Bishop of Limerick 1886-1917. Hostile to land agitation and the Plan of Campaign and accepted the Papal Rescipt of 1887 withdrawing confessional absoloution to individuals involved in the Campaign. Occasionally a severe critic of the Irish Parliamentary Party, he refused to sign the episcopal condemnation of Parnell issued by Bishop Willie Walsh in 1890. During World War 1, he advocated neutrality for Ireland and strongly ctitcised the pro-British policy of the Irish Parliamentary Party leader John Redmond. O’Dwyer was the first of the clergy to defend the rebels shot in 1916, publically castigating Maxwell. Presented with the Freedom of the City of Limerick September 1916.
London: The Ministry of Labour in London issued a statement emphatically denying all charges that Irish girls in London were being inappropriately treated. Controversy over Irish girls working in London emerged the previous week when Rev. R.F. Colohan, the parish priest in Bray, Co. Wicklow wrote to the Irish Catholic newspaper to warn of the perils of Irish girls going to London for munitions work: ‘The immorality in London is something appalling’.
The Minstry's statement denies that they ‘do not make adequate provision for girls who are migrating from Ireland in order to take up munitions work in this country’. It further denies that any girl under 18 is accepted and says that any girl under 21 must have the permission of her parents. On top of that, ‘girls are sent only to employment of a suitable nature, found for them in advance, and in connection with which suitable conditions are offered and suitable supervision provided’.
Germany announces intention of sinking all vessels in war zone around British Isles.
May 1917
In Lewes Prison, Diarmuid Lynch and Irish prisoners under De Valera agreed that it was now time to protest against their category of ‘common criminal’ and to be recognised as Prisoners of War under the Geneva Convention. It was decided that if the Irish Volunteers executive in Dublin agreed with the plan, then a telegram be sent to Harry Boland announcing the death of a non-existent uncle.
1
Andrew Bonar Law announced in the House of Commons that horse racing would end for the duration of the war. The last races to be held in Britain were at Newmarket after which 4,000 horses in training were not be allowed to race.
It had initially thought that Ireland would be excluded from the ban, however Andrew Bonar Law, Chancellor of the Exchequer, confirmed that the prohibition extended across the whole United Kingdom. The response of the Irish racing community was one of resentment at what has been described as a ‘drastic’ government action. Horse trainers, they insist, could not at present turn their horses out as there was no grass, but they could continue racing for the following months with the horses on rations. The ban is related to concerns for the feasibility of feeding and training horses in view of the food shortages that prevail in the wider society.
2
New York: Dr William Maloney wrote an article appearing in the New York Evening Post calling on Balfour to make an Irish Settlement and a copy was sent to a personal friend Lord Eustace Percy ( Assistant to the Blockade Department in the British Foreign Office who was in Washington informing US officials of the British practices and experiences ) asking him to ‘ascertain Mr Balfour’s intentions to Ireland and announcing that I would call in person next evening for any information Mr Balfour might have vouchsafed. Lord Percy was at the Shoreham Hotel and I addressed him there.’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
Kathleen Clark along with Mrs Ceannt, Mrs Pearse and others were in Longford to support Joseph McGuinness’s candidacy.
3
London: The Chancellor of the Exchequer, introduced a budget ‘on a scale never heard of, or dreamed of, in any country in any previous period’. 1916's budgetary expenditure had exceeded estimates by some £372m. The overspend was largely due to the growing cost of munitions and increased advances to Allies and dominions. In the course of the previous year, the national debt of the United Kingdom increased by £1.7bn to some £3.9bn. For the coming year, the total estimated daily expenditure amounted to more than £6m, something that would necessitate a loan across the year of £1.6bn.
While the latest war budget contained no new taxes, duties increased on many existing taxes. The main topic of conversation was around the increase in the price of cigarettes. This had caused concern for the tobacco industry and has also increased concerns that a black market for cigarettes may develop. The budget also contains a provision that soldiers and sailors are to be exempt from the entertainment tax.
T.M. Healy, MP, queried the effect of the amusement tax on outdoor amusements in Ireland and said that, despite an RIC circular to the effect that policemen should pay to enter sports grounds, they insisted on going in for free. Mr. Healy referred to a case in Limerick where a man at the gate was taken by the throat, hauled off to the barracks and charged under the Defence of the Realm Act for obstruction.
Washington: Dr Maloney accompanied by Shane Leslie first went to the Shoreham Hotel but finding Lord Percy not there, went to the British Embassy. During the conversation, ‘ while I was maintaining that Irish American opposition to the war would be created if a just settlement of the Irish claim was longer denied, Mr. Leslie minimised Irish American opposition and stated there was enough evidence to silence Cohalan. He made this statement not as a threat but as a fact, and without vindictivness…I answered Mr Leslie that British action against Cohalan or any other American who sympathised with Ireland would be resented by all Americans and would prove a boomerang to the British. There the matter dropped…the
Irish National Movement was not mentioned
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p2.. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives.
4
Western Front; Mutinies continue to break out in sections of the French Army.
In Lewes Prison, Diarmuid Lynch and Irish prisoners under De Valera agreed that it was now time to protest against their category of ‘common criminal’ and to be recognised as Prisoners of War under the Geneva Convention. It was decided that if the Irish Volunteers executive in Dublin agreed with the plan, then a telegram be sent to Harry Boland announcing the death of a non-existent uncle.
1
Andrew Bonar Law announced in the House of Commons that horse racing would end for the duration of the war. The last races to be held in Britain were at Newmarket after which 4,000 horses in training were not be allowed to race.
It had initially thought that Ireland would be excluded from the ban, however Andrew Bonar Law, Chancellor of the Exchequer, confirmed that the prohibition extended across the whole United Kingdom. The response of the Irish racing community was one of resentment at what has been described as a ‘drastic’ government action. Horse trainers, they insist, could not at present turn their horses out as there was no grass, but they could continue racing for the following months with the horses on rations. The ban is related to concerns for the feasibility of feeding and training horses in view of the food shortages that prevail in the wider society.
2
New York: Dr William Maloney wrote an article appearing in the New York Evening Post calling on Balfour to make an Irish Settlement and a copy was sent to a personal friend Lord Eustace Percy ( Assistant to the Blockade Department in the British Foreign Office who was in Washington informing US officials of the British practices and experiences ) asking him to ‘ascertain Mr Balfour’s intentions to Ireland and announcing that I would call in person next evening for any information Mr Balfour might have vouchsafed. Lord Percy was at the Shoreham Hotel and I addressed him there.’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
Kathleen Clark along with Mrs Ceannt, Mrs Pearse and others were in Longford to support Joseph McGuinness’s candidacy.
3
London: The Chancellor of the Exchequer, introduced a budget ‘on a scale never heard of, or dreamed of, in any country in any previous period’. 1916's budgetary expenditure had exceeded estimates by some £372m. The overspend was largely due to the growing cost of munitions and increased advances to Allies and dominions. In the course of the previous year, the national debt of the United Kingdom increased by £1.7bn to some £3.9bn. For the coming year, the total estimated daily expenditure amounted to more than £6m, something that would necessitate a loan across the year of £1.6bn.
While the latest war budget contained no new taxes, duties increased on many existing taxes. The main topic of conversation was around the increase in the price of cigarettes. This had caused concern for the tobacco industry and has also increased concerns that a black market for cigarettes may develop. The budget also contains a provision that soldiers and sailors are to be exempt from the entertainment tax.
T.M. Healy, MP, queried the effect of the amusement tax on outdoor amusements in Ireland and said that, despite an RIC circular to the effect that policemen should pay to enter sports grounds, they insisted on going in for free. Mr. Healy referred to a case in Limerick where a man at the gate was taken by the throat, hauled off to the barracks and charged under the Defence of the Realm Act for obstruction.
Washington: Dr Maloney accompanied by Shane Leslie first went to the Shoreham Hotel but finding Lord Percy not there, went to the British Embassy. During the conversation, ‘ while I was maintaining that Irish American opposition to the war would be created if a just settlement of the Irish claim was longer denied, Mr. Leslie minimised Irish American opposition and stated there was enough evidence to silence Cohalan. He made this statement not as a threat but as a fact, and without vindictivness…I answered Mr Leslie that British action against Cohalan or any other American who sympathised with Ireland would be resented by all Americans and would prove a boomerang to the British. There the matter dropped…the
Irish National Movement was not mentioned
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p2.. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives.
4
Western Front; Mutinies continue to break out in sections of the French Army.
5
Washington: Press despatches from Washington announced that the ‘ British selected Irish Americans – Fr Wynn excepted – had waited on Mr. Balfour who informed them of his interest; and at the same time the British Embassy issued a statement that Mr. Balfour could do nothing for Ireland.’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
Dr Maloney received a telegram from Lord Percy ‘exhorting me to patience’ to which he replied ‘denoucning the British Government for it's conduct towards Ireland, and it's selfish purposes in the war, dissociating him from these things, and stating my determination to fight them..’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
6
Kathleen Clarke gives an account of the depth of feeling in the build up to the Longford by-election:’ The Irish Parliamentary Party did fight the election very bitterly, and the Seperation Allowance women who were supporting them gave us a hot time. One Sunday [6th May] we held a meeting in a town some distance from Longford, and returning to our HQ that evening we were met by an organised gang who attacked us with stones, bottles and other missiles. I was in the first car to enter the town, with Count and Countess Plunkett and Laurence Ginnell MP, so we got the heaviest part of it. The Countess had her nose cut with a bottle; I got a big stone on the head, which certainly would have split it only for a hard hat I was wearing off which it bounced. The only injury done was to my feelings; I was mad enough to want to throw stones back at them. There was one lane in Longford that we had to pass going from our hotel to headquarters; we called it the Dardanelles, because every time we passed it, stones and bottles came flying out at us.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revoloutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P144
Collins was also working closely on the by-election, masterminding the poster campaign showing McGuinness in prison uniform with the caption ‘Put him in to get him out’. However, while staying at the Grenville Arms Hotel in Granard, he met Katherine (Kitty) Brigid Brennan, through their mutual friend, Harry Boland. Collins was initially attracted to Kitty’s sister, Helen, but she was already ‘spoken for’ and married later in the year.
Joe Devlin addressed an election meeting in Longford..’The electors had to decide…whether they were in favour of a self-governed Ireland or a hopeless fight for an Irish Republic..’
8:
A manifesto rejecting proposed Partition was issued and signed by 3 Archbishops, 15 Catholic Bishops & 3 Protestant Bishops in addition to chairmen of County Councils and other public figures.
‘To Irishmen of every creed and class and party, the very thought of our country partioned and torn as a new Poland must be one of heart rending sorrow’
Sean T. O'Kelly, Padraig O’Maille and Dr. McCartan arrived in Longford after taking ‘French leave’ from open prison.
Longford: There would be conscription introduced in Ireland within a month without Irish Party efforts at Westminster, according to John Dillon MP. Mr Dillon was speaking in Longford in advance of the pending by-election.
In the course of a typically wide-ranging speech, Mr Dillon set out all that Ireland would lose by the removal of Irish representation from Westminster. Joseph Devlin MP spoke in a similar vein, saying that ‘an Irish republic could only be set up on the ruins of the British Empire, and that any attempt to achieve it would end in bloody and disastrous defeat’.
There was a dramatic battle for votes in the South Longford constituency where a by-election was taking place following the death of the incumbent Irish Parliamentary Party MP, John Phillips. Tensions in the constituency were running high, and when Count Plunkett and Laurence Ginnell arrived in Longford, as part of a convoy of about 30 cars bearing Sinn Féin colours, they were assailed by hostile crowd brandishing sticks. By nightfall some 100 cars associated with Sinn Féin were travelling across the constituency – some had come from as far south as Cork and Kerry, and others from as far north as Antrim and Down. Trainloads of supporters also arrived from Dublin as both the Irish Parliamentary Party and Sinn Féin sought to maximise the votes of Patrick McKenna and Joe McGuinness, respectively.
Parades through the streets and rallies in rural towns in the constituency have on occasion descended into stone-throwing. As a result, police – many armed with rifles – are now visible across the county.
The general view was that the momentum in the election is now with Sinn Féin whose sentiments ‘appeal to the imagination of young farmers, shop assistants, and labourers, for whom red-hot election literature has been specially provided’. Many younger priests have also been lobbying for Sinn Féin, although the higher reaches of the Catholic Church support the Irish Parliamentary Party.
9:
South Longford by-election
Polling day and the South Longford by-election was fought on an incomplete electoral register. The campaign was unprecedented in terms of its bitterness and the rival groups of nationalists fought for every vote. The Sinn Féiners’ polling day campaign saw a ‘bewildering array of motor cars’ traverse the county, emblazoned with slogans such as ‘Free Joe McGuinness and Ireland’. Voters were ‘whisked away in sumptuous motorcars to record their votes’ and journalists remarked that younger men, school teachers and clergymen were also notably involved in lobbying voters to support McGuinness.
When the vote was first announced, McKenna was deemed the winner by 13 votes, but Joe McGrath of Sinn Féin noticed that the combined total of votes for the two candidates and the 22 spoiled-votes was 50 votes short of the total votes cast, so there was a recount.
“ At first it was announced that he had lost, but after some slight signs of a mass inclination to homicide on the part of the crowd outside the counting hall, another bundle of McGuinness votes was discovered”
T.P.Coogan. “Ireland since the Rising” Pall Mall. 1966. p22/23.
The votes had initially been stacked in bundles of 50, and then doubled, but instead of 100 votes, one of the McGuinness bundles contained 150 votes, so, rather than losing by 13 votes, he actually won by 37 votes - 1,498 to 1,461.
The result was seen as an electoral endorsement of the campaign to free the prisoners. This increased the pressure on the Lloyd George government.
Following the result there have been celebrations and some violent incidents. Across Longford, republican flags flew at the head of processions and at bonfires. In Ballaghaderreen, In Memoriam cards displayed bearing the words ‘Sacred to the memory of the deceased Irish Party’. As news of the Sinn Féin success filtered around the country, there were celebrations in places as far flung as Kerry, Dublin and Sligo.
Newspaper reaction in Ireland and beyond has acknowledged that this is a triumph with meaning far beyond the mere election of an MP. There is a general sense that Irish politics has changed significantly now and that this change represents rise of radical nationalism.
‘In the R.I.C report, Count Plunkett was said to have declared that the first blow for separation from the United Kingdom had been struck in Easter Week, the second in North Roscommon; the third in South Longford’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.254
‘..the Irish Times said that the mere hint that the Parliamentary Party was ready to accept partition had helped defeat it and added ‘after the Bishops manifesto, partition is as dead as a doornail and any Government which should try to resurrect it would show itself incredibly ignorant or insanely contemptous of the solitary conviction which now unites all political parties in Ireland.’
‘The result was celebrated all over Ireland by meetings and processions which were broken up by the police, with bonfires on the hills and with Republican flags flying from inaccessible places. The police, to secure one flag, had to fell the tree from the topmost twig of which it floated.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.215
11
Russian Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates demands peace conference.
12
The major incident which saw the Citizen Army themselves barred temporarily and an end to their drilling in Liberty Hall for good occurred on the anniversary of James Connolly's death. The union had put up a banner on the front of Liberty Hall which read "James Connolly - murdered May 12th 1916". The police demanded that it be taken down and the union obliged. But women members of the Citizen Army made another banner with the same message, put it up again and refused to take it down. It took a party of police to force their way onto the roof to remove it. After this the authorities closed Liberty Hall until they were given an assurance that the Citizen Army would be barred from the hall. A few weeks later it was agreed that the Citizen Army could use the hall as individual members of the union. The Citizen Army had lost its headquarters.
On April 28th, President Wilson’s private secretary Joseph Tumulty wrote a private letter to an Irish-American in New York, John Crimmins. This letter was published by the New York World, revealing that Tumulty had written assuring Crimmins that the President had a ‘keen interest in the Irish question and in every way he properly can, is showing his sympathy with the claims of Ireland for Home Rule’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.228
The same day, the President of the Friends of Irish Freedom wrote to Tumulty on the matter of Home Rule:
‘If you mean by ‘Home Rule’ the pitiful travesty upon self-government which went on the statute books, September 18, 1914, then you may be assured that Ireland is not making any ‘claim’ for that sort of thing. What Ireland wants...is complete independence, and nothign short of it. The Irish people want to be free to exercise ‘the privilege of men everywhere to shoose their way of life and of obedience’ for which the President asked us to enter the war’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.228
A ‘Round-Robin’ letter to Diarmuid Lynch from the US was written by May McManus, J Kiely, Thoms Pakenham, M O’Shea and Patrick Harford:
Russian Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates demands peace conference.
12
The major incident which saw the Citizen Army themselves barred temporarily and an end to their drilling in Liberty Hall for good occurred on the anniversary of James Connolly's death. The union had put up a banner on the front of Liberty Hall which read "James Connolly - murdered May 12th 1916". The police demanded that it be taken down and the union obliged. But women members of the Citizen Army made another banner with the same message, put it up again and refused to take it down. It took a party of police to force their way onto the roof to remove it. After this the authorities closed Liberty Hall until they were given an assurance that the Citizen Army would be barred from the hall. A few weeks later it was agreed that the Citizen Army could use the hall as individual members of the union. The Citizen Army had lost its headquarters.
On April 28th, President Wilson’s private secretary Joseph Tumulty wrote a private letter to an Irish-American in New York, John Crimmins. This letter was published by the New York World, revealing that Tumulty had written assuring Crimmins that the President had a ‘keen interest in the Irish question and in every way he properly can, is showing his sympathy with the claims of Ireland for Home Rule’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.228
The same day, the President of the Friends of Irish Freedom wrote to Tumulty on the matter of Home Rule:
‘If you mean by ‘Home Rule’ the pitiful travesty upon self-government which went on the statute books, September 18, 1914, then you may be assured that Ireland is not making any ‘claim’ for that sort of thing. What Ireland wants...is complete independence, and nothign short of it. The Irish people want to be free to exercise ‘the privilege of men everywhere to shoose their way of life and of obedience’ for which the President asked us to enter the war’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.228
A ‘Round-Robin’ letter to Diarmuid Lynch from the US was written by May McManus, J Kiely, Thoms Pakenham, M O’Shea and Patrick Harford:
My Dear Diarmuid.
I was jealous of that big letter you wrote Sarah McKelvey, but it didn’t hurt enough to keep me from reading and appreciating it. One ought to be glad to be living in these days, even in Lewes. I wish I could go over and see you all, but I want to live to see the end of this shindig and the risk is too great. How is Tomas? I wrote to his sister last July, but got no reply. I know de Valera and his wife. I met them in 1909 in Tourmakeady. Give my kindest regards. I suppose the [word unclear] man doesn’t speak to ordinary prisoners nowadays. All the fellows are fine, except that Wm that you used to be friendly with, and the big fat tailor, they are gone to the dogs. I don’t read the papers anymore, what is the use. Almighty God is arranging things and we must wait. May McManus.
Dear Lynch.
Miss McKelvey showed me your letter and I was glad to hear you were well. I was telling Miss McManus of a remark I made about 15 years ago, as you, Miss Henebery, Hannarh Ryan and myself were walking on 59th St, to the effect that I had no hope of ever being a participant in or a witness of any stirring events. Well, you surely have ‘put one over’ on me and I extend my congratulations, even though you are deprived of liberty. I too am glad to live in such a time and would like to go to Ireland, but the chances would be a 100 to 1 against my landing there. ‘Tis heartening to meet either Miss McKelvey or Miss McManus these days. They are worth a hundred men. Bail O’Dhia agaibh. J. Kiely.
Brooklyn…
A cara ..Diarmuid. Thro’ the courtesy of Miss McManus, who tells me that it is now possible for you to communicate with your friends outside and their great privildge and pleasure to get a line to you occasionally, I am invited to add a few brief words here.
Dear Diarmuid. I am heartliy glad to know that you are well inbody & mind. Your faith and hope still strong and undimmed after passing trho’ the malestrom and I believe the maker of life who has preserved you trho it all, has brighter and happier daysin store for you. I have been most shamefully inactive myself, partly through circumstances and partly as you know, natural handicap of head and hand but my heart was ever in the course and I can assure you that the stream of light coming thro’ the recent cloudburst had cleared and [word illegible] our Celtic atmosphere in the most wholesome manner. I can imagine what it is doing at home. The people are waking up to the siutaiton here and some good work is going forward. But in a large sense, I beleve with Mis McManus that the future is in the hand of the Creator remember the verse in O’Growny …I endorse wholehertedl everything Mr Kiely has said of these two women. They are not women, they are superwomen. The whole life and sme of our workers here. Let me end with another old saying ‘ translation required from old Irish script’ but let me pray that God, who has you in his keeping, may bless you and speed the hour of your deliverance to your own native air and sunlight again. Thomas Pakenham.
A Cara a Diarmuid. Miss McKelvey was kind enough to let me see a letter her by you and the good nes in ti saying that your health was improving, made me feel joyful. I hope it may continue so. There are lots of things happening in the outside world in these days – such as talk about freeing small nations etc. maybe it's God’s way of bursting Eire’s chains. I hope that we may yet meet in the Philo-Cletic or somewhere else. It was only a day or two ago that England was discussing the liberation of those imprisoned during the week of the rebellion. God grant that it may become a fact very son and may you British strong and ready. M O’Shea – 19 Abingdon Sq.
‘354 W.39th Street
A Cara dilis Diarmuid. I could not resist the temptation to add a very few words to those of the rest of your dear friends of the Philo-Celtic Society. Having in mind the very great esteem in which you are held by your older aquaintances of the society, I as a late acquaintance would wish to add a word of encouragement to those already expressed and to tend to you my heartfelt appreciation of the sacrifices so cheerfully made & the sufferings so patiently endured…through the courtesy of Miss Muskerry I had the great pleasure of reading your letter & I need hardly tell you it was very satisfying indeed to know that you were in good health and spirits. I sincerely trust that your good health may continue and that the day will soon dawn that will see you once more free and happy nd enjoying the liberty for which you made such sacrifice… Patrick Harford.
Finally, May McManus closed the letter…
2 East 48th Street.
A Cara dil. I started this letter on May 12. what do you think of those batchelors who took all this time to say what was on their minds? Nedless to say it is discouraging to me. Mr Boyle asked me to subscribe to his letter. That is why I waited. We held the State Gaelic League convention yesterday. You were cheered & Fawcett of Cork to represent you. May McManus.
Lynch Family Archives – Folder 3/41
13
10-year-old Lúcia Santos and her cousins Francisco and Jacinta Marto report experiencing a series of Marian apparitions near Fátima, Portugal, which become known as Our Lady of Fátima.
Dublin: James Connolly’s most famous book, Labour in Irish History: The Re-Conquest of Ireland was reprinted, this time with an introduction by Robert Lynd.
The Dublin Metropolitan Police made no arrests after they were involved in scuffles with a group of Sinn Féin supporters, men and women, at Rathmines. The incident occurred in the leafy environs of Mountpleasant Square where the 40 strong group, returning from Tallaght where they had attended a High Mass for the souls of three of the executed leaders of last year’s rebellion – James Connolly, Michael Mallin and Sean Heuston – were met by police.
The Sinn Féin supporters, some of whom were carrying tricolour flags and others wielding hurleys, had been marching in processional order in defiance of a military proclamation forbidding such public demonstrations. Violence erupted when the police intervened to seize the republican flags and stop the procession; Superintendent Kiernan was struck on the head with a hurley stick, while his colleague, Inspector McCaig was knocked to the ground, cutting his hands.
At Liberty Hall, there was little trouble when Sinn Féin colours of green, white and orange were hung from the building and the scaffolding enveloping it. However, police did intervene when a number of young women nailed onto the front of the building a white linen banner bearing the inscription, ‘James Connolly, 12th May, 1916’. Acting on military instruction, the police asked for the linen scroll to be removed and when this request was refused, they proceeded to do it for themselves, their actions met by boos and jeers from the onlooking crowd that had gathered. That was not the end of the matter, however. No sooner had the police removed the linen banner than another one, bearing a similar inscription, was unfurled by a number of girls who climbed to the top of Liberty Hall. This too was removed by police.
10-year-old Lúcia Santos and her cousins Francisco and Jacinta Marto report experiencing a series of Marian apparitions near Fátima, Portugal, which become known as Our Lady of Fátima.
Dublin: James Connolly’s most famous book, Labour in Irish History: The Re-Conquest of Ireland was reprinted, this time with an introduction by Robert Lynd.
The Dublin Metropolitan Police made no arrests after they were involved in scuffles with a group of Sinn Féin supporters, men and women, at Rathmines. The incident occurred in the leafy environs of Mountpleasant Square where the 40 strong group, returning from Tallaght where they had attended a High Mass for the souls of three of the executed leaders of last year’s rebellion – James Connolly, Michael Mallin and Sean Heuston – were met by police.
The Sinn Féin supporters, some of whom were carrying tricolour flags and others wielding hurleys, had been marching in processional order in defiance of a military proclamation forbidding such public demonstrations. Violence erupted when the police intervened to seize the republican flags and stop the procession; Superintendent Kiernan was struck on the head with a hurley stick, while his colleague, Inspector McCaig was knocked to the ground, cutting his hands.
At Liberty Hall, there was little trouble when Sinn Féin colours of green, white and orange were hung from the building and the scaffolding enveloping it. However, police did intervene when a number of young women nailed onto the front of the building a white linen banner bearing the inscription, ‘James Connolly, 12th May, 1916’. Acting on military instruction, the police asked for the linen scroll to be removed and when this request was refused, they proceeded to do it for themselves, their actions met by boos and jeers from the onlooking crowd that had gathered. That was not the end of the matter, however. No sooner had the police removed the linen banner than another one, bearing a similar inscription, was unfurled by a number of girls who climbed to the top of Liberty Hall. This too was removed by police.
15
Gen. Petain succeeds Gen. Nivelle as Commander-in-Chief of French armies. Gen. Foch is appointed Chief of Staff.
Westminster: The Representation of the People Bill passed its first reading to the House of Commons to allow women in the UK to vote in general elections for the first time. While the legislation only proposed extending the franchise to women 30 years or over, this corresponds to an additional six million voters on the register. The bill also removed existing complications for men’s franchise, makes provision for those serving at the front and introduces a limited form of proportional representation.
That the Bill would will pass unchanged was not a foregone conclusion, however. There was strong opposition from Conservative quarters to the provisions regarding women. Resistance to this measure is so strong, the Irish Times suggests that it might be removed at the committee stage. Before becoming law, the bill had to pass another two votes in the House of Commons before passing through the House of Lords before finally receiving Royal Assent.
Diarmuid Lynch wrote to his sister Mary on a scrap of paper from Lewes:
Lewes Prison, England. May 15.
Miss Mary Lynch, Granig, Kinsale
‘My Dear Mary.
Very glad to get Michael’s letter of the 11th inst & notes from you all. J & M’OB Annacarrigaa, Jack Fitz & Kitty Higgins. Hope the latter enjoyed her stay in the country & feels the better for it. Delighted to received P.Bo letter. The one he sent direct here has not yet arrived.
Dennis' letter of Apr 30 with all the American notes etc etc (total 24) was a great treat. I will write him within a week.
Irish Grammar * & toothpaste duly arrived. Very glad to get same.
I presume Eddie told you I got back to the garden after a lapse of a month. Even that short time sitting down indoors brought back my old trouble, indigestion. I have had relapses since too on account of changes in diet, but am OK once more. Hope I can keep so now, but one never knows what may transpire next. The sunburn makes me look in great form – better than I feel sometimes. I have gained 5 or 6lbs since I entered Mountjoy. I am still considerably short of my normal weight prior to March 1916, but I am not worrying about that. I am now 10-12 (stone/lbs) [ 68 kgs] minus boots & coat.
I believe you me Mrs Frank Fahy in Cork. She is now back in Dublin.*. Was surprised to learn through Austin Stack that Dathai Barry is working in Tralee and Higgins* is on a holiday too! Cork must be a queer place now.
By the way, I hope Katherine McCarthy, Ballyfoyle & the boys are well. Glad to learn that Agnes Kiely is improved in health & sincerely hope her eyesight will be restored.
How is it I get no word from Jane Dunlea? Any news from Ballyrodder & B’Sheen?
Very glad to get Uncle Michael’s memoriam card.
Not surprised at Eddie’s impression of my rig out. When I saw the boys at Dartmoor on my arrival, I had many a quiet laugh & am well aware that I look a ‘holy show’ myself. Of course we are well used to one another's appearances here & when the time comes to get into our ordinary clothes I’m sure they’ll feel awkward. Personally, I’ll get lost among all the pockets – being so well accustomed to one only for the past year.
I enjoyed M’s letter immensely [ letter has not survived ] Sorry to miss the bonfire. As regards the main uestion, I’m still of the same opinion – more expecially as far as we are concerned. Assurances re food supply encouraging. I hop he is right but I doubt it. Potato stalks just appearing above the ground here now. No growth fill within past week. Just a little rain. It must have been vry hard on carrle in Ireland & I can imagine lots of difficulties ahead. It's hard to know what is best to do.
Love to all, Diarmuid.
PS Tell M to put sufficient postage on letters in future please. I thank him for message from that nice wee girl.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/40
- This Irish Grammar book was 'Ceachta Cainnte Gramadaighe' ‘Conversational Grammar – Lessons in Irish; Inductive book’ published in 1911. Lynch turned this Irish language grammar book into a unique autograph book of all the Irish prisoners in Lewes. He asked each of the prisoners to sign the page that corresponded with their convict number along with the length of their sentence. Harry Boland signed page 90 as he was Prisoner Q90. Eamon de Valera signed page 95 and amongst the many others, Lynch signed page 192 as Convict 192. Lynch Family Archives
- Frank Fahy (1854-1935) Songwriter and language revivalist. Joined the British Civil Service and remained in London for the rest of his life. Founder of the Southwark Irish Club (1882) from which grew the Irish Litterary Society. His work appeared frequently under the pen-name ‘An Dreolin’ the wren. The London Times wrote of his death: ‘He had a part in the promotion of every Irish litterary and social movement in London for the past fifty years’.
- Believed to be Frederick Higgins (1896-1941) Poet & Official in the Irish Labour movement. Later managing director of the Abbey Theatre.
In recent years, some additional examples of a prison autograph book like Lynch's have come to light.
Gerard Crofts (Convict Q.93) used his copy of 'Le Chien du Capitaine' by Louis Enault, 1914 (below) for fellow prisoners to sign the page numbers corresponding to their prison numbers.
Gerard Crofts (Convict Q.93) used his copy of 'Le Chien du Capitaine' by Louis Enault, 1914 (below) for fellow prisoners to sign the page numbers corresponding to their prison numbers.
Included in the signatures are Eoin MacNeill, Brian O Maoildhia (Co. Galway), Padraig Ua Fathaigh, William P. Partridge, Countess Markiewicz , Tommie Furey, Colm O Gaora, Diarmuid Ua Loingsigh, Aibhistin de Staic, Sean Mac an tSaoi [McEntee], Deasmumhan Mac Gearailt [Desmond FitzGerald], Henri Ua Beollain [Harry Boland], Eamon de Valera, , Roibard O Breandain [Robert Brennan], 'Patsy Patrick' [Sean Etchingham] with a poem, Piaras Beaslai, Peadar MacFhlannchadha [Clancy], Prionsias O Fathaigh [Frank Fahy], Fionan O Loingsigh [Lynch], Seosamh Mac Aonghusa [Joe McGuinness], Liam Toibin, Pilib Mac Cosgair, Liam T. Mac Cosgair [Cosgrave], Seoiorse O Pluingceid, Eoin O Pluinceid etc. Most had details of sentences included and later the note 'R.I.P.'
Some unique messages are in Croft's book including an original poem on p. 130 by 'q.90' [Harry Boland], saluting Gerard Crofts as 'a blue eyed fair haired Orpheus' sent by the God of Song, to sing the songs of Innisfail and 'cheer the weary hours of night ', and another on p. 175 signed R. O'B. [Robert Brennan], ending 'Your silvery tongue shall hail our Queen / The day we crown our Dark Rosaleen.' Brennan had a cell just over Crofts' in Lewes; in his memoir 'Allegiance' he describes how 'every night he would give us a few songs from his vast repertoire. His voice was never very powerful but he was a real artist, and could make any and every old song sound beautiful'. Crofts later inscribed the book 'To Margaret O'Callaghan [later his wife] as a little token of gratitude.
Another discovery was in 2016 when an autograph book owned by Eamon de Valera in Lewes. The diary is a soft-cover notebook, decorated on the flyleaf with a harp surrounded by shamrock beneath a banner declaring “Faith and Fatherland”. Each of the 30 pages is ruled into four sections “where the name, address, prisoner number and sentence in years was filled out by each inmate, including de Valera himself”.” In some cases, according to the auctioneers, de Valera has added a code such as “LX” or “DX”, which they say may be a personal code he devised based on Roman numerals.
Below: The New York Times reports on a United Irish Societies meeting at Terrace Garden, New York (includes reference to Richard 'Dick' Dalton)
Although small in numbers, the Friends of Irish Freedom organisation was beginning to show it's capacity to mobilise Irish-American opinion. In May, 1917, the Friends 'organised a petition with an alleged 500,000 American signatures, pleading that Ireland should be treated as one of the small nations for whom the President had said the United States was fighting. The wording of the petition revealed the Friends' inherent faith in the righteousness of the American cause. It appealed not just to Irish-Americans but to all Americans: "As America had entered the war for the preservation of democracy and the freedom of small nationalities, this government in honor bound to apply this principle impartially in all cases of peoples held in subjection, whether they be under the jurisdiction of Germany like \Belgium, or of England like Ireland. As America cannot be a party to any scheme of world-peace which withholds from any nation the God given right of freedom, the only final settlement must be the complete independence of Ireland...every lover of Democracy, irrespective of sex, race and religion, is asked to sign the petition."
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p65
16:
First US Flotilla arrived off the coast of Britain.
Bullecourt captured by British in the Arras battles.
The New York Irish played a significant role in the celebrated 69th Infantry Regiment of the New York National Guard, which became the 165th "Fighting Irish" Regiment of the American Expeditionary Force during the war.
The Irish Convention proposal
Dublin:
Just five days after Sinn Féin's three by-elections wins that startled both the Irish Party and the British government, PM Lloyd George, proposed the establishment of a convention of all Irishmen of both traditions in an effort to meet to resolve their difference and to produce a constitution for the future government of Ireland. In letters to John Redmond and Sir John Lonsdale of the Ulster Unionists, Lloyd George suggested a new set of proposals to the nationalist and unionist parties that recommended drafting a bill for the immediate implementation of Home Rule, excluding the six Ulster counties for a period of five years.
After those five years had passed the position would be reconsidered, assuming partition had not been terminated prior to that date. The bill would provide for a representative Council of Ireland to sit during this time in order to arrive at a compromise acceptable to the majority.
In making the proposals, the Prime Minister said that the government had been considering for some time what further actions it might take to bring about a settlement of the Irish question. He professed to having a ‘deep desire’ to ‘put an end to a state of affairs which is productive of immense evil, not only to Ireland, but to Great Britain and the Empire.’
There was little optimism that the proposals would succeed, however. Both the Ulster Unionists and the Irish Parliamentary Party had rejected the partition proposals and while constitutional nationalists were broadly in agreement with the idea of the convention, unionists were more negative and saw little prospect in its success and Sinn Fein refused to participate. Redmond declared himself ‘irreconcilably opposed’ to the Lloyd George scheme for Home Rule but accepting of a proposal for a convention.
The Convention was intended to involve ‘Irishmen of all parties for the purpose of producing a scheme of Irish self-government’, but events would prove otherwise. Home Rule could in a sense have been put into place in spring 1917, but Redmond was reluctant to shoulder the burden of exclusion, and hoped the eventual area to be excluded could in time be narrowed down.
It was a difficult choice, Redmond might have seized and exercised power in the twenty-six counties to the advantage of the Home Rule cause and might well have provided ‘the freedom to achieve freedom’. His choice of a conference, all going well, could possibly secure the future of constitutional nationalism and halt the progress of the separatist movement.
‘Lloyd George’s new expedient for the pacification of Ireland’, as William O’Brien subsequently described the Convention proposals.
In reality, the Convention was to be somewhat convenient as it effectively shelved the Irish Question for some six months and more and with the United States joining the war, this would distract attention from the matter.
18:
Dublin: The British government’s proposal to prohibit horse racing in Ireland and Britain for the duration of the war was met with widespread protest. All across Ireland meetings have passed resolutions saying that a total prohibition would be calamitous for the horse breeding industry and would cause more economic destitution among the general population than was worth the tonnage in food saved for human consumption. The Irish Times, while claiming they would not oppose the ban should the government deem it necessary, claim that the figures used by the government in relation numbers of horses in training and the tonnage of feed used that would be fit for human consumption had been exaggerated.
The Selective Service Act passes the United States Congress, giving the President the power of conscription.
The New York Times published an interview with Judge Cohalan on the proposed Irish Convention & Home Rule. The Judge claimed 'Lloyd George's Home Rule proposals had been made 'in bad faith' and that it was 'an affront to the self-respect of Ireland and an insult to the intelligence of America'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p65
Mailed from London at 3.15pm was an un-solicited letter from a ‘J.B.’ to Mrs William Pedlar, 23 Brookfield Terrace, Blackrock, Dublin.
Dear Mrs P.
I think I can get a day off so as to be over on Sunday 27th.
Is your husband back and could he meet me on that morning at noon – 12 o’clock – at the booking office, Blackrock.
I would wear the same hat and coat you saw on me and he would know me by them and speak to me. Only be sure and let him not let anyone know. I send you piece of newspaper which you will know.
Drop me a line in enclosed envelope saying if the date and hour are understood at once and I will be there as arranged.
Yours truly,
J.B.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/46
William Pedlar in turn reported to the Provisional Government who issued a letter to him on 19th June 1917:
‘To Whom it may Concern
The undersigned on receiving a letter from a secret agent of the British Government came to us and reported all about the matter. He has since asked on our instructions either jointly or individually in an endeavor to have this mad shadowed so that we may know more of his movements & associates.
In our hands are all communications in reference to the above. The work is not yet complete.
Signed on behalf of the Prov. Gov by
Seamus O Dochantaigh
P. McCartan
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/47
Handwritten on the letter by Diarmuid Lynch was the secret agents name and address, James Brady, 5 Gellatly Rd, New Cross, London SE14.
19
Dublin: The Dublin dockers’ strike ended. The intervention of the Lord Mayor of Dublin helped broker a resolution of a pay dispute between the Shipping Association and the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union. The strike over pay at the South Wall Quay began three weeks before and disrupted the flow of supplies into the city, with large tonnages still lying unloaded. Traders and bakers affected called for an immediate return to work so that the already serious food situation in Dublin does not become even worse. The strike was the most serious labour dispute in Dublin since the 1913 Lockout ended.
London: Parliament considered the grave state of affairs in north Donegal where food supplies were reported to be dwindling. Areas such as Glenswilly, the Rosses, Gweedore, Rosgull, Termon, Kilmacrennan, Glendownan and Drumkeene are reporting ‘acute distress’, with the stocks of potatoes now almost entirely gone and no prospect anything to replace or replenish them.
Suggestions that Donegal was on the edge of famine were rejected by the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Henry Duke, who said that two members of the Irish Executive had been in Donegal last week and there had been no serious shortages. He assured the House that should such shortages arise, the government will deal with them appropriately.
New York: Judge Cohalan replying to the many articles appearing in ‘America’ wrote in the magazine: “ if a plebiscite were taken tomorrow, a large majority of the men and women of Ireland would declare themselves in favour of independence and of an Irish Republic…thanks to skillful British propaganda, the world had been sold on the idea that the Irish are an unruly, turbulent people, who, being unable to rule themselves, have been raised to a half civilized state by the un-selfish and devoted efforts of England…this British propaganda had been successful even among certain Irish who had been indoctrinated with the belief that the notion of an independent Irish republic was only the dream of an enthusiast…”
Charles Callan Tansill. “America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922” Devin-Adair Company. P223
Supporting articles came from Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington and John Devoy which in turn led Leslie to comment later in the year in ‘The Irish issue in its American Aspect’ that ‘he had been ‘pulverised’ by their cogency and power of statement’
Charles Callan Tansill. “America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922” Devin-Adair Company. P224
21
Westminster: Lloyd George announced that the government had decided to invite Irishmen to put forward their own proposals for the government of their country. It was directed to a Convention which was to consist not merely of political parties, but to be "a real representation of Irish life and activity in all their leading branches." It would be pledged that "If substantial agreement should be reached as to the character and scope of the Constitution for the future government of Ireland within the Empire", Government would "accept the responsibility for taking all the necessary steps to enable the Imperial Parliament to give legislative effect to the conclusions of the Convention" adding that ‘Ireland should now try her hand at hammering out an instrument of government for her own people’.
The Prime Minister told the house that the Convention would meet behind closed doors and he hoped that there would be 'no publication, authorised or unauthorised, of its proceedings until its conclusions are arrived at'
In his lengthy reply, Redmond made a plea for quick action “. . . . the life of an Irish politician is one of one long series of postponements and compromise and disappointments and disillusionments . . . . Many of our ideals of complete, speedy and almost immediate triumph of our policy and of our cause, have faded, some almost disappeared. . . . We have spent forty years at this work . . . . which will have been worth it if by this Convention we can secure substantial agreement amongst our people in Ireland...” But the omens were not the best. The Ulster Unionist Sir John Lonsdale reiterated "that they could not and would not be driven into a Home Rule Parliament, that they relied on the pledges that they would not be coerced".
Dublin: A crowded meeting in the Mansion House unanimously passed a resolution drawing ‘the attention of foreign countries to the unjust treatment of our prisoners of war, of whom 122 are confined in English convict prisons and treated as criminals’. Special mention was made at the meeting of the plight of Countess Markievicz, who was being held in the convict prison of Aylesbury where she is currently being denied ‘all association except with criminals’.
A letter expressing sympathy with the object of the meeting and the resolutions was read from Dr O’Dwyer, the Bishop of Limerick. He acknowledged that while there were differences of opinion in Ireland as to the 1916 rebellion there was unanimous opposition to the ‘cruelty and inhumanity’ meted out to those treated as criminals: ‘Surely there is something profoundly wrong when there is such a chasm between national feeling and what is called the law of the land...You ask to have the poor fellows in Lewes Jail treated at least as prisoners of war – a modest demand. I say, liberate them. A secret court martial pronounced them criminals.’
Other speakers included Count Plunkett, Jenny Wyse Power and Arthur Griffith.
Child Mortality: In 1917, Nine in every 100 Irish children died before the age of one. This stark fact was revealed in the Report on the Physical Health of Mothers and Children, prepared by Dr E. Coey Bigger for the Local Government Board. The report underlined the extent to which the state was only now beginning to grapple with the questions affecting child welfare. Dr Bigger stated that poverty and poor housing conditions in many towns are the primary factors concerned in infant mortality. This he claimed was borne out by the figures. Whereas the mortality rate in Kerry and Monaghan, is between 60 and 70 per thousand, Dublin City is the worst with 160.3 with other cities also having high figure; Derry 142.45, Belfast 136.73 and Cork 118.84. The report provides recommendations as to how this can be tackled. These include schemes for the instruction of nursing and expectant mothers, the establishment of infant welfare centres, and the provision of open spaces and covered playgrounds in working class districts in towns.
22:
Sinn Féin Executive meets to discuss the Irish Convention
The Executive of the National Council met...and ‘ unanimously resolved that Sinn Fein would decline to participate in any convention called by the English Government in Ireland unless,
(I) The terms of reference to such a convention left it free to decree the complete independence of Ireland (ii) The English Government publicly pledged itself to the United States and the Powers of Europe to ratify the decision of the majority of the Convention; (iii) The convention consists of none but persons freely elected by adult suffrage in Ireland; (iv) Prisoner of War treatment is accorded to Irish prisoners at Lewes and Aylesbury.
This resolution embodied the whole principle of Self-Determination. Had the Government set up a Convention of this character and ratified its findings, peace between the two nations might, even now, have been achieved. Majority rule, the principle of Government by consent of the governed, would have been applied to Ireland ...’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.218
However Lloyd George had no intention of risking recommendations from his Convention that would reveal the strength of the Irish demand for independence and unity. In a letter to Unionist Leader, Carson, he wrote ‘We must make it clear that at the end of the provisonal period, Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge in the rest of Ireland.’
The absence of Sinn Féin served to undermine the Convention from the very start, shattering its ambition to be fully ‘representative’ of Irish opinion.
Westminster: The War Cabinet proposed the release of all Irish prisoners who were still imprisoned in England. (some 100 men and Countess Markievicz )
Mallow: A Sinn Fein demonstration in Mallow led to ‘subversive shouts’ and the appearance of a tricolour led to an RIC baton charge in which no mercy was shown. The RIC later claimed provocation but locals alleged police brutality.
Dublin: The Dublin dockers’ strike ended. The intervention of the Lord Mayor of Dublin helped broker a resolution of a pay dispute between the Shipping Association and the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union. The strike over pay at the South Wall Quay began three weeks before and disrupted the flow of supplies into the city, with large tonnages still lying unloaded. Traders and bakers affected called for an immediate return to work so that the already serious food situation in Dublin does not become even worse. The strike was the most serious labour dispute in Dublin since the 1913 Lockout ended.
London: Parliament considered the grave state of affairs in north Donegal where food supplies were reported to be dwindling. Areas such as Glenswilly, the Rosses, Gweedore, Rosgull, Termon, Kilmacrennan, Glendownan and Drumkeene are reporting ‘acute distress’, with the stocks of potatoes now almost entirely gone and no prospect anything to replace or replenish them.
Suggestions that Donegal was on the edge of famine were rejected by the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Henry Duke, who said that two members of the Irish Executive had been in Donegal last week and there had been no serious shortages. He assured the House that should such shortages arise, the government will deal with them appropriately.
New York: Judge Cohalan replying to the many articles appearing in ‘America’ wrote in the magazine: “ if a plebiscite were taken tomorrow, a large majority of the men and women of Ireland would declare themselves in favour of independence and of an Irish Republic…thanks to skillful British propaganda, the world had been sold on the idea that the Irish are an unruly, turbulent people, who, being unable to rule themselves, have been raised to a half civilized state by the un-selfish and devoted efforts of England…this British propaganda had been successful even among certain Irish who had been indoctrinated with the belief that the notion of an independent Irish republic was only the dream of an enthusiast…”
Charles Callan Tansill. “America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922” Devin-Adair Company. P223
Supporting articles came from Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington and John Devoy which in turn led Leslie to comment later in the year in ‘The Irish issue in its American Aspect’ that ‘he had been ‘pulverised’ by their cogency and power of statement’
Charles Callan Tansill. “America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922” Devin-Adair Company. P224
21
Westminster: Lloyd George announced that the government had decided to invite Irishmen to put forward their own proposals for the government of their country. It was directed to a Convention which was to consist not merely of political parties, but to be "a real representation of Irish life and activity in all their leading branches." It would be pledged that "If substantial agreement should be reached as to the character and scope of the Constitution for the future government of Ireland within the Empire", Government would "accept the responsibility for taking all the necessary steps to enable the Imperial Parliament to give legislative effect to the conclusions of the Convention" adding that ‘Ireland should now try her hand at hammering out an instrument of government for her own people’.
The Prime Minister told the house that the Convention would meet behind closed doors and he hoped that there would be 'no publication, authorised or unauthorised, of its proceedings until its conclusions are arrived at'
In his lengthy reply, Redmond made a plea for quick action “. . . . the life of an Irish politician is one of one long series of postponements and compromise and disappointments and disillusionments . . . . Many of our ideals of complete, speedy and almost immediate triumph of our policy and of our cause, have faded, some almost disappeared. . . . We have spent forty years at this work . . . . which will have been worth it if by this Convention we can secure substantial agreement amongst our people in Ireland...” But the omens were not the best. The Ulster Unionist Sir John Lonsdale reiterated "that they could not and would not be driven into a Home Rule Parliament, that they relied on the pledges that they would not be coerced".
Dublin: A crowded meeting in the Mansion House unanimously passed a resolution drawing ‘the attention of foreign countries to the unjust treatment of our prisoners of war, of whom 122 are confined in English convict prisons and treated as criminals’. Special mention was made at the meeting of the plight of Countess Markievicz, who was being held in the convict prison of Aylesbury where she is currently being denied ‘all association except with criminals’.
A letter expressing sympathy with the object of the meeting and the resolutions was read from Dr O’Dwyer, the Bishop of Limerick. He acknowledged that while there were differences of opinion in Ireland as to the 1916 rebellion there was unanimous opposition to the ‘cruelty and inhumanity’ meted out to those treated as criminals: ‘Surely there is something profoundly wrong when there is such a chasm between national feeling and what is called the law of the land...You ask to have the poor fellows in Lewes Jail treated at least as prisoners of war – a modest demand. I say, liberate them. A secret court martial pronounced them criminals.’
Other speakers included Count Plunkett, Jenny Wyse Power and Arthur Griffith.
Child Mortality: In 1917, Nine in every 100 Irish children died before the age of one. This stark fact was revealed in the Report on the Physical Health of Mothers and Children, prepared by Dr E. Coey Bigger for the Local Government Board. The report underlined the extent to which the state was only now beginning to grapple with the questions affecting child welfare. Dr Bigger stated that poverty and poor housing conditions in many towns are the primary factors concerned in infant mortality. This he claimed was borne out by the figures. Whereas the mortality rate in Kerry and Monaghan, is between 60 and 70 per thousand, Dublin City is the worst with 160.3 with other cities also having high figure; Derry 142.45, Belfast 136.73 and Cork 118.84. The report provides recommendations as to how this can be tackled. These include schemes for the instruction of nursing and expectant mothers, the establishment of infant welfare centres, and the provision of open spaces and covered playgrounds in working class districts in towns.
22:
Sinn Féin Executive meets to discuss the Irish Convention
The Executive of the National Council met...and ‘ unanimously resolved that Sinn Fein would decline to participate in any convention called by the English Government in Ireland unless,
(I) The terms of reference to such a convention left it free to decree the complete independence of Ireland (ii) The English Government publicly pledged itself to the United States and the Powers of Europe to ratify the decision of the majority of the Convention; (iii) The convention consists of none but persons freely elected by adult suffrage in Ireland; (iv) Prisoner of War treatment is accorded to Irish prisoners at Lewes and Aylesbury.
This resolution embodied the whole principle of Self-Determination. Had the Government set up a Convention of this character and ratified its findings, peace between the two nations might, even now, have been achieved. Majority rule, the principle of Government by consent of the governed, would have been applied to Ireland ...’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.218
However Lloyd George had no intention of risking recommendations from his Convention that would reveal the strength of the Irish demand for independence and unity. In a letter to Unionist Leader, Carson, he wrote ‘We must make it clear that at the end of the provisonal period, Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge in the rest of Ireland.’
The absence of Sinn Féin served to undermine the Convention from the very start, shattering its ambition to be fully ‘representative’ of Irish opinion.
Westminster: The War Cabinet proposed the release of all Irish prisoners who were still imprisoned in England. (some 100 men and Countess Markievicz )
Mallow: A Sinn Fein demonstration in Mallow led to ‘subversive shouts’ and the appearance of a tricolour led to an RIC baton charge in which no mercy was shown. The RIC later claimed provocation but locals alleged police brutality.
24:
The Chief Secretary agreed to the release of all Irish prisoners in England.
Dr J. Maloney in a letter to the New York Evening Post agreed with the Lloyd George proposed Convention of Irishmen. While discussion in the UK Press was prohbited, Maloney outlined his reasons for raising the subject in a controversial statement to the press in July 1921: ‘... I initiated in the Evening Post’s symposium on that Convention, which helped to disclose the nature of that body to the American people, and which gave a safe and priviledged opportunity to many Irish Americans to discuss Ireland in the American press, in spite of the prohibition of war...’
Dr. W.J.Maloney - Press Statement July 1921 p.3 . Lynch Family Archives.
The Chief Secretary agreed to the release of all Irish prisoners in England.
Dr J. Maloney in a letter to the New York Evening Post agreed with the Lloyd George proposed Convention of Irishmen. While discussion in the UK Press was prohbited, Maloney outlined his reasons for raising the subject in a controversial statement to the press in July 1921: ‘... I initiated in the Evening Post’s symposium on that Convention, which helped to disclose the nature of that body to the American people, and which gave a safe and priviledged opportunity to many Irish Americans to discuss Ireland in the American press, in spite of the prohibition of war...’
Dr. W.J.Maloney - Press Statement July 1921 p.3 . Lynch Family Archives.
25
London: An Imperial War Conference sought to consider what shape the post-war world might take and, in particular, how the British Empire might sit within that world. A blue book was issued containing extracts from minutes of the proceedings. All speakers emphasised the importance of the British monarchy in fostering and maintaining the loyalty of the Dominions to the Empire. Sir Robert Borden acknowledged the debate that was opening up around different, more representative forms of government, but said he believed the monarchy was the ‘keystone of the Imperial arch’.
Sir Edward Morris said that it was possible to admire ‘some of the principles in Republican institutions’ and to still ‘believe in the wisdom of Monarchical institutions’. General Smuts said that the British Empire was the most important and fascinating problem in political and constitutional government the world had ever seen. He said he believed that the status of the Dominions needed to be taken seriously and needed to be improved: ‘Too much of the old ideas cling to the new organism which is growing.’
Judge Cohalan responded to the previous days Convention letter in the New York Evening Post, by stating what was to become the majority opinion of Irish-America: ‘there would be little difficulty in giving the answers evidently desired in the adroit questions of Dr Maloney if the gathering to be called in Ireland were a convention actually representative of the people of Ireland, and if there were any honest intention on the part of England to meet the viewpoint of the people when expressed by such such a gathering. The majority of the people of Ireland want independence’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.231-232
There followed a flood of letters from Irish-Americans including these views on the Lloyd George inspired Irish Convention:
‘a proposal for a convention under the Presidency of a Government appointed chairman who wuld direct and control it’s procedure. That is not a convention either in the American or true sense of the word’
Judge J W Goff. New York Evening Post. May 25.
‘I see a palpable effort of the present British military to placate American public opinion and to square with our declaration of purpose in entering the war by ostensibly presenting to the Irish people an opportunity to settle their own affairs...the asporations and the purpose of the Irish in Ireland continues to be absolute independence’
Richard F Dalton. New York Eevening Post. June 2
‘The proposed convention is an insidious pretence, impractical in its operation and because of its lack of democratic honesty, foredoomed to failure’
Joint statement signed by Dr Emmet, Victor Herbert and James McGuire. New York Evening Post. May 25.
On the same day, Dr. Maloney was asked to accompany Mr. J.C.Walsh to the home of Judge Cohalan, who was
’ very cordial and spoke highly of the Irish articles I had written in the Evening Post. I told Judge Cohalan in Mr. Walsh’s presence of the impressions I had gained from my inadvertent visit to the British Embassy, that nothing would be done for Ireland, and of my desire to join in the fight for Irish freedom. Soon after Judge Cohalan introduced John Devoy to me...they both approved of the symposium, contributed to it, and worked hard to get other contributors. Judge Cohalan’s organisation later published the symposium as a phamphlet’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
26
Sinn Féin announced that the party would boycott any convention called by the British government for Ireland. The party agreed, however, that there would be Sinn Féin participation under the following conditions:
1. The terms of reference left it free to decree the complete independence of Ireland.
2. The government pledged itself to the United States and the Powers of Europe to ratify the decision of the majority of the convention.
3. The Convention consisted of none but freely elected by adult suffrage in Ireland.
4. That prisoner-of-war status be accorded to Irish prisoners.
Outlining his scepticism about the proposed convention, Count Plunkett stated: ‘The convention is not ours. It is called by England, and will be worked by English contrivances to suit English ends. Does any Irishman think the English government is ready to leave this small nationality free to shape a constitution to our desires? No! So we turn to the peace conference, and to our own resolves, for liberty.’
It was thought that the convention would aim to be as representative as possible of Irish society and include members of all major political parties as well as members of each of the 33 county councils. The Irish Unionist Alliance said its representatives would attend as long as there was adequate unionist representation. Another proposal that Irish political prisoners should be released before the convention takes place was yet to be fully considered.
In Lewes Prison, Harry Boland received a telegram advising of the death of his ‘Uncle’. This was the secret message that action to secure Prisoner of War status was approved by the Irish Volunteers Executive in Dublin. Action was to begin the next day and an ultimatum was written by De Valera and Diarmuid Lynch.
‘There are moments in history when by the urgency of circumstance everyone in a country is drawn from normal pursuits to consider the affairs of the nation,’ so begins George Russell (Æ) as he published his analysis of the state of Ireland and the prospects for the National Convention.
‘Irishmen can no longer afford to remain aloof from each other, or to address each other distantly or defiantly from press or platform, but must strive to understand each other truly, and give due weight to each other’s opinions, and if possible arrive at a compromise. This may save our country from anarchy and chaos for generations. An agreement about Irish government must be an agreement, not between two, but three, Irish parties first of all, and afterwards with Great Britain...Irish parties must rise above themselves if they are to bring about an Irish unity. They appear on the surface irreconcilable, but that, in my opinion, is because the spokesmen of parties are under the illusion that they should never indicate in public that they might possibly abate one jot of the claims of their party.’
Æ assesses the nature of Unionism in Ireland, acknowledges the traditions that flow from their ancestry and acknowledges, too, a certain difference of culture: ‘They have made their industries famous and they believe that their prosperity is in large measure due to their acceptance of the Union and that it would be lessened if they threw their lot in with the other Ireland. By contrast, Sinn Féin regard the preservation of their nationality as a sacred charge. They are inspired by an ancient history, a literature stretching beyond the Christian era, a national culture, and distinct national ideals, which they desire to manifest in a civilisation which shall not be an echo or imitation of any other.’
And finally the ‘third group occupies a middle position between those who desire the perfecting of the Union and those whose claim is for complete independence: and because they occupy a middle position and have taken colouring from the extremes between which they exist, they have been exposed to the charge of insincerity, which is unjust so far as the best minds among them are concerned. They have sought to maintain the connection with the Empire, and at the same time to acquire an Irish control over administration and legislation.’
And, for Æ, the challenge now is to seek compromise between these various forces and groupings – to see whether ‘these varied ideals may be harmonised’.
28
London: Germany has carried out a large-scale air raid using seaplanes, rather than Zeppelins, for the first time. At least 76 people were killed and more than 250 injured when a large squadron of aircraft attacked the south-east coast of England in a daylight operation last week. Almost half the casualties were women and children. It is reported that at least three German planes were shot down during the raid.
U.S. Brigadier General Pershing leaves New York for France.
In Lewes Prison, after morning exercise, De Valera handed the ultimatum to the principal warder, demanding Prisoner of War status for the 125 Irish prisoners, and until this was granted, all refused to obey any prison laws and all except the Cleaning Squads refused to work. The Cleaning Squad ‘always mobile, could keep them informed on events both inside and outside the prison’
The Prison Governor deemed this mutiny, refused to agree to the demands and the prisoners refused to work. Each was confined to cells and removed individually and questioned. Each prisoner confirmed that orders were taken only from their Commandant, De Valera. Prison Authorities deprived them of exercise and letters, and they were confined to cells on a reduced diet for seven days.
‘de Valera ordered that, onbeing let out to mass the next Sunday, they should refuse to return to their cells, take possession of the prison and force the authorities to summon the military. This order was discovered and the prisoners were forbidden to attend mass unless they promised not to make a demonstration. Instead they recited the rosary in their cells.’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P58
Unaware of developments in Lewes, friends of Diarmuid were writing the next ‘round-robin’ letter:
Bellvue
May 28 ‘17
Dear Diarmuid. Of course I can understand how proud and hapy you must feel being His Majesty’s Guest. Still, I think it's high time you were home, if you stay any longer you will become quite Anglicised. We miss you very much, the games arent a bit nice without you. Two of our friends were married last month. You remember Miss O’Connor and Mr Nolan. They are living on the Lee Road very near Mrs Fudger. You will be glad to hear our garden is looking very well. Nearly all vegeatbles, just a few flowers. The vegestbales are getting on fine. I hope the Member for Longford is in good form. Uncle D, Aunt A, Mrs F etc send their kind regards, and we all hope you wil be with us very son. Sincerely yours, Bela.
May 28. I needn't tell you how delighted we were to get your letter. You seem in very good form. I’m sure I don’t know how you can be but one of these days it will be worth it all. Your photo is always before us. I feel like asking you take off your hat and coat – it looks so real. Janie is in France at present. She is always asking for you. Kindest regards, Nell.
My dearest Dermot. May has come and goen & you are still an exile from Erin. But we hope in the near future to have you in the home circle once again D.V. Old Ireland never looked better nor more prosperous & all the friends are in the best of good health & looking forward to seeing you soon. all send best love & wishes. Largest share from Jen.
Love and best wishes from W.D.Kent.
St Marie’s of the Islae. 31st May ‘17
Dear Diarmuid. Jennie sent this ‘document’ at the elevnth hour, however perhaps it's well I have not time to say much. The censors ger nervous prostrations evidently from ‘patching’ up my American correspndence! Delighted to hear you are keeping fairly well & hope you are trying to aquire the English accent. Am praying daily for you. Kindest regards, S.M.J.
Carringnavan.
My Dearest Diarmuid.
We have a covey of patridge and are expecting you home to shoot them please don’t day too long. love from Mother and Papa and your fond, Maureen. 27 Patrick’s Hill.
My dearest Diarmuid. Please come home soon. with love and kisses from Rosine.
The Cottage,
Windmill Rd.
My dear Diarmuid. Hope you are feeling better. We are all hoping and praying that you may be soon back to dear old Cork. All the Mullins family are enquring for you regularly, especially ‘Mrs Alice’ she has a very nice young lady in her eye for you. Do you remember Miss Sloane from Waterville whom you met here and who argued with you so bitterly, was asking about you very particularly and told me she never meant all she said only she wanted to see what kind of temper you had. Arthur is just getting over an attack of gouty rheumatism – too much of the ‘Middleton’ stuff I suppose. No fear you will suffer like that, so you are not reoubled with too much food. With love and all good wishes that you may be allowed home soon from Arthur and yours very affectionately, Nora Mullins.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/42 ( letter continued from June 1, 1917 )
29:
Future US President John F Kennedy born. (1917-1963)
The Rural District Council of Ennis, passed a resolution calling for their representative in Parliament, Major Willie Redmond , his brother John-leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and all their members to resign their seats in Parliament as ‘they no longer represented the views and wishes of the Irish people either at home or abroad’
Dublin: Irish female munitions workers will finally receive the same pay as their counterparts in Britain. 300 female munitions workers met in the Mansion House to hear a statement from Elizabeth Sloan, Assistant Secretary of the National Federation of Women Workers, on the question of wages. Sloan announced that the weekly wages of girls in Cork, Dublin, Waterford and Galway has now been increased from 18s to 24s for day shifts, and from 23s to 30s for those who work nights. Under the new regulations these workers would also be paid for holidays. A letter from the Ministry of Munitions was read to the meeting and it confirmed official sanction of the increases.
Future US President John F Kennedy born. (1917-1963)
The Rural District Council of Ennis, passed a resolution calling for their representative in Parliament, Major Willie Redmond , his brother John-leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and all their members to resign their seats in Parliament as ‘they no longer represented the views and wishes of the Irish people either at home or abroad’
Dublin: Irish female munitions workers will finally receive the same pay as their counterparts in Britain. 300 female munitions workers met in the Mansion House to hear a statement from Elizabeth Sloan, Assistant Secretary of the National Federation of Women Workers, on the question of wages. Sloan announced that the weekly wages of girls in Cork, Dublin, Waterford and Galway has now been increased from 18s to 24s for day shifts, and from 23s to 30s for those who work nights. Under the new regulations these workers would also be paid for holidays. A letter from the Ministry of Munitions was read to the meeting and it confirmed official sanction of the increases.
June 1917
1:
Fort Douaumont, the key French fort at Verdun on the Western Front fell to German forces. For the next five days, German infantry fought their way down pitch-black corridors, the French holding the fort in small guerrilla groups until hunger and thirst forced a surrender.
French Army Mutinies: A French infantry regiment seizes Missy-aux-Bois and declares an anti-war military government. Other French army troops soon apprehend them.
The ‘Round-Robin’ letter of 28th May was continued by Diarmuid’s brother Michael:
My dear Diarmuid. Sorry to hear through Denis that you are any thing but well, is it the old complaint that you suffered from in Dartmoor or has it gone further? I hear you are completely broken down by what I can hear, but sure don’t I wonder any more could most live on the diet they are giving you. God knows the quantity & quality of the ‘the stuff’ given you before was bad enough, but now having to live on half the previous amount is bound to tell. However their game is nothing new to the Irish race. I say it would have been a fine thing for all you men who are convicts in an English prison to have been put up against the wall & shot as your comrades were rather than suffer pain of hunger as you now are, they have not the pluck to do so, but are 'O' (Brig.Gen Ormonde Winter) breaking you down slow but sure. We here in Ireland have heard that all you men are on strike & right too, may God give you strength to every man there to fight for what is right & just. Keep on brave boys. Nearly all Ireland are at your back now. Public meetings are to be held all over Ireland asking that ye convicts be treated as Prisoners of War, the spirit of the old land today is hot. The party [ words illegible ] are trying to bring themselves up our top, but their race is run Thank God.
The country is looking great after the rain – it's as green as a bush, the men are working hard, lots of work to be done. Tracton & Ballinhassig are playing a match in Carrigaline on Thursday next for Nation Aid, had some time here to pitch a team from this lot. Everybody says you are to be the next M.P. for this side when time arrives, but I say as you would. Will now say slán leat old man as I must leave room for others. Kindest regards to self and comrades & may God speed the good work. Your always fond brother, Miceal.
1.6.17.
My Dear Diarmuid. Was so pleased to get your letter of the 14th & to see that you are out in the garden again, but since I have been told you are on the sick list ‘report’ from Denis & all are very unsatisfactory.[ words illegible – dreadful handwriting!]..out & live outside the prison walls.
The diet list appeared on the papers last week. No doubt it was poor, but it's the limit all-together now. I wonder if the man that made out that list himself was put on it, how would he feel after 13 months. All Ireland are speaking about it & are to hold meetings etc & have ye treated as prisoners of war. Paddy OS was very proud to get a note from you. They are all in good form. Mary has got very odd. Doesn’t understand what one says to her, and keeps speaking away etc. Jerry Donovan had a bad attack but is OK again. Old Julia is the same as usual. Mary O’Brein is on the sick list at present & O’Brien [ words illegible ] & a few more little troubles. She was poorly, but is on the good side for the past few days. She send her kind regards to you. John and D have their hands full now, all their friends are helping them. Old Mike Carthy the [ word illegible ] has gone to eternal reward. Dr Coughlan [ Bishop of Cork ] visited the Parish last week and confirmed about 70 children. It was a very wet day, still the little ones looked very nice. I have lots to say about our new curate, but shall reserve all until I will be able to speak to you you. We had lotrs of rain for the past month, it was very much wanted as crops were burned up & some looked very bad , front trees are looking good so far. Mammie has not been well during the winter, her leg as usual gave her a little trouble but it's better now D.V. Terry also has improved a lot. Joe is gone [ Word illegible ] to get Coolea, giddy as usual. I believe she is to go to see you, won't you be pleased. Auntie spent a few days here last week. She is wonderful in fact, better than when you last saw her. Aunt at [ Word illegible ] is getting on good now Barry & herself are farming. Angela Ahern is remaining with them. Cathleen Ross is in good form. she sends warmest love to you. Uncle Jerry & all at Tubrid are well also all at Fountainstown, Ballingarry, Annacarrigaa, Frechfurze, Crosshaven [ Word illegible ] have not heard from Aunt Brigid since. The second last letter which I wrote her never reached her. You have heard of Uncle George’s* death in Boston [ Word illegible ] has left Queenstown & gone to American on promotion. His photo is on todays paper. Dan [ Word illegible ] make your [ Word illegible ] alright next week DV. Dan is looking very bad still. He is going around. He is attending the Dr. last year he broke down the same way. He will get on again a few weeks [ Word illegible ] so don’t worry. Eddie D is going to London next week but I don’t think he will go to Lewes this time. The first & last visit nearly killed him. Lots of beautiful stuffs & useful foods are coming in around the coasts around Ireland. Lots of [ Word illegible ] at Robert’s Cove, flour, cheese, currants [ Word illegible ] etc etc too numerous to mention. I must now finish as it's getting on [ Word illegible ] love from Tim, Dan & all. Your loving sister, Mary.
Mary MacSwiney** and her sister next added to the letter:
‘A cara Dil.
Your sister has given me the privilege of adding a line to her letter, and you may be sure I do consider it a privilege. I wonder shall we soon have the pleasure of seeing you. It all as if the present game was to let you home to us. It is however their game not our petition. We are demanding that you should get your proper status as Prisoners of War, nothing else, but we shall be glad to have you out of that awful place. It won't mean any weakening on our part. They have arrested another five men today as a preparation for amnesty!!! What a crew!
Terry is to be married next Saturday over in the land of the Saxon. His wife to be is a great little brick so you need not fear it will have a weakening effect in him. There is no danger of that. If you get a chance of a chat with Eoin MacNeill, please convey my warmest regards to him, and remember me to J.J.Walsh also. I won't say all the nice things about you all but we pray every day for you all and of the success of our cause. My sister want to write a line too. Beannacht De leat. Marie Nic Suibhne.
A Cara.
I never had the pleasure of meeting you, but since Easter’s Glorious Memory we feel that we know you all, for between all of us who stand for the ideal you fought for, there is a bond that does away with all introductions. We talk & think of continually all our heroes in Lewes & are looking forward to giving you all an Irish welcome home. Meetings are being held to demand that you be treated as Irish soldiers & not as English criminals. We fear that some of you imagine these meetings are petitions. We petition nothing – we demand it. If the demand is not obeyed – well, so much the worse for them, as will be seen later. I suppose one must not say all one thinks in letters, but all of you have suffered & are suffering is having a glorious effect in the Country – Ireland has acquired a great respect for herself than ever & strange people are beginning to be proud of being Irish! We who have always gloried in it are glad of the change even though some are poor specimens & we know whom to thank for the new fire in the country. Will you please tell Commandant de Valera, that his old pupil Annie MacSwiney – thinks with pride of the days when he taught her and has often longed to send him a line of congratulations & admiration, but feared to do so, lest her letter might interefere with his friends letters. Cork is holding a meeting for you in a day or two. Very sincerely yours, Aine NiSiubhge.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/42
* 'Uncle George' this reference is to George Murphy (1835-1917) an uncle of Margaret Lynch, Diarmuid's step-mother. George emigrated to the US c.1854 (along with other members of the family), settling in Boston and later served in the Union Army during the American Civil War with the Army of the Potomac, captured at Gettysburg and imprisoned in a Confederate POW camp for a period of time. Later Chief Truant Officer, Boston City.
** Mary MacSwiney (Marie Nic Suibhne) 1872-1942. Born London and brought up in Cork. Sister of Terence McSwiney. Member of nationalist organisation, including the Gaelic League. Arrested after the Rising, she was dismissed from her teaching position in Dublin, she founded St. Ita’s school in Cork, modeled on St. Endas. Assisted by her sister Eithne (Annie) d.1954 and their brother Terence. Following her brothers death in 1920, she represented Cork in Dail Eireann where her speeches against the Treaty were passionate. Imprisoned for a brief period after the fall of the Four Courts, later returning to Cork where she ran the Republican HQ during the Civil War. Supporter of de Valera until he broke from Sinn Fein and founded Fianna Fail. For the remainder of her life, she refused to recognise the Irish Free State and Eire, foregoing grants for her school rather than do so.
The leaflet below calls for a meeting at Beresford Place (where the Custom House is located) on 10th June, 1917. The leaflet tugs at a lot of different sentiments from the hunger strike, to prisoners being treatment as lunatics (not POWs), and possibly worst of all for the time - prisoners being "Prevented from going to Mass".
2:
Arthur Griffith in Nationality warned the people of Lloyd George’s scheme:
‘He summons a convention and guarantees that a small minority of people will not be bound by its decision, and this, having secured its failure, he is armed to assure the world that England left the Irish to settle the question of Government for themselves and that they could not agree’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.218
A meeting of the Mansion House Committee was held in early June 1917. Representatives of the Liberty Clubs and Sinn Féin, including Cathal Brugha, Michael Collins, Rory O'Connor and some others, were in attendance to attempt to prevent further fractures and to move towards unification. The meeting was held in Cathal Brugha's home in upper Rathmines and was hot and heavy. It was suggested to Griffith that he hand over Sinn Féin to the Volunteers, but Griffith was having none of it: ``Sinn Féin will not give up its name. I was elected president by a convention of Sinn Féin and I can only give over the presidency to somebody elected by another convention.''
Nearing the end of the debate - the last tram would be passing soon - Thomas Dillon said that the alternatives open were to found a new organisation or take over Sinn Féin on conditions to which Arthur Griffith agreed. Dillon recalls Cathal Brugha asking, ``which do you think we should do?'' Dillon replied ``the obvious and simplest course''. Brugha then said ``that's what we'll do''. Griffith agreed to put the suggestion to the Sinn Féin National Council that half of them would stand aside to allow on six representatives from the Liberty Clubs and the Mansion House Committee. Thomas Dillon was to become joint honorary secretary, while the president and paid officials would remain until the next Sinn Féin convention. Sinn Féin agreed with the proposals shortly afterwards.
In America, Hannah Sheehy-Skeffington was on a speaking tour of the US, agreed with the views of the Irish-American groups by stating in the journal ‘America’ :
‘Ireland recognises that complete independence is the only policy that will give her self-respect and abiding peace; that any system that unites her even by the slightest thread to the ‘predominant partner’ will never be administered for her own good’
4
More trouble in Mallow, Co. Cork as a crowd drove the towns RIC to their barracks where they remained until reinforcements arrived the next day.
5:
US: Nearly 10 million men enrol for military service on the first day of Draft registration Wilson warns of still penalties for draft dodgers.
4
Cork: The Irish Volunteers Headquarters in Sheares Street was forcible occupied by British forces and closed
5
A huge crowd gathered in the Round Room in the Mansion House in Dublin to protest against the liquor restrictions introduced by the government. These restrictions placed controls on the output of brewing and distilling industries, and threatened eventual absolute government control. The Lord Mayor of Dublin, James Gallagher, told the meeting that his main concern was for the workers whose jobs would be lost owing to the restrictions. These were thousands, he said, who ‘did not care who won the war if they and their families were turned out to die of starvation’.
The meeting heard that if the British government continued to act in the manner in which it was, then controlling Ireland was certain to become impossible – after all, the imprisonment of an entire nation was not possible. Alderman Farrell said that if the government could not carry out a war without starving its own people then they should have peace. The meeting passed a resolution condemning the proposed government control of the breweries, the transfer of brewing rights to munitions areas and ‘the reduction of the gravity of all beers brewed to a flat rate... far below that of the article manufactured in this country’.
7:
In Lewes Prison, there was no reply from prison authorities to the POW status demands & De Valera advised that the next day, Tuesday, each man would wreck his cell at a given hour.
Winston Churchill returns to the Government as chairman of the Air Board.
Western Front: New Flanders offensive. British capture territory south of Ypres held by Germany since 1915.
Battle of Messines opens with the British Army detonating 19 ammonal mines under the German lines, killing 10,000 in the deadliest deliberate non-nuclear man-made explosion in history
"Flanders. In the capture of Messines Ridge on the Western Front, one of the most striking features of the Allied advance was the sight of northern and southern Irishmen, from opposing political factions at home, fighting alongside each other. Such was their camaraderie that a group of southern Irishmen presented a cup for competition between various companies of northerners to see who might get to the top of Messines Ridge first. A commentator from the Front remarked that he did not yet know which company won. The raids began at daybreak when there was a thunderous crash of noise from a series of mine explosions, some of which were dug a year before, along the German positions. Certain Irish troops in the fighting were actually involved in five raids in 40 hours. Well over a million pounds of high explosives were used along a ten-mile front which followed a week long ‘preliminary bombardment’.
According to a PA report, reproduced in the Irish Times, the ‘villages of Messines and Wytschaete have totally vanished. From the north of Hill 60 to the south of Ploegsteert the enemy’s terrain looks like the face of the long valley at Aldershot after an August field day... The whole geography of the district has been churned and blown and furrowed out of recognition’
Just one of the thousands of casualties that day was Major Willie Redmond (56), MP for East Clare and a brother of the Irish Parliamentary Party leader, John Redmond. This death was to have a widespread effect in Ireland.
The National Aid Fund continued fundraising to care for families of men deported & imprisoned since 1916 with the GAA supporting the fund through donations and benefit matches.
Michael Lynch in an open letter to each of the Honorary Secretaries of the GAA Clubs in Cork city & County charged that the local Curate and Chairman of the Tracton GAA Club, Fr McCarthy...
’refused to allow [the] team play for such an object. Worse still, the Rev. gentleman accused the National Aid Association of using the money for purposes other than for which it was collected. The majority of the Committee were, I am sorry to say, too weak to oppose their Chairman, and acquiesced to his behaviour. There were two Irishmen on the Committee however, who protested forcibly. But without avail. The team was ordered not to play, but in the face of the vilest opposition, these latter two gentlemen with the aid of the undersigned got a team together, and responded to the invitation to help the National Aid Committee.
I ask you then, and the members of your Club, as true heralded Irishmen, to assist me in bringing those self styled Gaels to their senses. One of those gentlemen stated that they (the Tractor Hurling Club) would never play for the National Aid Association and appeal.
To you therefore, not to play a match against the Tracton Hurling Club until such time as it's Rev.Chairman and Committee make full reparation for their uncalled for action.
Faithfully yours,
Michael Lynch
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/48
8:
In Lewes Prison, 125 prisoners simultaneously wrecked their cells, breaking windows, furniture and partition walls. They were quickly separated into groups, Diarmuid and others remained in Lewes, some went to Portland, Maidstone and Parkhurst prisons in chains. In these prisons, the men continued their organised resistance, refusing to salute jailers, obey certain orders or co-operate with prison authorities. In some prisons, the authorities recognised the Republican prisoners’ organisations, in others, the prison regime hardened.
Prisoner Q90, Harry Boland
In Lewes Prison, 125 prisoners simultaneously wrecked their cells, breaking windows, furniture and partition walls. They were quickly separated into groups, Diarmuid and others remained in Lewes, some went to Portland, Maidstone and Parkhurst prisons in chains. In these prisons, the men continued their organised resistance, refusing to salute jailers, obey certain orders or co-operate with prison authorities. In some prisons, the authorities recognised the Republican prisoners’ organisations, in others, the prison regime hardened.
Prisoner Q90, Harry Boland
The Irish Convention was the fifth attempt to implement Home Rule. It brought together the enormous number of one hundred and one delegates from different political fields and other interests. From the outset, intentions, reservations and expectations differed considerably. The Nationalist MPs T. P. O’Connor and Stephen Gwynn came to the conclusion, that a Conference might be the Irish Party's only hope of salvation, if the chance of a Conference were lost 'there was nothing ahead but disaster'. The Irish Question could no longer be settled on the floor of the House of Commons.
For Ulster Unionists the Irish Convention provided a dilemma. Hugh De Fellenburg Montgomery argued, that if they boycotted it, Nationalist Redmonites could produce a home rule scheme acceptable to England, with Britain insisting on Ulster's acceptance. With the recent South Longford victory for Sinn Féin they feared they might be asked to accept an Irish Republic. They even regarded a twenty-six county Irish parliament coupled with the rise of Sinn Féin a greater danger to the realm than home rule originally would have been. Edward Carson, the Ulster leader, saw those anxieties less dramatically. He pointed out that since the 1914 Act could not be repealed from the Statute Book, Ulster representatives to the Convention would need: “To secure a position for Ulster which shall be compatible with the principles for which we stand, to secure the acceptance by the other side of as ample safe-guard as possible for the Unionist minority under the Irish Parliament. In view of the fact that the principle of Home Rule for Ireland has now become the law of the land – to endeavour, if they think fit, to secure any form of Home Rule which is put into operation, shall be the best possible in the interest of Ireland and Great Britain, and free from the defects of the Act of 1914, apart from the obnoxious principle of that Act which is beyond recall.”
350 delegates to the Ulster Unionist Conference approved participation subject to the stipulation that ’nothing in any way binding be accepted . . . without first consulting with the Ulster people’.
Southern Unionists had more limited options in view. Lord Midleton, their leading figure, was less weighed by Ulster's concerns. Before entering the Convention they had one simple goal, to prevent the 1914 Act coming into effect since it contained no provision for Southern Unionist interests. Midleton had two objectives, to avoid partition which would leave Southern unionist an isolated minority in a Catholic state. Then with the hope that the 'Irish Question' be resolved on broad 'Imperial lines', he wished to secure Ireland's utmost participation in the war. Lord Robert Cecil a Unionist Cabinet member, observed that home rule should be granted in return for 'Redmond's patriotism throughout the war which created an honourable obligation that we ought to recognise'
The Irish Unionist Association meeting in Dublin passed a resolution reluctantly agreeing to the Convention of Irishmen but questioning if Home Rule could be passed with ‘any degree of safety’ due to the fact that ‘ as a result of an election, the extreme revolutionaries would have the management of the country’
Gen. Pershing, Commander-in-Chief of American expeditionary force, arrives in England en route to France.
The Cork Branch of the Irish National Aid & Volunteer Dependents Fund Committee Secretary Tadgh O’Shea made a formal enquiry to the Tracton curate, Fr McCarthy:
‘Rev Fr J McCarthy,
C.C.
Tracton,
Co. Cork.
Rev & Dear Sir.
I am instructed by my committee to inform you that a complaint has been received by them that you have made some statements before the Committee of the Tracton Club, at which you presided as the Chairman, to the effect that: while you were in sympathy with the objects of the National Aid, still you feared that the funds of the Association were being used for other purposes.
You instanced the Longford election where, you stated, that thousands of pounds of National Aid money was spent for the purpose of hounding down Redmond, Dillon & Devlin, and the leaders of the Irish Race. As a result of these statements, it is further alleged, that the proposed match between the Tracton Hurling Club and Ballinhassig, in aid of the funds, did not materialise.
My Committee think it incredible that you would make such statements and would be glad if you with favour them with your version of what took place at that meeting.
I am, etc.
Tadgh O’Shea
Hon Sec.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/49
The Lord Mayor of Dublin, Laurence O’Neill has condemned the way in which the potato supply in Ireland has been managed.
The condemnation – in the midst of wider food shortages in Ireland – came at the Annual General Meeting of the Hotel and Tourist Association. The Lord Mayor criticised the fact that, as a result of orders from the Food Controller, potatoes were left rotting all over the country. He said that he was informed that, at this moment, there were 40 wagons of potatoes lying useless at the Great Northern Railway terminus in Dublin on foot of the orders. There had also been widespread criticism of the fact that the price of basic foodstuffs continued to rise and that the cost of living in Ireland is significantly higher than at the beginning of the war.
Rome: Pope Benedict XV met Nahum Sokolow, a member of the Zionist Executive Committee. The Pope stated that he saw no obstacle to the establishment of a national home in Palestine for Jewish people and was concerned only with the holy places, which, he trusted, would be properly safeguarded by special arrangement. Mr Sokolow gave the assurance that the Jewish people would most carefully respect Christian religious properties and Christian sentiments. Ultimately, the Pope declared that Jewish efforts to establish a national home in Palestine were viewed by him sympathetically and he expressed his best wishes for the realisation of the Zionist programme.
9:
Terence MacSwiney married Muriel Murphy in Bromyard, England while he was on open internment. He was married in his Irish Volunteers uniform with the ceremony conducted in Irish.
New York: John D. Moore (National Secretary of the Friends of Irish Freedom) in the Gaelic American, attacked the Irish Convention proposals claiming that he 'had no faith in England'. Moore claimed that America entered the war 'for the rights of nations great and small...and to make the world safe for democracy'. According to Moore, the American people expected England to apply the principles of real democracy to Ireland'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p65
10:
A large protest meeting demanding political status on behalf of the remaining Irish prisoners in British jails was held in Beresford Place (beside Liberty Hall) Dublin. Despite being a banned or ‘proclaimed meeting’ Count Plunkett and Cathal Brugha addressed the crowd and were immediately arrested. While taking them through the angry crowd, police used their batons. As a result, some in the crowd raised their hurleys and in the fracas, a D.M.P Inspector, Mills, was killed by a Fianna Eireann boy scout.
11:
The composition of the Convention was publicly announced, consisting of all Irish parties and interests. Lloyd George stated that the Convention of Irishmen would be ‘hand-picked’ and not elected. There were to be 121 members. 15 were to be nominated by the Crown, 47 to be Mayors and Chairmen of public bodies, the remainder divided between Chambers of Commerce, organised Labour, political parties and the Church. Sinn Fein was to be allowed 5 members should they wish to attend.
The British government tried to remedy the serious deficiency of the absence of Sinn Féin and Labour from the Convention by including nominees, who might represent the Sinn Féin viewpoint if not the organisation, the intellectuals – George W. Russell ("Æ") the writer and Edward Lysaght. They were included at the suggestion of Thomas Spring Rice, 2nd Baron Monteagle of Brandon and his son, who had "useful contacts in Sinn Féin."
William O'Brien of the All-for-Ireland Party, who earlier championed the principle of "conference plus business" during the successful Land Conference refused to take up the two AFIL seats. He rightly predicted that such a Conference attendance size would end in disagreement. He outlined essential conditions for success, calling for a compact panel of a dozen genuinely representative Irishmen from North and South, on the lines of the Land Conference. His proposals were not accepted. Lloyd George, Asquith, Bonar Law, T. M. Healy and others appealed to O'Brien to attend, but he declined 'to have any responsible connection with a convention so constituted'. He believed the assembly would make a ‘hateful bargain for the partition of the country under a plausible disguise’. Others who refused to attend were: The Dublin Trades Council, The Cork Trade and Labour Council, the Gaelic and National League
The Convention was scheduled to meet on July 25th in Trinity College, Dublin.
San Francisco: A Pro-Irish freedom meeting was shut down by police.
Fr J.McCarthy C.C. replied to the letter sent from the Cork Branch of the Irish National Aid & Volunteer Dependents Fund Committee:
‘Dear Sir.
I must respectfully decline to give the information your Committee desire until you supply me with the name of your informant.
If it is the same gentleman, who has no connection with the Tracton Hurling Club, and who went to a meeting of the Co. Board last week and made statements there to which I gave the lie direct in the public press, your Committee will be in a positon to judge what amount of reliability is to given to his utterances.
I think it well, however, to inform you that I made no such statement as you say with regard to the Longford Election.
Again the match at Carrigaline did materialise and, to all external appearances, the Tracton Hurlers played it.
Yours truly,
J.McCarthy C.C.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/50
A letter from Sorca NiCeallaigh was mailed from New York addressed to Denis Lynch at Diarmuid Lynch’s old address, 11 Mountjoy Square:
73 West 96th Street
New York
June 11, 1917
A Cara.
I cannot tell you how glad I was to receive your letter containing Diarmuid’s note. I had often wondered [why] I did not receive any word and did not like to write not knowing the rules and needless to say was delighted when Dick gave me the opportunity. Glad to hear he is bearing up well under such a strain.
We still must hope for the best. I was also pleased to hear from yourself as you truly said, it seems but a short time since I met you here. The years all too quickly now and many changes have taken place since then, only the friendships remain the same.
I understand you changed your station also. D told me when he was here. Accept my belated congratulations for many years of joy and happiness for yourself and Mrs Lynch.
All of the family are well. Seamus has moved out of town so I don’t see them as often but I saw Kitty this morning. She has been to New Orleans for over a year and had gone back today. She wished to be remembered to you. Mr & Mrs Thornton, Mr & Mrs Murphy, Mr & Mrs Terry and all old friends as well. I have just written another short epistle to [ Word illegible ] Sean’s letter. What a consolation to be able to do it. The sky looks a bit cloudy since my Uncle decided to settle the match. It was very much against our will & wishes. The old man interfered but there are some people who have a big influence over him although they have not his interest at heart. If left to his own better judgement it would be otherwise. but success and old age surrounded by false friends has made him unable to think for the time being at least. Perhaps his true friends will be able to prevent him from wasting his fortune chasing after shadows for my own sake and the sake of other nieces and nephews I hope so, or our heritage will be gone. Joe has become quite famous I need hardly tell you. How delighted all of his old friends on this side were on hearing of his success. The strains of his old fiddle has echoed far and near and it was very pleasant music to our ears.
Sorry to hear some of the boys were not as well as might be. We pray for them constantly & often wonder what of Thomas? We hear about him but seldom. I trust he is well. I had a great regard for him from the [ Word illegible ] . I met him when on a vacation here with [ Word illegible ] Poor fellows what true [ Word illegible ] lovers they were. Nothing could wean them from the object of their affection. Excuse this letter, it is full of names, but so many things come into my mind I must get some of them down. You will understand and forgive accordingly. Hope the day will soon come when I will have the pleasure of meeting you again but till that time comes will always be glad to hear from you as often as possible. Kindest regards to yourself and Mrs Lynch, in which all friends join. I am, very sincerely yours.
Sorcha Ni Ceallaigh.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/51
12:
Sinn Fein rejected the proposed Convention with organised Irish Labour and the ‘All for Ireland League’ also declining to take part..
13
The first major German bombing raid on London by fixed-wing aircraft leaves 162 dead and 432 injured.
14:
Washington: As the United States became further involved with the war in Europe, the American public perception of Irish-Americans, particularly those lobbying for freedom from Britain, began to further deteriorate:
"The policy of the Friends which advocated loyalty to the war effort but simultaneously attacked America's ally, Britain, was not understood by American public opinion. Attacks on Britain were increasingly interpreted as criticism of the United States...the British Ambassador [Spring Rice] noted [in a observation to the British Foreign Office] 'a diminution of public activity which was perceptible by most close observers of the Irish American community'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p67
London: The final decision on Irish prisoner releases was made by Lloyd George and the War Cabinet.
‘Mr Balfour and Mr Walter Long, now Colonial Secretary...summoned to the War Cabinet...the Prime Minister pointed out that refusal of amnesty had become a flag around which the extremists were able to rally public opinion. As an example, he offered the pro-amnesty meeting in Dublin on 10 July, which had resulted in the death of Inspector Mills of the DMP. After this, Mr Balfour agreed that the Cabinet should recommend amnesty to the King, and Sir Edward Carson unwillingly supported him; only Mr Long dissented.’
Considering the by-elections of North Roscommon and South Longford and their hostile implications, the Government had made a most conciliatory move...
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.258
However, Lloyd George had more in mind - the possible success of his Irish Convention to be held on July 25th.
The Irish Hierarchy indicated that they may decline to send a delegation to the Irish Convention. In the year following the Rising, the Church had been split over what political changes in the national leadership should the Roman Catholic church in Ireland support. However, within days they had changed their minds and in Maynooth, decided in favour of attending. The delegates chosen to represent the Hierarchy were the Bishops Denis Kelly, Dr. Patrick O'Donnell, Harty of Cashel and Joseph MacRory. As a first step they pledged themselves to oppose 'Partition'.
The Cork Branch of the Irish National Aid & Volunteer Dependents Fund Committee Secretary Tadg O’Shea replied to Michael Lynch:
A Miceal a chara.
I enclose herwith a copy of Fr McCarthy’s reply to my letter of the 8th inst.
I shall be glad if you will kindly furnish me with the names of some independent witnesses who were at that meeting.
Also, please say if Fr McCarthy is correct in stating that the match did take place, and if it was played for the benefit of the Funds of the National Aid?
No doubt he is trying to quibble, but I can assure you that my Committee are not disposed to leave the matter rest.
Am I at liberty to disclose your name to him?
Hoping you will favour me with an early reply.
Do chara.
Tadg O’Shea. Hon.Sec.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/51
No further correspondence on the matter survives.
15:
Coalition Cabinet member Andrew Bonar Law, leader of the Tories, announced a general amnesty for all prisoners “now in confinement in connection with the rebellion of 1916”. He linked the releases directly to the Irish Convention.
That evening, all the Republican prisoners were informed of their release. From the various prisons, all were moved to Pentonville Prison. De Valera kept his ‘Q95’ convict badge a memento. One prisoner managed to smuggle out his entire convict outfit under his new suit. Before leaving, de Valera, MacNeill, Lynch and many others said a prayer at the grave of Roger Casement who had been executed and buried there the previous August. From Pentonville, the 125 were released. As De Valera walked free, he was handed a telegram telling him that he had been selected to represent Sinn Fein in the East Clare by-election.
‘The Irish in London gave their prisoners a rousing send-off from Euston Station. Girls went around with trays of pipes and tobacco, but de Valera stood by his resoloution which he had made on his way to Dartmoor..’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P55
Lynch recalled events in his deposition to the Bureau of Military History, March 1947:
Dr. Patrick McCartan, at that time, was a member of the IRB Supreme Council. He, along with Mrs Clarke and others had maintained the IRB since the end of the Rising with a provisional governing group.
In the United States, hysteria and public concerns about national loyalty led Congress to enact some of the most severe restrictions on speech and the press in the nation's history. The Espionage Act, enacted June 15, 1917, prohibited the publication of any information that could even remotely be considered to offer aid to the enemy. It also banned interference with American military operations or war production and, along with the Sedition Act of 1918*, was used to justify censorship.
(*The Sedition Act forbade any criticism of " the conduct or actions of the United States government or its military forces, including disparaging remarks about the flag, military uniforms, similar badges or symbols. ...” )
With the passing into American law of the Espionage Act, these new and intrusive restrictions were now applied to publications, meetings, speeches and lobbying of politicians – all activities which had been key tools in the campaign of the Friends of Irish Freedom and Clan na Gael. In addition, the long-term & close relationship fostered since 1914 between German Americans and Irish Americans was now viewed with cold suspicion by the authorities.
16
"Towards the end of last week Lewes had plenty of cause for speculation as to the reason for the arrival of warders from other parts of the country. At first it appeared that the reinforcement of the Prison Staff was simply a precautionary measure, but subsequently it became clear that fresh arrangements were being made with a view to carrying into effect the orders of the Home Secretary respecting the transfer of the prisoners. It was known that there was considerable activity among the officials at the Prison, and the results manifested themselves when prisoners in closed vehicles were conveyed through the streets of the county town. Even then some residents did not realise what was happening, though keen observers noticed that some of the men who were enlivening Lewes with political songs were wearing prison garb. This fact was not ascertained by one old gentleman whose knowledge of local history was not up-to-date, for he assumed that the occupants of the vehicles were conscientious objectors.
The removal of the prisoners in batches extended over several days, and it was effected without any exciting incident.."
Hastings and St Leonards Observer - Saturday 16 June 1917
The oiler Batoum sunk by U-boat 6 nmi (11 km) south of Fastnet Rock.
"Towards the end of last week Lewes had plenty of cause for speculation as to the reason for the arrival of warders from other parts of the country. At first it appeared that the reinforcement of the Prison Staff was simply a precautionary measure, but subsequently it became clear that fresh arrangements were being made with a view to carrying into effect the orders of the Home Secretary respecting the transfer of the prisoners. It was known that there was considerable activity among the officials at the Prison, and the results manifested themselves when prisoners in closed vehicles were conveyed through the streets of the county town. Even then some residents did not realise what was happening, though keen observers noticed that some of the men who were enlivening Lewes with political songs were wearing prison garb. This fact was not ascertained by one old gentleman whose knowledge of local history was not up-to-date, for he assumed that the occupants of the vehicles were conscientious objectors.
The removal of the prisoners in batches extended over several days, and it was effected without any exciting incident.."
Hastings and St Leonards Observer - Saturday 16 June 1917
The oiler Batoum sunk by U-boat 6 nmi (11 km) south of Fastnet Rock.
17
Crowds waited on the Dublin quays on the night of the 17th, rushing towards each boat that arrived from Liverpool, hoping to see the returning prisoners.
Crowds waited on the Dublin quays on the night of the 17th, rushing towards each boat that arrived from Liverpool, hoping to see the returning prisoners.
Ticket issued on June 17th, 1917 to each released prisoner - in this case Thomas Ashe. It entitled the bearer to travel on a Third Class journey on the London and North Western Railway from Euston Station to Kingstown (Dun Laoghaire), Dublin - a special service. (Ashe Family)
Petition to President Wilson
Dr Patrick McCartan, in his Bureau of Military History submission of December 1952, recalled that he was in Liverpool in mid-May 1917 organising passage to Russia with instructions seeking recognition for the Irish Republic from the new Provisional government. The publication of President Wilson's 'Self-Determination' speech, the forerunner to his later 'Fourteen Points' proved to be a pivotal moment:
Hearing that there was a strong possibility that the Irish political prisoners would be released from British jails, McCartan hurriedly returned to London. There he discovered that the prisoners had just been released and had left on an earlier train for Ireland. McCartan followed to Hollyhead where he was able to join them on the mailboat to Dublin.
18
The 117 prisoners who were brought from Parkhurst, Maidstone, Portland and Lewes prisons to Pentonville in London, before being put aboard a special train leaving Euston Station for Holyhead. They arrived at the Welsh seaport at 1.30am, and as they disembarked from the train at the port they sang 'The Soldier’s Song', and were arranged in military order by Mr de Valera before setting sail for home. Meanwhile in Dublin, the word went around that the released prisoners were on the mailboat from Holyhead to Kingstown (Dun Laoghaire), and rushed to Westland Row to meet the train there.
‘ at Kingstown only a few groups of people chanced to see the arrival of over a hundred men, with pale faces and cropped heads who stood at the rails singing the ‘Soldiers’ Song’. Not until all the other passengers had disembarked did Commandant De Valera give the word of command, then, silent, marching down the gangway in double file, they came ashore.’
They returned to Dublin by train, where ‘..at Westland Row, Volunteers were in charge of the crowd and their sharp orders rang out to control the people’s surging excitement, while the prisoners were officially welcomed by a group of Aldermen.”
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.221
Kathleen Clarke was on the platform and recalled the scene in her autobiography: ‘It seemed as if all Dublin was at Westland Row to meet them, and when the train was coming into the platform the excitement was fierce. The ex-prisoners were jumping out of the train before it stopped; everyone was embracing someone, wives, mothers, children were being hugged and crying and laughing with joy. Sean McGarry was the first I recognised; his wife and family were standing with me. When his welcome to them was over he turned to me and said ‘Who the hell made Pearse President?…nothing happened to change things. Tom was President.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P144
“…In the streets of Dublin, all work was suspended and all traffic side-tracked while the prisoners were driven in cars between ranks of people cheering and shouting their welcome and delight. Countess Markievicz arrived by the evening boat and was escorted by a great procession representing men’s and women’s organisations into the city.
...The prisoners themselves could hardly believe their senses. Many of them had been marched away from Dublin through the streets, after the ruin of a great hope and before the reaction had begun, among people hostile or silent...they had heard in prison, rumours of the rise of a newly-awakened nation...they had come out prepared to face a life-time of effort to restore the broken spirit of their country, and they found that spirit unbroken, the people waiting only for a lead...’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.221
Piarais Beaslai wrote of the homecoming and of de Valera in particular ‘as the leader of the prisoners [he] was the hero of the hour…he arrived in Dublin the accepted leader of the men of Easter Week’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P60
Historian John Borgonovo observed that Diarmuid Lynch was now '...the most senior IRB leader to survive the Easter Rising'.
Eileen McGough. 'Diarmuid Lynch - A Forgotten Irish Patriot' Mercier Press, 2013. P101
A troop of the Citizen Army, headed by the new Commandant, James O'Neill, marched to Westland Row station to meet Countess Markievicz … and proceeded to march through the city, their first victory parade since the Rising.
The British government minister Andrew Bonar Law, speaking in the House of Commons, remarked that the release was intended to facilitate an ‘atmosphere of harmony and goodwill’ ahead of the Convention of Irishmen to decide how the country is to be administered into the future. Mr Bonar Law stated that, in releasing the prisoners, the Government had satisfied itself ‘in the first place, that the public security will not be endangered by such an act of grace; and, secondly, that in none of the cases concerned is there evidence that participations in the rebellion was accompanied by individual acts which would render such a display of clemency impossible’.
...The prisoners themselves could hardly believe their senses. Many of them had been marched away from Dublin through the streets, after the ruin of a great hope and before the reaction had begun, among people hostile or silent...they had heard in prison, rumours of the rise of a newly-awakened nation...they had come out prepared to face a life-time of effort to restore the broken spirit of their country, and they found that spirit unbroken, the people waiting only for a lead...’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. p.221
Piarais Beaslai wrote of the homecoming and of de Valera in particular ‘as the leader of the prisoners [he] was the hero of the hour…he arrived in Dublin the accepted leader of the men of Easter Week’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P60
Historian John Borgonovo observed that Diarmuid Lynch was now '...the most senior IRB leader to survive the Easter Rising'.
Eileen McGough. 'Diarmuid Lynch - A Forgotten Irish Patriot' Mercier Press, 2013. P101
A troop of the Citizen Army, headed by the new Commandant, James O'Neill, marched to Westland Row station to meet Countess Markievicz … and proceeded to march through the city, their first victory parade since the Rising.
The British government minister Andrew Bonar Law, speaking in the House of Commons, remarked that the release was intended to facilitate an ‘atmosphere of harmony and goodwill’ ahead of the Convention of Irishmen to decide how the country is to be administered into the future. Mr Bonar Law stated that, in releasing the prisoners, the Government had satisfied itself ‘in the first place, that the public security will not be endangered by such an act of grace; and, secondly, that in none of the cases concerned is there evidence that participations in the rebellion was accompanied by individual acts which would render such a display of clemency impossible’.
Feted at the Mansion House, Dubin, the returned prisoners gathered for a group photograph:
Closer image of the group photograph shows Eoin McNeill next to De Valera. Diarmuid Lynch is on the upper left.
Source: Digital Archives UCD: https://digital.ucd.ie/view-media/ivrla:35584/canvas/ivrla:35585?manifest=https://data.ucd.ie/api/img/manifests/ivrla:35584
That evening, before returning to their homes, a group of officers in the Irish Volunteers (in the Flemmings Hotel) agreed to Dr. Patrick McCartan’s suggestion that a statement be brought to the US on the views of those imprisoned, for the future of Ireland. Professor Eoin McNeill wrote the statement on linen and this was then signed by De Valera, Diarmuid Lynch, Tomas Ashe, Des Fitzgerald, JJ Walsh, Joe McGarry and 20 others. The basis of the message was Wilson’s message on Self-Determination.
McCartan recalls in his Bureau of Military History statement (Dec.1952):
Dublin, Ireland, June 18th, 1917
Gentlemen:
We the undersigned, who have been held in English prisons and have been dragged from dungeon to dungeon in heavy chains, cut off since Easter week, 1916; from all intercourse with the outside world, have just had the opportunity of seeing the printed text of the message of the United States of America to the Provisional Government of Russia.
We see that the President accepts as the aim of both countries the “carrying of the present struggle for the freedom of all peoples to a successful consummation”. We, also, see that the object of President Wilson’s own Government is ‘the liberation of peoples everywhere from the aggressions of autocratic force’.
“We are fighting” writes the President of the Government of Russia “ for the liberty, self government and indicated development of all peoples, and every feature of the settlement that concludes this war must be conceived and executed for that purpose. Wrongs must first be righted, and then adequate safeguards must be created to prevent them from being committed again. Remedies must be found as well as statements of principle that will have a pleasing and sonorous sound....no people must be forced under a sovereignty under which it does not wish to live”
We trust that such remedies, in preference to any governmental professions whatsoever - will be held to include the right of each people, not merely to rely on other peoples to support their claim to national liberty, but what the governments and people of other nations will, we trust, regard as even more sacred, the right of each people to defend itself against external aggression, external influences and external control. It is this particular right that we claim for the Irish people, and not content with statements of principle, though these themselves may be made a pretext for our oppression, we are engaged and mean to engage ourselves in the practical means for establishing this right.”
Without awaiting the issue of the war or the settlement that may conclude the war, we ask of the Government of the United States of America, and the Governments of the free people of the world, to take immediate measures to inform themselves accurately and on the spot about the extent of liberty or attempted repression which we may encounter.
We, the undersigned, are officers ( just released from English prisons) of forces formed independently in Ireland to secure the complete liberation of the Irish nation.
( Signed )
Eamon De Valera Seamus Doyle
Eoin Mac Neill Peadar Galligan
Donnchadh Ua Ceallachain Tomas Aghas
Seamus Ua Laoidhleis Diarmuid Ua Loingsigh
Riobard O Breandain Risteard O Colmain
M. Diarmuid. De Lasaigh Seoirse O h-Eireamhoin
Fionan O Loingsigh Conchubhar O Coileain
Prionnsias O Fathaigh Aoibhistin de Staic
Tomas Ua Fiadhahra Sean Mac Gadhra
Sean Redmond Etchingham T. Deasmhumhan Mac Gearailt
Sean Mac an tSaoi Frainc O’Laoidhleis
Risteard O hAodha Seamus S. Breathnach.
Lynch Family Archives
A National Aid Fund which had been set up for the prisoners now paid out, allowing most to continue on in politics. The average payment was £250.
Diarmuid Lynch was now a member of the Sinn Fein Executive Council, member of the Irish Volunteer Executive, Treasurer of the Supreme Council of the I.R.B , member of the I.R.B Executive, Divisional Centre for Munster on the Supreme Council and Food Controller, Sinn Fein Government. As Food Controller, he urged the people on the necessity for keeping in the country sufficient supplies to meet their own requirements.
19
House of Commons votes to give the vote to married women over 30.
Below: Dublin Metropolitan Police reports on 'disturbances' at the GPO, Dublin. (click to view)
Diarmuid Lynch was now a member of the Sinn Fein Executive Council, member of the Irish Volunteer Executive, Treasurer of the Supreme Council of the I.R.B , member of the I.R.B Executive, Divisional Centre for Munster on the Supreme Council and Food Controller, Sinn Fein Government. As Food Controller, he urged the people on the necessity for keeping in the country sufficient supplies to meet their own requirements.
19
House of Commons votes to give the vote to married women over 30.
Below: Dublin Metropolitan Police reports on 'disturbances' at the GPO, Dublin. (click to view)
20
Ennis: Eamon de Valera was formally selected to represent the party in the forthcoming East Clare by-election at a meeting of about 200 Sinn Féin delegates at the Old Ground Hotel, Ennis. The election was caused by the death in France of Major Willie Redmond who was killed at the Battle of Messines. There were five candidates proposed initially, including Austin Stack from Tralee, but the others withdrew in favour of de Valera, who, until earlier this week was serving a sentence of penal servitude in England for his involvement in last year’s rebellion.
The Irish Party selected Clare native Patrick Lynch, who, while popular locally, is faced by a serious Sinn Féin challenge, the party having already ‘instituted a vigorous canvass’.
Meanwhile in Dublin, Diarmuid Lynch wrote to Countess Plunkett on Sinn Féin letterhead, advising he would call the following day:
Ennis: Eamon de Valera was formally selected to represent the party in the forthcoming East Clare by-election at a meeting of about 200 Sinn Féin delegates at the Old Ground Hotel, Ennis. The election was caused by the death in France of Major Willie Redmond who was killed at the Battle of Messines. There were five candidates proposed initially, including Austin Stack from Tralee, but the others withdrew in favour of de Valera, who, until earlier this week was serving a sentence of penal servitude in England for his involvement in last year’s rebellion.
The Irish Party selected Clare native Patrick Lynch, who, while popular locally, is faced by a serious Sinn Féin challenge, the party having already ‘instituted a vigorous canvass’.
Meanwhile in Dublin, Diarmuid Lynch wrote to Countess Plunkett on Sinn Féin letterhead, advising he would call the following day:
Ennis: Eamon de Valera was formally selected to represent the party in the forthcoming East Clare by-election at a meeting of about 200 Sinn Féin delegates at the Old Ground Hotel, Ennis. The election was caused by the death in France of Major Willie Redmond who was killed at the Battle of Messines. There were five candidates proposed initially, including Austin Stack from Tralee, but the others withdrew in favour of de Valera, who, until earlier this week was serving a sentence of penal servitude in England for his involvement in last year’s rebellion.
The Irish Party selected Clare native Patrick Lynch, who, while popular locally, is faced by a serious Sinn Féin challenge, the party having already ‘instituted a vigorous canvass’.
21
Irish suffrage campaigners expressed their delight – and surprise – at the electoral reform that has passed through parliament in London with an enormous majority. Mary Hayden, UCD professor and founder of the Irish Catholic Women’s Suffrage Association, has said she is delighted that so many Nationalists had voted for suffrage reform, given that some of them were known to oppose it. The vote should, she continued, help in framing legislation for the protection of children and the equalisation of laws between men and women.
Prof. Hayden said that she did not believe there should be any delay in implementing the bill. The Local Government register provided a good reference point, since women have been allowed vote in local elections for some time. She said that she disapproved of militant tactics, but that she nevertheless believed that this strategy helped bring the issues into the mainstream of practical politics. Prof. Hayden lamented the 30-year age limit on women voting, but stated that, though imperfect, the bill was a good beginning.
22
P. Marriott, Governor of Lewes Prison wrote to Tomas Ashe demanding payment of seven shillings and sixpence for Ashe's dental treatment at the prison on 7 June.
P. Marriott, Governor of Lewes Prison wrote to Tomas Ashe demanding payment of seven shillings and sixpence for Ashe's dental treatment at the prison on 7 June.
23
American public perception of Irish-Americans, particularly those lobbying for freedom from Britain, began to further deteriorate. Hanna Sheehy Skeffington (1877-1946) [widow of Francis Sheehy Skeffington who was executed after a drumhead court-martial during the 1916 Rising, had been lecturing in the United States since December 1916] wrote to John Devoy (and reprinted in the Gaelic American on June 23) of hostile media attention she had observed:
"The Los Angeles Times, the Portland Oregonian, the Butte Miner and the Anaconda Standard...have all denounced me as a 'traitor' spreading pernicious doctrine about 'our ally'. The pro-British here are clamoring for my internment and 'repression (a vague term which may mean anything'"
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p67
25
Sir Horace Plunkett speaking at Dundalk, delivered a strong defence of the Irish Convention and had tried to present a convincing argument in favour of an ‘all Ireland’ support of its objectives.
Return of the former prisoners to Cork
During the late afternoon of June 25th, members of the Irish Volunteers commandeered Glanmire Railway Station as large numbers of people gathered in the railway yard and in the adjoining street - estimated at some 10,000. Outside the gates, members of the Gaelic Clubs wearing their colours and carrying hurleys assembled along with the Workingmen’s Brass and Reed Band, the Blackrock Fife Drum Band, the Volunteers Pipe Band and the Brian Boru Piper’s Band. The crowds were waiting for the arrival from Dublin of J.J.Walsh, Diarmuid Lynch, David Kent, Maurice Brennan, Fergus O’Connor, William Tobin, C. Donovan and Thomas Hunter, all of whom had been imprisoned for their part in the Easter Rising.
The men arrived to much cheering and took some time to pass through the crowd to the wagonette that brought them to the National Monument in Cork where they were introduced to the people. From there, they moved onto the Victoria Hotel where a public meeting was held.
The former prisoners spoke, including J.J.Walsh who said it was not an occasion for speeches – their voices had been heard in Dublin in 1916. Terence McSwiney, speaking initially in Irish, said that Irish must be the language fo the Republic. What was important was not the memory of the past but the state of preparedness for the future. ‘If there was a miscarriage the last time, there must be none next time; and when the flag goes up next time, it must go up for good.’
Lynch said to the crowd that as a Cork man, he was 'glad to return to his native city and find that it was a Rebel Cork, a Republican Cork and an Irish Cork'.
The Irish Independent described some ‘very serious disturbances took place in Cork...involving the death of one man and injuries to many others’ following the return of the Irish prisoners. Amongst the injuries reported were bayonet wounds to civilians and injuries to R.I.C. members including ‘ Sgt. C. Bryan had a marvelous escape, a bullet ricocheting off a button of his tunic.’
The Irish Independent. Tuesday, June 26, 1917. Courtesy of Niamh, Cork Public Museum.
By the time the eight ex-prisoners from Cork arrived at Glanmire Railway Station (now Kent Station) on Saturday 23 June at 8:35pm, an enormous crowd, stewarded by the Volunteers, was waiting for them. The eight comprised J J Walsh (Cork-born, Postmaster General to Irish Volunteers); Diarmuid Lynch (Tracton-born, aide-de-camp to James Connolly and staff Captain in GPO, Dublin 1916; David Kent (Castlelyons-born, brother of Thomas and William); Maurice Brennan (Dromina-born, B Company, 1st Battalion, Dublin, 1916); Fergus O’Connor (Cork City-born, F Company, 1st Battalion, Dublin, 1916); William Tobin (Cork-born, fought in the Four Courts Garrison, Dublin 1916); Con O’Donovan (Clonakilty-born, fought in Four Courts, Dublin 1916) and Thomas Hunter (Castletownroche-born, second-in-command at Jacob’s Factory in Dublin 1916).
Long before the arrival, the Glanmire Station premises were taken in charge of by Irish Volunteers and large numbers of people gathered both inside and outside the building. On the big entrance gates spanned a banner signaling a céad míle fáilte to the incoming political prisoners who travelled on the 3pm train from Dublin.
Contingents to form the procession were marshalled in the station yard. Many were members of Gaelic clubs, wearing their jerseys and carrying sticks, to many of which was tacked a photo of one or other of the leaders in the Easter Week Rising. With them were the Workingman’s Brass and Reed Band, the Blackrock Fife and Drum Band and the Brian Boru Pipers Band, with deputations from Belvelly to Blarney.
All the vantage points from the station at to the National Monument on the Grand Parade were crowded with people and on the footpaths. Cheers of welcome and the waving of flags marked the progress of the procession, in which – in addition to the Gaelic Clubs – the Camogie Association, the Finnan na Fáil, Cumann na mBan, Irish Volunteers and Pipers Band, took part. The procession was headed by the Workingmen’s Band and they led the wagonette in which the eight were placed.
When the National Monument was reached, J J Walsh and his colleagues were lifted on to the platform and formed up in line to face the crowd. This was the signal for another outburst of cheering and waving of hats, handkerchiefs and flags.
After some time, the meeting was called to order and speeches delivered. Tomás MacCurtain presided. He had also been released, made his way back to Cork and returned to active duty as a Commandant of the Cork Volunteers. His speech offered “one hundred thousand welcomes” to the eight arriving back home. They honoured the flag under which these men fought. He trusted that “the spirit that they had put into the people would live for all time”.
Terence MacSwiney also expressed similar points to MacCurtain’s. He had been interned in Shrewsbury and Bromyard internment camps until his release in June 1917. In turn, each of the eight ex-prisoners gave passionate speeches to the crowd about the 1916 Easter Rising and plans for the future.
J J Walsh noted that if necessary, they would have another Easter Week. Thomas Hunter wished to have an Irish army. Diarmuid Lynch wanted no Irish Convention or concessions from England – just an “independent country”. David Kent was proud of the actions of his brothers and mother. Con O’Donovan spoke about wanting an “All-Ireland, not a half or three-quarters Ireland”. Fergus O’Connor noted that the Irish Republic was “alive and strong”, and that their cause would be successful.
After the meeting, the procession again formed and escorted the party to the Victoria Hotel. While the proceedings in connection with the procession were orderly, there were some incidents subsequently including the smashing of the windows and the breaking of the fire escape at the courthouse. The escape was used to hoist the Sinn Féin flag over the courthouse. The following day riots broke out in the city.
Above: Report on the damage caused to the courthouse in Cork City during the recent riots for which the Sinn Féiners are being held resposible.
Click to enlarge. (Images: National Library of Ireland, CSO RP 1917, 15831)
Click to enlarge. (Images: National Library of Ireland, CSO RP 1917, 15831)
26:
The Irish Independent commenting on the Cork Riots reported on military measures taken to control the city. An appeal by the Lord Mayor was published in the late afternoon calling on ‘every class to do all in their power to discourage violence or any conduct which might conduce to an outbreak of violence....about the same time a notice was issued by the Sinn Fein leaders ordering their members and sympathisers to keep off the streets during the night and thus prevent the appearance of disturbances which they stated were being formented to discredit their cause. This was signed by Thomas McCurtain, Terence J McSwiney, Diarmuid Lynch, J Walsh and Sean Murphy...’
The Irish Independent. Tuesday, June 26, 1917. Courtesy of Niamh, Cork Public Museum.
'Owing to disorders in the city, the undermentioned, on behalf of the Irish Volunteers, Sinn Fein and other national organisations, order their members and sympathisers to keep off the streets at night and prevent a recurrence of the disturbances which are being formented to discredit the national organisations. Thomas MacCurtain, Terence J McSwiney, Diarmuid Lynch, JJ Walsh, Sean Murphy'
The Derry Journal. 27 June 1917.
Judging by the Independents reporting, the Sinn Fein movement was unpopular with one group in particular, some women on Camden Quay...’ a Sinn Fein flag floated from an unoccupied house on Camden Quay. This was entered by some women, who took down the flag, and threw it in the river. Three men then entered a boat at the opposite side and recovered the flag, amidst a shower of stones, mud and other missiles from the women on the quayside...commenting on the disturbances, the London ‘Globe’ says - ‘The Sinn Feiners denounce the Convention which they will not attend and declare that they are ready for another rebellion...Ireland needs government. It is the cardinal factor of the situation...there can no longer be any doubt of the Irish danger...let the Government grasp their nettle boldly and abandon this prattle about a Convention in which a large political section of the Irish people will not be represented...let them cast off the Nationalist yoke in the House of Commons...rid themselves of a mischivious and degrading subserviency. Then let them govern Ireland themselves’
The Irish Independent. Tuesday, June 26, 1917. Courtesy of Niamh, Cork Public Museum.
Also in the same paper, was an indication of the extent of food export that was taking place to Britain at the time. A Mr W.P.Delaney, T.C, J.P., in the course of a letter to the press suggested : ‘...calling on municipal and other authorities to protect us from a beef muddle worse than the potato muddle...hunger processions in Dublin, the dwindlign of retailers capital, the closing of the butcher’s shop, the compulsion to live on offal by people unable to buy meat...’ The Wolfe Tone Commeration was commented on: ‘ Sinn Fein flags were displayed, and Countess Markievicz delivered an address, asking those present to reaffirm the resolve never to cease striving till an Irish Republic should be established’ and to the more mundane, a report on a divorce proccedings through the House of Lords where Mrs Florence E. Boaz was cited with ‘evidence of misconduct with 4 soldiers while she was a nurse in Rathmines...’
The Irish Independent. Tuesday, June 26, 1917. Courtesy of Niamh, Cork Public Museum.
Ennis: Eamon de Valera, was campaigning vigorously in the East Clare for the by-election. Despite warnings from Cardinal Logue against priests taking part in political campaigns, several clergymen have appeared on stage at de Valera’s meetings. De Valera’s journey has took him to Bruree, Ennis, Cratloe, Sixmilebridge, Tulla and elsewhere. In many towns he was welcomed with flying flags and burning barrels.
Addressing a crowd in Ennis Mr de Valera said he stood for the Sinn Féin flag, not for the Union Jack. He denied he was a murderer but if the Irish people said he was a murderer, then he would hang his head. He asked the people of East Clare to say that the men who sacrificed their lives for Ireland were not murderers. Although there is large, and growing, support for his candidacy, there is also significant opposition, which on occasion has become violent. A party of Sinn Féin supporters travelling by car were held up and fired upon at a road blockade near Tomgreany. A total of 15 shots were fired, piercing a petrol tank and some luggage, but no one was injured. Election date was set for July 10.
King George V orders members of the Royal Family to drop German titles; Saxe-Coburg becomes Windsor and Battenburg becomes Mountbatten.
Below: The Derry Journal (27 June, 1917 issue) reports on the recent rioting in Cork:
The Irish Independent commenting on the Cork Riots reported on military measures taken to control the city. An appeal by the Lord Mayor was published in the late afternoon calling on ‘every class to do all in their power to discourage violence or any conduct which might conduce to an outbreak of violence....about the same time a notice was issued by the Sinn Fein leaders ordering their members and sympathisers to keep off the streets during the night and thus prevent the appearance of disturbances which they stated were being formented to discredit their cause. This was signed by Thomas McCurtain, Terence J McSwiney, Diarmuid Lynch, J Walsh and Sean Murphy...’
The Irish Independent. Tuesday, June 26, 1917. Courtesy of Niamh, Cork Public Museum.
'Owing to disorders in the city, the undermentioned, on behalf of the Irish Volunteers, Sinn Fein and other national organisations, order their members and sympathisers to keep off the streets at night and prevent a recurrence of the disturbances which are being formented to discredit the national organisations. Thomas MacCurtain, Terence J McSwiney, Diarmuid Lynch, JJ Walsh, Sean Murphy'
The Derry Journal. 27 June 1917.
Judging by the Independents reporting, the Sinn Fein movement was unpopular with one group in particular, some women on Camden Quay...’ a Sinn Fein flag floated from an unoccupied house on Camden Quay. This was entered by some women, who took down the flag, and threw it in the river. Three men then entered a boat at the opposite side and recovered the flag, amidst a shower of stones, mud and other missiles from the women on the quayside...commenting on the disturbances, the London ‘Globe’ says - ‘The Sinn Feiners denounce the Convention which they will not attend and declare that they are ready for another rebellion...Ireland needs government. It is the cardinal factor of the situation...there can no longer be any doubt of the Irish danger...let the Government grasp their nettle boldly and abandon this prattle about a Convention in which a large political section of the Irish people will not be represented...let them cast off the Nationalist yoke in the House of Commons...rid themselves of a mischivious and degrading subserviency. Then let them govern Ireland themselves’
The Irish Independent. Tuesday, June 26, 1917. Courtesy of Niamh, Cork Public Museum.
Also in the same paper, was an indication of the extent of food export that was taking place to Britain at the time. A Mr W.P.Delaney, T.C, J.P., in the course of a letter to the press suggested : ‘...calling on municipal and other authorities to protect us from a beef muddle worse than the potato muddle...hunger processions in Dublin, the dwindlign of retailers capital, the closing of the butcher’s shop, the compulsion to live on offal by people unable to buy meat...’ The Wolfe Tone Commeration was commented on: ‘ Sinn Fein flags were displayed, and Countess Markievicz delivered an address, asking those present to reaffirm the resolve never to cease striving till an Irish Republic should be established’ and to the more mundane, a report on a divorce proccedings through the House of Lords where Mrs Florence E. Boaz was cited with ‘evidence of misconduct with 4 soldiers while she was a nurse in Rathmines...’
The Irish Independent. Tuesday, June 26, 1917. Courtesy of Niamh, Cork Public Museum.
Ennis: Eamon de Valera, was campaigning vigorously in the East Clare for the by-election. Despite warnings from Cardinal Logue against priests taking part in political campaigns, several clergymen have appeared on stage at de Valera’s meetings. De Valera’s journey has took him to Bruree, Ennis, Cratloe, Sixmilebridge, Tulla and elsewhere. In many towns he was welcomed with flying flags and burning barrels.
Addressing a crowd in Ennis Mr de Valera said he stood for the Sinn Féin flag, not for the Union Jack. He denied he was a murderer but if the Irish people said he was a murderer, then he would hang his head. He asked the people of East Clare to say that the men who sacrificed their lives for Ireland were not murderers. Although there is large, and growing, support for his candidacy, there is also significant opposition, which on occasion has become violent. A party of Sinn Féin supporters travelling by car were held up and fired upon at a road blockade near Tomgreany. A total of 15 shots were fired, piercing a petrol tank and some luggage, but no one was injured. Election date was set for July 10.
King George V orders members of the Royal Family to drop German titles; Saxe-Coburg becomes Windsor and Battenburg becomes Mountbatten.
Below: The Derry Journal (27 June, 1917 issue) reports on the recent rioting in Cork:
|
Thomas Power (T.P.) O'Connor, the long standing Irish Parliamentary Party politician and former journalist was now sent to the United States by party leader, John Redmond, to both gauge Irish-American opinion and to rally support for the Irish Convention and the Irish Parliamentary party. As a senior Irish nationalist politician with almost fifty years service, both he and Redmond had vastly underestimated the degree of Irish-American opposition and outright hostility towards the IPP and it's leader following the aftermath of the 1916 Rising. Despite American participation in the war, the majority of Irish-American's remained deeply suspicious of both British intentions towards Ireland and of the Home Rule party, the IPP. Over the following weeks, the Friends of Irish Freedom with the Gaelic American organised and rallied a highly effective and vocal opposition to the visit. To further counter the O'Connor visit, the Provisional government of Ireland sent Dr Patrick McCartan to New York to seek American support for the Sinn Fein cause as 'envoy of the Irish Republic' Originally intending to go to Russia in July 1917 as an IRB representative to seek recognition for Irish independence, McCartan was diverted to the US to deliver a memorandum from the released Irish rebellion leaders to President Woodrow Wilson (see 18 June above). In his 1952 Bureau of Military History submission, McCartan reveals that somewhat ironically, he was to sail under an assumed name as a seaman aboard the same vessel to New York as a T.P. O'Connor. However, when he came under scrutiny of the boatswain, he was advised to delay his mission and travel aboard another vessel;'The Baltic' to New York. |
27:
The first American troops reached the French coast at dawn, under the command of Major General ‘Black Jack’ Pershing, a veteran of the Spanish American, Mexican and Phillipine wars. Both the French and British wanted to divert these troops into exisiting divisions on the front, but this was prevented by Pershing as he saw their use by blundering generals as more than inappropriate. These men were formed into their own divisions and would go into battle under their own commanders. In addition, President Wilson supported this action strongly. American forces would not see action until October 23rd.
Greece enters the war on the Allied side.
29:
Kathleen Clarke began a movement to demand the bodies of the 1916 leaders from their burial sites in Arbour Hill barracks yard. ‘I approached the Executive of Cumman na mBan to ask them to inaugurate the campaign…but they refused and suggested that I do it myself…I approached William O’Brien of the ITGWU and asked for his help. I got it readily. The night of the meeting, the Round Room of the Mansion House was packed with a very enthuastic audience and an overflow one outside. We had invited de Valera to speak and he had agreed to come up from Co. Clare…he was received with tremendous enthusiasm, and the meeting went wild when he said he was in perfect agreement with the demand for the bodies, but could not agree to make the demand unless or until he could back it up with force of arms. Immediately on his statement I saw the campaign finished. I was very angry with him and tackled him the minute he came off the platform, pointing out how he had destroyed the campaign.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P146
30
John Devoy quoted in the journal ‘America’, believed that real freedom for Ireland could be found only in ‘national independence and total separation from England’ with the Irish separatists constituting the only group ‘ in Ireland who have a consistent and continuous policy, kept alive and rigorously adhered to in spite of the vicissitudes of constant conflict with the British Government ...no matter what England does, or what may be the attitude of the Parliamentary Party, the Separatists will hold out for national independence, fully confident that, if they do not win immediately, Ireland will fare better for their steadfastness and resolute adherence to principle’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. P224
Meanwhile in that week's Gaelic American newspaper, Devoy railed against the O'Connor visit to the United States, claiming that the soon to be 'Father of the House of Commons' intended 'to deceive the American people with regard to Lloyd George's rigged and packed Convention'.
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p66
July 1917
Michael Collins now persuaded the I.R.B. to accept the Frongoch Group he had created, as a branch, so allowing him a seat on the Executive Board. He was made Secretary of the National Aid Organisation, making contacts throughout the country.
1
Electioneering began in earnest for the East-Clare by-election. The Irish Parliamentary Party candidate, Patrick Lynch K.C. was well known and popular in the district however as former Crown prosecutetor, he was not as popular as the Crown prosecuted, Sinn Fein candidate, De Valera.
‘The election was a test of strenght between two efficient machines, between youth and age, between the recrudescent militant tradition and the waning constitutionalist one.’
Desmond Ryan. ‘Unique Dictator’. Arthur Barker-London. 1936. p73
De Valera at his first meeting in Clare, quoted the Proclamation of the Republic and said that this was what he and Sinn Fein stood for. His election would be a clear statement of belief in the cause for which his comrades had died, a justification of their fight against the British and a clear endorsement of their demand for an independent, self governing Republic. He based his claims for Ireland on the principle of justice which President Wilson had declared. De Valera also insisted that Eoin MacNeill was with him throughout the campaign. According to the police reports, one of De Valera’s ‘seditious comments’ was: ‘We are not at war with Germany .... you have no enemy but England’ ‘de Valera supporters were organised with military precision. Irish Volunteers came from all over the country. Feelings ran high. The wife of one of the Munster Fusiliers was seen in the streets of Ennis challenging every Sinn Feiner with her husband’s drawn sword. De Valera and Lynch kept the conflict on a high plane.’
Earl of Longford & T.P.O’Neill. ‘Eamon de Valera’ Gill & MacMillan. Dublin 1970. P64/65
However his assocition with Eoin MacNeill was viewed with distrust by many, including Kathleen Clark ‘…I thought he must not know of MacNeill’s action in sending out the countermanding order, so I decided to tell him what Tom had thought of MacNeill and his treacherous action in attempting to stop the Rising….I invited both de Valera and MacNeill to my home in Dundrum, telling them the reasons for the invitation, and de Valera accepted for both’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P146
Mrs Clarke’s meeting was shceduled for July 28th.
Russians begin offensive in Gallicia, Kerensky, Minister of War, leading in person.
First Cottingley Fairies photographs taken in Yorkshire, England, apparently depicting fairies; a hoax not admitted by the child creators for over 64 years until 1981
The RIC County Inspector for West Cork concluded that ‘this Sinn Feinism is of a very undefined sort. It is anti-British, anti-recruiting and above all, anti-Redmondite; it is a voting, a shouting, a marching Sinn Feineism, but it is not a fighting one.’
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p50
Dublin: A crowd of between 30,000 and 50,000 people attended a rally in the Phoenix Park in protest against the partition of Ireland. The rally also protested against the scheme of representation for the Irish Convention. Some 24 speakers delivered speeches from four platforms, which were representative of the four provinces of Ireland. Several resolutions were passed, including a repudiation of the current nominated assembly for the Convention. Another motion reaffirmed the group’s readiness to partake in creating an Irish Constitution only if the convention delegates were freely elected by the people. The assembled masses sang ‘A Nation Once Again’, with the words swelling into a giant chorus of voices. Proceedings were terminated with cheers for Ulster.
3
At a Downing Street meeting that went on for over four hours, Lord Wimborne, (Lord Lieutenant), H.E. Duke ( Chief Secretary ), Sir Bryan Mahon ( Maxwell’s successor ) and Brigadier General J.A.Byrne ( R.I.C) met with Lloyd George and his War Cabinet to report on the condition of Ireland.
‘General Mahon said he had 34,000 troops of fighting strength under him, enough to deal with an immediate emergency; but he thought that there would be a serious Rising if the Convention failed. At this the Prime Minister pointedly congratulated the soldiers and police on having acted with great discretion, and Mr Duke, ‘speaking like a man overworked and overwrought and on the verge of a breakdown’ took the Prime Minister’s remarks to be a ‘ramp’ against his own administration’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.259
Dr Patrick McCartan arrived in New York as the ‘envoy of the Provisional Government of Ireland’. His arrival was certainly humble and low key, having worked his passage as a seaman aboard 'The Baltic' liner. His recollections years later for the Bureau of Military History highlights the many difficulties in making contact with the Irish-American leadership in the United States.
Dr McCartan took the statement signed by the former prisoners to the US where it was discussed with Joe McGarrity and John Devoy on the best procedure to present it to the President. In addition, Dr McCartan wished to have a memorandum expressing the aspirations of the Irish people presented to the President and Congress of the US. Both Devoy and McGarrity assisted him in writing this and he then traveled to Westport, New York to meet with Judge Cohalan who made some suggestions and alterations. The memorandum was completed in a further conference with John Devoy, resulting in an uncompromising demand for Irish independence.
At a Downing Street meeting that went on for over four hours, Lord Wimborne, (Lord Lieutenant), H.E. Duke ( Chief Secretary ), Sir Bryan Mahon ( Maxwell’s successor ) and Brigadier General J.A.Byrne ( R.I.C) met with Lloyd George and his War Cabinet to report on the condition of Ireland.
‘General Mahon said he had 34,000 troops of fighting strength under him, enough to deal with an immediate emergency; but he thought that there would be a serious Rising if the Convention failed. At this the Prime Minister pointedly congratulated the soldiers and police on having acted with great discretion, and Mr Duke, ‘speaking like a man overworked and overwrought and on the verge of a breakdown’ took the Prime Minister’s remarks to be a ‘ramp’ against his own administration’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.259
Dr Patrick McCartan arrived in New York as the ‘envoy of the Provisional Government of Ireland’. His arrival was certainly humble and low key, having worked his passage as a seaman aboard 'The Baltic' liner. His recollections years later for the Bureau of Military History highlights the many difficulties in making contact with the Irish-American leadership in the United States.
Dr McCartan took the statement signed by the former prisoners to the US where it was discussed with Joe McGarrity and John Devoy on the best procedure to present it to the President. In addition, Dr McCartan wished to have a memorandum expressing the aspirations of the Irish people presented to the President and Congress of the US. Both Devoy and McGarrity assisted him in writing this and he then traveled to Westport, New York to meet with Judge Cohalan who made some suggestions and alterations. The memorandum was completed in a further conference with John Devoy, resulting in an uncompromising demand for Irish independence.
4
In the East Clare Division of the Parliamentary Election 1917, Hugh O’Brien Moran, the Election Agent for de Valera selected and appointed Jeremiah C [Diarmuid] Lynch of the Old Ground Hotel, Ennis to be a Counting Agent on behalf of de Valera.
In the East Clare Division of the Parliamentary Election 1917, Hugh O’Brien Moran, the Election Agent for de Valera selected and appointed Jeremiah C [Diarmuid] Lynch of the Old Ground Hotel, Ennis to be a Counting Agent on behalf of de Valera.
5
At an election gathering in Killaloe, Co Clare, De Valera referring to the question of Ulster said:
‘Let Ulster Unionists recognise the Sinn Fein position which has behind it justice and right. It is supported by nine-tenths of the Irish people and if those Unionists do not come in on their side, they will have to go under. Ulster is entitled to justice and she will have it, but she should not be petted and the interests of the majority sacrificed to her. Give Unionists a just and full share of representation, but no more than their just share.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.224
but also:
‘It is my wish that the British Empire will be blown into ruins’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.259
Patrick Lynch said:‘Clare voters do not want to see their sons shot down in a futile and insane attempt to establish an Irish Republic.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.224
An Irish Parliamentary Party political lampoon went along these lines:
“De Valera so quare-o
has come down to Clare-o
a mighty great hare-o
the party to quinch.
But this bould caberallo
shall doff his sombrero
and sink to the rere-o
of mighty Paddy Lynch.
De Valera O, take care O!
When the poll they declare O,
You’ll run like a hare O
From Quinn to Lahinch!
At an election gathering in Killaloe, Co Clare, De Valera referring to the question of Ulster said:
‘Let Ulster Unionists recognise the Sinn Fein position which has behind it justice and right. It is supported by nine-tenths of the Irish people and if those Unionists do not come in on their side, they will have to go under. Ulster is entitled to justice and she will have it, but she should not be petted and the interests of the majority sacrificed to her. Give Unionists a just and full share of representation, but no more than their just share.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.224
but also:
‘It is my wish that the British Empire will be blown into ruins’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.259
Patrick Lynch said:‘Clare voters do not want to see their sons shot down in a futile and insane attempt to establish an Irish Republic.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.224
An Irish Parliamentary Party political lampoon went along these lines:
“De Valera so quare-o
has come down to Clare-o
a mighty great hare-o
the party to quinch.
But this bould caberallo
shall doff his sombrero
and sink to the rere-o
of mighty Paddy Lynch.
De Valera O, take care O!
When the poll they declare O,
You’ll run like a hare O
From Quinn to Lahinch!
A 'round-robin' letter from Diarmuid's friends in New York and Boston arrived while he was working on de Valera's election campaign:
50 Belvue Street
[ Word illegible ]
July 5th ‘17
Dear Diarmuid.
Like a voice from the ‘Great Beyond’ your letter came to me a few weeks ago, needless to say how delighted everybody was to hear from you again and to say I appreciate your letter would indeed be putting it mild. [ Word illegible ] things have changed somewhat since you wrote and that is a consolation. I hope you are feeling better. We have never forgotten you in or prayers and are anxiously looking forward to the time when we shall see you again. Nora K [Nora O'Keeffe - see footnote] has been here at 50 for the last few weeks. I took herself and Miss Skinnider [Margaret Skinnider - see footnote] to see Father Murphy [Fr P.B.Murphy - see footnote] and your name was mentioned more than one. I took your letter with me knowing B would be interested, so he has written a line to you. Nora C [Nora Connolly - see footnote] wrote to New York for a picture of you and gave it to Mother and you may be sure it occupies a prominent place now. [ Word illegible ] has been here, so we manage to hear something of the crowd occasionally. you are young John’s idol now, and so will you ever be to all of us.
Had a letter from Con a few days ago. Not much news. I suppose you know [ Word illegible ] is in the ring. We have conscription here 21 to 31 and just wait until they get over. The Germans won't last long.
We’ve had some good times here lately, some that would do your heart good. The old man is OK and his father wonderful. Over a year ago Diarmuid, we were afraid to look at the papers, fearing you may have gone to join the goodly company of ’16 but thank God you are still with us. Good bye dear Diarmuid. May God bless you and keep you safe.
Regards and best wishes from everybody at 50 and everybody else.
Your sincere friend, J. Fraser.
Wishing, watching, hoping, praying. Your sacrificce is appreciated by your friend, P. Conroy.
Come over P.D.Q [ Pretty Damn Quick] my dear Diarmuid for there is a suite of rooms at 92 St & 6th [ Word illegible ] for you. Rev. P.B.Murphy.
Tomas Ua Scineabona wrote in the old Irish script: [unable to translate]
W.P.Rohan wrote ‘All honor to you. You have stood the test and played a man’s part.’
William P Fisher: ‘dear Diarmuid. As we go this life we are always making new friends and give each a special place in our thoughts and memories. But for a friend who leaves footprints in the sands of time, as from there, a special place is reserved.’
Michael J Rohan: ‘For how can men die better than facing fearful odds for the ashes of their fathers and the temples of their Gods’ Glad and proud to have known you.
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/50
Footnotes:
Margaret Frances Skinnider (28 May 1892 – 10 October 1971) was a revolutionary and feminist born in Coatbridge, Scotland. She fought during the 1916 Easter Rising in Dublin as a sniper, among other roles, and was the only woman wounded in the action. As a scout, she was praised for her bravery. Sadhbh Walshe in The New York Times refers to her as "the schoolteacher turned sniper".
Mary McAuliffe, a historian who has written a biography of Skinnider after researching her life, believes Skinnider was a lesbian. Her partner was Nora O’Keeffe whom she met in 1917 while in New York as the two of them had been sent by Eamon De Valera to collect funds for the nationalist cause. By 1919 the two were living together as a couple, remaining together living in Dublin until O’Keeffe's death in 1961. Nora O’Keeffe (1885–1961) was a revolutionary and feminist from County Tipperary. She was a regional organiser of Cumann na mBan, a dispatch courier in the War of Independence and an anti-Treaty propagandist during the Irish Civil War who was interned in Cork and Kilmainham Gaol. She was the lifelong partner of Margaret Skinnider, a sniper wounded in the 1916 Rising. Fr. P.B.Murphy (1850-1929) was an Irish born, American Roman Catholic priest. He took part in the 1898 Spanish-American War as Chaplain to the Ninth Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry and most of his clerical vocation was spent ministering to the Roman Catholic communities in Massachusetts, the parishes of Natick, Saxonville and South Boston. Rev. Murphy was also an Irish American revolutionary, a member of the Fenians (and later Clann na Gael). Nora Connolly O'Brien (1892 – 1981) was an Irish politician, activist and writer. Daughter of James Connolly, the Irish Labour leader executed in 1916. She was a member of Seanad Éireann from 1957 to 1969. Active in the US during late 1916/1917 to gain American support and recognition of the Irish Republic. She furthered her efforts by writing a book titled "The Unbroken Tradition" in which she describes the events of the Easter Rising, which was subsequently banned as President Woodrow Wilson entered the United States in World War I and it was labelled "anti-British" During late 1917 she returned anonymously to Ireland and remained active in Republican politics until her death in 1981. |
6
Canadian House of Commons passes Compulsory Military Service Bill.
A film screened in the Rotunda Round Room, Dublin titled 'The Devil' forced Mrs Lucy Gordon 'in the interests of the morals of the city' to make a written request that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 'command the discontinuance" of the picture as 'nothing was left to the imagination'. The Dublin Metropolitan Police investigated and found that the film had been previously cleared by the UK Film Censor, that there was nothing immoral in it and over the three days it was screened, there had been no 'hostility'. The ensuing publicity resulted in packed screenings of the film.
Copies of the original letter of complaint and the Police investigation are below.
Canadian House of Commons passes Compulsory Military Service Bill.
A film screened in the Rotunda Round Room, Dublin titled 'The Devil' forced Mrs Lucy Gordon 'in the interests of the morals of the city' to make a written request that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 'command the discontinuance" of the picture as 'nothing was left to the imagination'. The Dublin Metropolitan Police investigated and found that the film had been previously cleared by the UK Film Censor, that there was nothing immoral in it and over the three days it was screened, there had been no 'hostility'. The ensuing publicity resulted in packed screenings of the film.
Copies of the original letter of complaint and the Police investigation are below.
7
The Lions Clubs International is formed in the United States
9
The East Clare Election was certainly regarded as significant by Dublin Castle - as historian Dorothy Macardle commented rather lavishly in her 1951 work 'The Irish Republic': ‘A Dublin Castle official told an English journalist that this was ‘the most important election that had ever taken place, or ever will take place, in Irish history’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.223. Daily Telegraph.
Meanwhile in the US, T.P.O’Connor who had been sent there to fundraise and garner Irish-American support for the Irish Parliamentary Party by John Redmond, was not having much success. He had been received coldly by Irish-American groups and he felt that there was a deep and widespread suspicion of Britain and of her dealings with Ireland. He wrote to his party boss:
‘ feeling here about the executions and England is far more violent even than in Ireland... I have no reason to doubt that the majority of clerical opinion is either hostile to the war or not very enthusiastic. None of them has come to see me yet…
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.232
And... “I feel almost like James II – a new desertion every day.’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.43
A fuller account of O'Connor's opinion on Irish-America can be found in a letter to Lloyd George on 13 July.
Muriel Gifford, the wife of the executed 1916 leader Thomas MacDonagh, drowned tragically near Skerries. She had gone to Skerries for a holiday where, along with other bereaved relatives of the executed leaders, she stayed at ‘Mirimar’, a beach house rented by the National Aid. She tried to swim to Shenick Island, a mile away, but never returned. Her body was eventually found washed up on the shore about a quarter of a mile away from the scene of the tragedy. She was lying face down with her hands crossed.
Gifford’s funeral took place at the Pro Cathedral in Dublin days later and was attended by, among others, her sister Grace, Count Plunkett MP, Áine Ceannt, Nancy O’Rahilly, Kathleen Clarke, William Cosgrave, Eamonn Duggan and Christine Connolly. Eamon de Valera, and Countess Markievicz were also at the graveside in Glasnevin. The ladies of Cumann na mBan walked in military order behind the procession. Many of the men and women who attended the funeral wore republican emblems on their coats. An estimated 5,000 people joined the funeral procession.
10
Election day in East-Clare saw a surprising turn-out, with even the elderly, sick and infirm turning up at polling stations to cast their vote.
11
The Daily Express commenting on de Valera called him ‘the real leader of Sinn Fein’.
Diarmuid Lynch (under his anglicised name) was mentioned in the Daily Nome Industrial Worker, Nome, Alaska in a section on Dartmoor prison:
Election day in East-Clare saw a surprising turn-out, with even the elderly, sick and infirm turning up at polling stations to cast their vote.
11
The Daily Express commenting on de Valera called him ‘the real leader of Sinn Fein’.
Diarmuid Lynch (under his anglicised name) was mentioned in the Daily Nome Industrial Worker, Nome, Alaska in a section on Dartmoor prison:
12
Diarmuid Lynch was a counting agent for the Sinn Fein party at the east-Clare by-election.
The result declared that afternoon was:
De Valera : 5,010 votes
Lynch: 2,035 votes
De Valera, wearing the uniform of the Irish Volunteers, said:
‘this election will always be history - a monument to the glorious men of Easter Week, who died for us. This victory will show to the world that if Irishmen had only a ghost of a chance, they would fight for independence of Ireland and for an Irish Republic.
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.225
De Valera in addition stated that ‘if Ulster stands in the way of the attainment of Irish freedom, Ulster should be coerced.’
Dublin’s ‘Evening Mail’ described the Sinn Fein victory as ‘a sweeping victory’ and as an endorsement of his programme of ‘ frank republicanism, of complete separation from Britain, to be won, if occasion arises, by force of arms.’ There were widespread celebrations throughout the country as the results became known. Bonfires were lit and in Ballybunion, a crowd was fired upon by the R.I.C , killing one.
Meanwhile, Diarmuid recalled a noticeable trend within Sinn Fein at the time...
“...On the day in which the result of the Clare Election ( 1917 ) was declared, Sean Milroy who had been a colleague of Griffith in the pre-Easter Sinn Fein organisation, remarked to me that we should now press for the original Sinn Fein policy of the ‘King, Lords and Commons’. This astounded me and my reply was not in parliamentary language. This revision to the old Sinn Fein policy gained ground among Griffith and his friends - with some modifications, this element became claimant at pre-convention meetings of the Sinn Fein Executive. I was not a member of that body at the time but had full reports of what was afoot. “
Diarmuid Lynch to Florence O'Donoghue. 20 November 1945.National Library of Ireland MS 31-409(1)
Mr. Thomas Pugh, Ballsbridge, Dublin - a Member of 'B' Company, 2nd Battalion, Dublin Brigade Irish Volunteers, was one of the vote counters for De Valera in Clare. He recalled the events in his 1950 deposition to the Bureau of Military History:
In New York, Eoin Ua Traom wrote to Diarmuid Lynch:
‘A Cara dilis. We are all delighted to know that you and all the boys are home again and we hope the health of everybody is good, or at any rate as good as can be expected. Hope the weather is pretty good over there…well I might say something that displeases the Censor, and I want at least these few miserable lines to reach you…’
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/57
Westminster: Sir Edward Carson, the Ulster Unionist leader, joined the British cabinet. Sir Edward moves from First Lord of the Admiralty to being a member of the war cabinet without portfolio. Another major cabinet change saw Winston Churchill appointed Minister for Munitions. There had been a mixed response to the appointment of Carson. Referring to the decision, the Morning Chronicle said that the Admiralty would be glad to see Carson go, though ‘they will wonder why a man so unversed in war or statesmanship, and so inexperienced in international affairs, should be promoted to that innermost Ministerial sanctum where the daily control of our national policy is exercised.’ The Morning Chronicle is clear that it is the political pull of the Ulster unionist party that has secured this position for Carson. By contrast, The Irish Times was keen to acknowledge Carson’s ‘qualities of intellect and character’, says he will surely make ‘a substantial contribution to the cause of victory’, and that there ‘could be no better selection’.
13
The Daily Express commenting on the De Valera win in East-Clare, admitted that Sinn Fein had ‘swept the country like a tidal wave and blotted out the Irish Party completely and, apparently, irretrievably’. And commenting on the Irish Convention ‘The convention, in the light of East Clare, has the promise of Dead Sea fruit and the stability of an inverted pyramid’
The Daily Telegraph said Sinn Fein had secured a majority ‘which puts out of court any of the customary consolations of defeat’
The Westminster Gazette explained the Sinn Fein victory to the fact that while Patrick Lynch was the ‘Crown Prosecutor, De Valera was the Crown Prosecuted’.
The Morning Post suggested the best remedy for Ireland now was the immediate conscription of Irishmen.
Lawrence Ginnell, MP resigned his seat and membership of the Irish Parliamentary Party and joined Sinn Fein.
An unnamed friend from New York wrote to Diarmuid Lynch in vague terms to evade the Censor of the loss of John Redmond’s nominee, Patrick Lynch in East Clare.
New York
July 13, 1917.
A Diarmuid.
Just a word in connection with my last letter which I hope you received in time.
According to latest account from home I learn that John has lost another member of his devoted family.
If a month’s mind requiem could be held in memory of poor Patrick, I am sure that the copies of the accounts of the various re-unions of John’s family held here, and appearing in poor MacGillornaw’s family journal upon each occasion when John or the other members of the family came here, will be very sincerely appreciated by all the families acquaintance as well as by the members of our own family.
In the interim, when made known to them, I believe you may have been present at some of those family reunions held here. So that is that.
Case you can't bear testimony as to how much most of the folks here, without a doubt, held John and every member of the family in high esteem and acted accordingly especially in 1901 and 1904.
Hoping you are feeling well and happy and that I may hear from you soon. I showed copies of the accounts at those family reunions to Dick and he thinks they are great.
Wishing Denis and Mrs and all the other members of your family well.
I remain as ever, yours most sincerely
[ Signature illegible ]
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 4/3
The Irish Convention's enigmatic secretary - Erskine Childers.
Assistant secretary to the Irish Convention in 1917, Robert Erskine Childers was a man who led many lives in one. Born in London to an upper middle-class family, he was educated at Haileybury and Cambridge and joined the Civil Service. He interrupted his service to fight in the Boer War (1899-1902) and later published in 1903 the first spy novel of the twentieth century 'The Riddle of the Sands'. Childers had strong Irish connections - his childhood had been spent in Co Wicklow and he became a strong supporter of Home Rule, publishing a phamphlet 'The Framework of Home Rule' in 1911. Disturbed by the government's failure to stop Unionists importing arms into Ulster, he used his yacht The Asgard, to smuggle German arms to the Irish Vounteers in July 1914. With the outbreak of war, he served as an inteligence officer in the Royal Navy and later in the Royal Air Force. When the Irish Convention was convened, Horace Plunkett requested his services. It was during this service that he became deeply disillusioned with the political establishment after the Convention's failure and the government's decision to introduce conscription to Ireand. In 1919 he moved to Ireland, working on the underground newspaper 'The Irish Bulletin' and in 1921 he was elected as a Sinn Féin TD and was a member of the Anglo Irish negotiation team. He opposed the Treaty and with the advent of the Civil War, became the Republican movement propagandist. A wanted man, he was eventually captured by Free State Troops in November 1922, tried and executed on 24 November 1922. His son, Erskine Hamilton Childers held a number of political posts in various governments and later the 4th President of Ireland.
Assistant secretary to the Irish Convention in 1917, Robert Erskine Childers was a man who led many lives in one. Born in London to an upper middle-class family, he was educated at Haileybury and Cambridge and joined the Civil Service. He interrupted his service to fight in the Boer War (1899-1902) and later published in 1903 the first spy novel of the twentieth century 'The Riddle of the Sands'. Childers had strong Irish connections - his childhood had been spent in Co Wicklow and he became a strong supporter of Home Rule, publishing a phamphlet 'The Framework of Home Rule' in 1911. Disturbed by the government's failure to stop Unionists importing arms into Ulster, he used his yacht The Asgard, to smuggle German arms to the Irish Vounteers in July 1914. With the outbreak of war, he served as an inteligence officer in the Royal Navy and later in the Royal Air Force. When the Irish Convention was convened, Horace Plunkett requested his services. It was during this service that he became deeply disillusioned with the political establishment after the Convention's failure and the government's decision to introduce conscription to Ireand. In 1919 he moved to Ireland, working on the underground newspaper 'The Irish Bulletin' and in 1921 he was elected as a Sinn Féin TD and was a member of the Anglo Irish negotiation team. He opposed the Treaty and with the advent of the Civil War, became the Republican movement propagandist. A wanted man, he was eventually captured by Free State Troops in November 1922, tried and executed on 24 November 1922. His son, Erskine Hamilton Childers held a number of political posts in various governments and later the 4th President of Ireland.
New York: On an extended fund-raising and attempting to garner support for the Irish Parliamentary Party and John Redmond, T.P.O'Connor was having somewhat miserable time. The Friends of Irish Freedom had organised strong & vocal opposition to his visit and the Gaelic American newspaper took every opportunity to emphasize O'Connor's connections with Lloyd George and cast doubt on the proposed Irish Convention. Various branches of the Friends of Irish Freedom and other organisations passed resolutions condemning the mission as 'entirely against the interests of Ireland'.
'This widespread reaction to O'Connor's visit accurately reflected the current state of Irish-American opinion...despite American participation in the war, Irish-American's remained deeply suspicious of both British intentions towards Ireland and the Home Rule party. O'Connor admitted that he saw little chance of a revival of his party's fortunes in the United States, despite Irish-American support for the war. Indeed, he had to avoid giving interviews about Ireland for fear of misrepresentation by the Irish-American press, which was still openly hostile towards Redmond'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p66
O'Connor, no doubt with the news of de Valera's electoral success in East Clare, wrote despondently to British prime minister, Lloyd George of the hostility he encountered and 'lamented that every politician of Irish extraction who depended on the Irish vote refused to come near him. He was even taken aback to discover that this included Michael J Ryan, the head of the now demoralised United Irish League of America.
'This widespread reaction to O'Connor's visit accurately reflected the current state of Irish-American opinion...despite American participation in the war, Irish-American's remained deeply suspicious of both British intentions towards Ireland and the Home Rule party. O'Connor admitted that he saw little chance of a revival of his party's fortunes in the United States, despite Irish-American support for the war. Indeed, he had to avoid giving interviews about Ireland for fear of misrepresentation by the Irish-American press, which was still openly hostile towards Redmond'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p66
O'Connor, no doubt with the news of de Valera's electoral success in East Clare, wrote despondently to British prime minister, Lloyd George of the hostility he encountered and 'lamented that every politician of Irish extraction who depended on the Irish vote refused to come near him. He was even taken aback to discover that this included Michael J Ryan, the head of the now demoralised United Irish League of America.
I expected to find an unfavourable state of opinion among the Irish-Americans here, but the conditions are much worse than my anticipation. I had calculated that the entrance of America would have silenced all Pro-Germans, but this proved to be an entire miscalculation. The enmity to England and to me as the suppsed representative of its interests was practically universal among the masses of Irish people
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p66
14
The Chief Secretary, H E Duke attended another of Lloyd George’s War Cabinet meetings and :
‘warned that De Valera and a small group of Sinn Feiners had now advanced from claiming a representation at the Peace Conference to an ‘avowed advocacy of physical force’, that emigration having ceased because of the war, the young men of Ireland were increasing in numbers and disaffection; and that he was convinced Sinn Fein would resort to direct military force, as in Dublin in 1916. Even without arms, he said, it would overwhelm the police barracks and Government offices by mere weight of numbers’
‘The Cabinet then authorised Duke to stop, by police action, all marching or drilling in military formation or Volunteer uniforms, ...to seize seditious presses, to take possession of premises used for drill halls, but not to prosecute speakers for seditious language which did not actually incite to violence...’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.259-260
Daniel Scanlon, Ballybunion, Co Kerry was shot and killed by RIC Constable Lyons (later promoted to Sergeant)
The Irish Parliamentary Party Chief whip. Paddy O’Brien MP of Kilkenny, died, and the seat became vacant.
15
‘Speaking in Dublin, De Valera said that in order that Ireland’s case be heard at the proposed peace conference, she should first claim absolute independence and in making that claim they were ‘only voicing the feelings of every Irish heart’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.225
16
The executed men of 1916 deserve a proper burial, a meeting in Dublin was told. The meeting in the Mansion House passed a motion which called for support to force the British Government to ‘surrender the remains of our dead’. The motion demanded that ‘the bodies of the 16 Irishmen executed by the British government in 1916 be given up for Christian burial’.
With several relatives of the men on the platform, the gathering heard a letter from Bishop of Limerick, Dr O’Dwyer, which condemned the actions of the British government and described those actions as unintelligible: ‘Only a few days ago they liberated the brave fellows who fought side by side with Pearse, MacDonagh and Colbert, and they will not liberate the bodies of the leaders. Though lying in an English prison, it is the soil of Ireland, every sod of which is sacred, and the inhumanity of our rulers will only add fervor to the prayers which we offer to God for their immortal souls.’
Joseph McGuinness, Sinn Féin MP, remarked that cheers were out of place and that their work was of a pious character. From tonight on ‘a voice would ring out through Ireland and be heard to the uttermost ends of the world demanding that the bodies should be given up, so that the children and the old men, too, might go to Glasnevin annually to their graves and pray.’
Many people in the audience wore tricolour armbands and had tricolour flags. They sang rebel songs at regular intervals, including the ‘Soldier’s Song’, before finishing with ‘Easter Week.’
New York: In the US, the executive committee of the Friends of Irish Freedom circulated a petition throughout the US urging the Government to insist that the British Government grant ‘complete national independence’ to Ireland. Soon, the petition had several hundred thousand signatures. President Wilson responded by directing secret service agents to investigate the Friends of Irish Freedom leadership and funding on the suspicion that Germany was influencing the movement.
As a result of suspicions of German influence, Hannah Sheehy Skeffington during her speaking tour was denounced by many newspapers and one attempt was made to kidnap her and take her across the border to Candada.
Lenin’s Bolshevik uprising in Petrograd crushed by the Provisional Government. Lenin escapes to Finland; Trotsky is arrested.
Russian troops mutiny, abandon the Austrian front, and retreat to the Ukraine; hundreds are shot by their commanding officers during the retreat
17
Galway. The decline of the Irish language has been arrested. Statistics show that while the Irish language suffered a major decline in the aftermath of the Great Famine, the figures of Irish speakers in 1911 stood only slightly lower than those for 1871.
These figures were revealed by Professor Seaghan Mac Enri in a major, three-part series of articles on the state of the Irish language in Connacht. Mac Enri believes that this shows that although there are difficulties in attempting to revive the Irish language by a few poorly resourced enthusiasts, the ‘process of killing the language by all the forces of Anglicisation has been at least equally difficult’. He notes the influence of the ‘West British Education Boards with millions of money at their disposal and hundreds of well paid officials to carry on their work...’, but points also to the residual strength of the language in Connacht as evidence that Irish is far from a ‘dead language’.
Blackrock, Co. Dublin: "Sinn Féin is a craze and will die a natural death". That was the verdict put forward by Mr. J.P. McCabe who, in presiding over a meeting of the Blackrock Urban Council last night, proposed a motion wishing success to the Irish Convention in the hope that it would evolve ‘such a plan as would destroy the aims of those whose purpose is to plunge Ireland into another insane rebellion’. Mr McCabe also argued that had the people of East Clare endured last year’s rebellion they would not be in favour of another. Another councillor, Mr O’Hara, objected to the wording of the motion and Mr McCabe eventually bowed to pressure to replace the reference to ‘another insane rebellion’ with the words ‘continue an era of dissension and strife in Irelan
Fatima, Portugal: Pilgrims began to flock towards the small village of Fatima in Portugal where three shepherd children claimed to have seen visions of the Virgin Mary.
London: Arthur Conan Doyle in a letter to the Irish press, claims that Sinn Féin have done more damage to Ireland than any British political party. He noted how it had ‘brought about the destruction of part of its own capital city, has driven a wedge through the solid south, has immensely strengthened the position of the North, by justifying all its fears, and has, so far as it could, thrown away the fruits of 50 years of patient constitutional reform’. Mr Doyle concludes: ‘It only remains for it now to open a civil war against a perfectly united Empire which has shown that it can put 5 million men in the field, and would do so again before it would consent to having a foreign Republic between it and the oceans of the world.’
The British Royal family completed the discontinuance of their German titles and dignities and have adopted the name and title Windsor. The following was the full text of the Proclamation:
By the King.
A Proclamation declaring that the Name of Windsor is to be borne by his Royal House and Family and Relinquishing the Use of All German Titles and Dignities.
GEORGE R.I.
WHEREAS We, having taken into consideration the Name and Title of Our Royal House and Family, have determined that henceforth Our House and Family shall be styled and known as the House and Family of Windsor:
AND WHEREAS We have further determined for Ourselves and for and on behalf of Our descendants and all other the descendants of Our Grandmother Queen Victoria of blessed and glorious memory to relinquish and discontinue the use of all German Titles and Dignities:
AND WHEREAS We have declared these Our determinations in Our Privy Council:
NOW, THEREFORE, We, out of Our Royal Will and Authority, do hereby declare and announce that as from the date of this Our Royal Proclamation Our House and Family shall be styled and known as the House and Family of Windsor, and that all the descendants in the male line of Our said Grandmother Queen Victoria who are subjects of these Realms, other than female descendants who may marry or may have married, shall bear the said Name of Windsor:
And do hereby further declare and announce that We for Ourselves and for and on behalf of Our descendants and all other the descendants of Our said Grandmother Queen Victoria who are subjects of these Realms, relinquish and enjoin the discontinuance of the use of the Degrees, Styles, Dignities, Titles and Honours of Dukes and Duchesses of Saxony and Princes and Princesses of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, and all other German Degrees, Styles, Dignities. Titles, Honours and Appellations to Us or to them heretofore belonging or appertaining.
Given at Our Court at Buckingham Palace, this Seventeenth day of July, in the year of our Lord One thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and in the Eighth year of Our Reign.
God Save The King.
19
The friction within republicanism was still very close to the surface, however, and nearly boiled over during the Kilkenny by-election candidate selection process with one group proposing to stand Eoin Mac Néill, and another opposed to him because of his countermanding order on Easter Sunday 1916. Eventually, William Cosgrave, a long-time Sinn Féin member, a Volunteer officer and a recently released POW, was nominated. Cosgrave won the election with a two-to-one majority.
Cosgrave, who was sentenced to death for his role in the Rising before the sentence was commuted, was the unanimous choice of a party conference in the Town Hall in Kilkenny City. His selection was greeted by prolonged cheering, the candidate going on to deliver an address that acknowledged the high honour placed on him. Local press reports have noted that Cosgrave’s selection defied traditional political custom in that he was being put forward not for what he might do in the future, but for what he had already done. Sinn Féin, it was reported, had wanted a candidate who was ‘a man who had given proof of the faith that was in him’.
Countess Markievicz and the other members of Kilkenny Election group. Top row (L-R): Dan McCarthy, Darrel Figgis, Rev. Dr Browne, Old Tom Kelly, Mr Fleming, Éamon de Valera, Seán Milroy. Bottom row (L-R): Laurence Ginnell, Countess Markievicz, W.T. Cosgrave, Mrs Ginnell.
Photo: Bureau of Military History 1913-1921, Military Archives
"The radical Republican revolutionary Countess Markievicz has been awarded the freedom of Kilkenny City."
The ceremony took place at City Hall, where Markievicz was accompanied by William T. Cosgrave, who had just been selected as the Sinn Féin candidate to contest the vacant Westminster seat for Kilkenny City.
"The Countess arrived in the city at six o’clock and was met at the railway station by, among others, Éamon de Valera, the recent victor in the East Clare by-election. A crowd displaying republican colours formed at the railway station and from there, accompanied by musical bands, it moved in the direction of City Hall, albeit not without incident. Police intervened after a few women displaying small Union Jacks came into conflict with Sinn Féiners who pulled the flags from their grasp.
The ceremony at City Hall was presided over by Alderman Purcell, and Markievicz having signed the freedom roll, expressed her gratitude for the honour and stated that ‘one of the next battles would be fought against excessive taxation. Some scheme must be put in operation to defeat such taxation.’ This focus on financial and economic concerns was also at the core of her speech at a subsequent meeting at the Market Square in Kilkenny where she stressed that she was ‘not there to advocate the young men going out unarmed for a second Easter week’."
20
Tomas Ashe in a postcard to Diarmuid Lynch:
‘Hoping you are enjoying a well earned rest. Stay there as long as possible as it is not always you have such a comfortable bed and board, which is only proper for officers quarters.
Yours etc
Tom
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 3/61
Russia: Alexander Kerensky becomes Russian premier, succeeding Lvoff.
The Russian Provisional Government enacts women's suffrage
On Corfu, the representatives of Serbia, Bosnia Hertzogovina, Croatia and Slovenia agree to form a single nation at the end of the war under rule of a Serbian King. While ethnically and religiously different, the long years of Ottoman and Hapsburg Rule managed to form a cohesion between the disparate groups that became known as Yugoslavia. This was to last for some 75 years until the eventual and traumatic breakup of the union in the early 1990’s.
Irish-American groups continued to be somewhat at loggerheads with each other on how best to raise awareness of Britain's actions in and occupation of, Ireland. The Friends of Irish Freedom continued to hold 'what were considered provocative meetings... staged street meetings, attracting large numbers, which, while not attacking American participation in the war, continued to denounce England'...these meetings were condemned by the Ancient Order of Hibernians. At a 20 June meeting of one of their New York branches, a resolution was passed which called on the government to 'stamp out the propaganda of treason and sedition which is being openly conducted under the guise of Irish patriotism'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p68
22
Siam (Thailand) at war with Germany and Austria.
24
The war was now costing Britain £7 million a day.
23
Countess Markievicz received the Freedom of the City of Sligo with a guard of honour formed by Sinn Fein volunteers armed with hurleys.
Washington: Dr McCartan with two senior figures in the Friends of Irish Freedom; James McGuire (Chairman of the Executive Committee) and John D. Moore (National Secretary) went to the White House and presented to President Wilson's private secretary, Joseph Tumulty, the smuggled memorial signed by 26 Sinn Fein members in June and the memorandum expressing the aspirations of the Irish people.
The memorial took inspiration from President Wilson’s dictum that ‘no people must be forced under a sovereignty under which it does not want to live’ and urged that Ireland’s case be considered in that light. Furthermore, the signatories implored the U.S. Government and others ‘to take immediate measures to inform themselves accurately about the extent of liberty or attempted repression we may encounter’.
Wilson refused to see McCartan personally but did not dismiss Irish claims out of hand. Both the memorial and memorandum were duly referred to the Counsellor at the State Department, Frank Polk who said on August 8th, ‘best thing to do would be to file the papers and not reply’. Advice which was followed.
Dr McCartan explained to American audiences the reasons for Sinn Féin’s absence from the ongoing Irish Convention and how the five delegates they were offered was entirely unrepresentative of current public opinion. Were a general election held to determine delegates, McCartan said, he was confident that the Convention would be ‘largely Republican’. The Tyrone man was presented to, among others, the U.S. Vice-President Thomas R. Marshall and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, ‘Champ’ Clark of Missouri.
McCartan briefly recalled the event in his 1952 deposition for the Bureau of Military History:
Below: Diarmuid Lynch noted the July 23rd meeting in his draft manuscript history of the Friends of Irish Freedom.
Below: Memorandum from the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic to President Wilson delivered on July 23, 1917.
Amongst the Joseph McGarrity Papers at Villanova University is a copy of the presentation of 'Ireland's Appeal to America-1917: Full files available at Villanova Digital Library. Click here.
25
First Meeting of the Irish Convention
The Lloyd George inspired Irish Convention met in the Regent’s House, Trinity College, to draw up proposals for Irish self-government within the British Empire. The ninety five delegates that gathered at Regent House in Trinity College, Dublin, on its opening day were ostensibly drawn from ranks of middle class constitutional nationalists and unionists, their number encompassing not only parliamentarians but representatives from local authorities, chambers of commerce, labour organisations and the principal churches. Both Sinn Fein and Labour boycotted the Convention on the grounds that its membership was neither representative of Sinn Fein nor of post Rising sentiment and aspiration.
For a chair, the Convention eventually chose Sir Horace Plunkett, the founder of the Irish co-operative movement, who clearly felt the heavy burden of responsibility that had been placed upon him.On his election to the role, Plunkett confessed to his diary that he had ‘entered upon about the hardest task a modern politician has had to face’.
Elected general secretary was Lord Southborough, employed in the secretariat were Robert Erskine Childers, Frank Cruise O'Brien and Dermot Coffey, all close to Sinn Féin. Delegates came from a broad cross-section of Irish public life, fifty-two representing national interests. In addition nine were Southern Unionists, twenty-four Ulster Unionists. Thirty-two delegates were chairman of county councils, eight chairman of urban district councils. Fifty-three were Catholic, forty-two Protestant. Nine-tenths of the representatives were Irish Party and Ulster Unionist Party members.
Northern Unionists attending wanted to retain the status-quo in Irish-British political relations, or at least dilute Home Rule to the greatest extent. They were opposed to partition as they were concerned of being “overwhelmed in a predominantly Catholic south”. The Southern Unionists were more concerned whether six or nine counties were to be excluded from the new Irish state.
A Grand Committee of twenty delegates was appointed to frame matters of procedure. After three days the Convention adjourned and reassembled as agreed on 17 August.
The Irish Convention would generate much paperwork and debate, but end inconclusively in April 1918 when its final report exposed divisions that were the very reason it was needed in the first place. However, the Convention was intended to assist in more than the achievement of an unlikely Irish consensus. To an extent, its establishment had also been an exercise in British deflection and delay. As long the Irish were talking amongst themselves, their problems would not intrude on the more pressing business of the winning the war in Europe. There were also those who believed the Convention would aid the Irish Party in seeing off the challenge of Sinn Féin.
This it most certainly didn’t do. As the historian David Fitzpatrick elegantly put it: ‘The Irish Convention, like Lloyd George’s Home Rule proposals of 1916, was offered up to the Irish Party as a lifeline; but the party grabbed it too eagerly, caught up its limbs in the slack and drowned.’
The 1918 Report on Proceedings of the Irish Convention is available here.
Meanwhile in Paris, Mata Hari, the glamorous Dutch dancer and double-agent was sentenced to death by a French court-martial on a charge of spying for Germany.
26
German troops break through French lines along the River Aisne.
‘Three young Sligo men were imprisoned for unlawful assembly, sixty men with cars, each flying the Republican flag, carried a years supply of turf to the prisoners’ homes’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.226
De Valera was given a place on the Sinn Fein National Council and in the Provisional Executive of the Irish Volunteers.
28:
De Valera and MacNeill met with Kathleen Clarke in her Dundrum home. ‘I told them the story about MacNeill as Tom had given it to me on Easter Sunday, in the presence of Sean McGrry and Tommy O’Connor, and repeated to me in Kilmainham Jail an hour or two before his execution. Tom had told me either that MacNeill had signed or had agreed to sign the Proclamation, but I had forgotten which. I had also brought a message from Pearse to Limerick on Holy Thursday which was that MacNeill had signed or agreed to sign, the Proclamation and that he had been quite enthuastic.
MacNeill’s answer to that was that he had not signed the Proclamation. I said that if he had not actually signed it, but had agreed to do so, to an honourable man that was as good as signing and that his action in sending out countermanding orders secretly all over the country, and his orders to the Sunday Independent were dishonourable.
MacNeill answered that the only reply he could give was that Tom Clarke had been given the wrong information. To that I heatedly replied that he was adding insult to injury; he was suggesting that those whom Tom Clarke worked with and trusted, and who were dead and could not defend themselves, were guilty of treachery to him…he said he had no further explanations to offer.
I told him of the instructions I had received from Tom in Kilmainham Jail that MacNeill must not be permitted to come back into the national life of the country again, for if he was he would in a crisis again act treacherously. I had promised to carry out these instructions if I could, but I was faced with a situation that Tom had not envisaged, MacNeill in an English prison as an Irish rebel. That fact tied my hands…he was an Irishman, and to my mind, a bad one…I continued that circumstances might still tie my hands, and I might not be able to carry out my promise to my husband, but the story of his treachery would not die with me, that I would write and leave documentary proffered against him. That ended our interview. De Valera listened throughout but said nothing and both left the house.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P146-147
Later that evening, she met de Valera on the railway platform. ‘He said he was sure that MacNeill had not signed the Proclamation. I said that I had Tom’s word for it…’Well’ he said ‘I was very intimate with Tommy MacDonagh, who often tried to get me to join the I.R.B. I’m sure if that had happened, Tommy would have told me.’. I replied that the Proclamation had not been signed until Tuesday night in Holy Week, that Thomas would not have had much time to tell him then, even if he were free to do so, and I do not think he had been…from the time the Rising started, de Valera had not been in touch with him and later when the question arose, MacDonagh was dead. De Valera replied that he still thought I was wrong. I could have argued further but our train came in and put an end to it.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P147
Dublin: Two new books published on this date to mark the contribution of Ireland to the Great War. Press reports of the time commented:
"The first book is The Pals at Suvla Bay and was written by Henry Hanna. It centres on the record of ‘D’ Company of the 7th Battalion of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers and is intended as a tribute ‘to the memory of men who will rank in the annals of the war as the bravest of the brave’. It tells the story of the ‘Pal’ battalion from their departure from Dublin in August 1914 through to 29 September 1915 when they set sail from Suvla Bay on the Gallipoli Peninsula.
Having landed some 235 soldiers strong, a mere 79 survived until the end. Contributing a foreword to the book, General Sir Bryan T. Mahon remarks: ‘There was one company (‘D’) almost entirely composed of Dublin gentlemen and the City of Dublin may well be proud of this gallant and heroic band. In my opinion it was unexcelled in the British army for bravery, dash, discipline and a sense of duty.’ The book also features a chapter on the work of the chaplain, and includes the names of battalion members, many with photographs and biographical information. It further features ‘several fine coloured sketches’ by the artist Lt Drummond Fish.
Another book, called The Irish on the Somme, is due to be published soon by Hodder and Stoughton and will feature a foreword from Irish Parliamentary Party leader, John Redmond. In the foreword, the text of which has already been made public, Redmond defends the decision to support the British war effort in September 1914. He writes: ‘This war is a war of liberation, and its battle-cry is the rights and liberties of humanity. From the very beginning of this conflict my colleagues of the Irish party and I, myself, have availed of every opportunity in Parliament, on the platform, and in the Press to present this view of it to the Irish race at home and abroad; and despite the tragic mistakes made in regard to Ireland by successive Governments since war broke out, we are still unshaken in our opinion that Ireland’s highest interests lie in the speedy and overwhelming victory of England and the allies.’
German troops break through French lines along the River Aisne.
‘Three young Sligo men were imprisoned for unlawful assembly, sixty men with cars, each flying the Republican flag, carried a years supply of turf to the prisoners’ homes’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.226
De Valera was given a place on the Sinn Fein National Council and in the Provisional Executive of the Irish Volunteers.
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De Valera and MacNeill met with Kathleen Clarke in her Dundrum home. ‘I told them the story about MacNeill as Tom had given it to me on Easter Sunday, in the presence of Sean McGrry and Tommy O’Connor, and repeated to me in Kilmainham Jail an hour or two before his execution. Tom had told me either that MacNeill had signed or had agreed to sign the Proclamation, but I had forgotten which. I had also brought a message from Pearse to Limerick on Holy Thursday which was that MacNeill had signed or agreed to sign, the Proclamation and that he had been quite enthuastic.
MacNeill’s answer to that was that he had not signed the Proclamation. I said that if he had not actually signed it, but had agreed to do so, to an honourable man that was as good as signing and that his action in sending out countermanding orders secretly all over the country, and his orders to the Sunday Independent were dishonourable.
MacNeill answered that the only reply he could give was that Tom Clarke had been given the wrong information. To that I heatedly replied that he was adding insult to injury; he was suggesting that those whom Tom Clarke worked with and trusted, and who were dead and could not defend themselves, were guilty of treachery to him…he said he had no further explanations to offer.
I told him of the instructions I had received from Tom in Kilmainham Jail that MacNeill must not be permitted to come back into the national life of the country again, for if he was he would in a crisis again act treacherously. I had promised to carry out these instructions if I could, but I was faced with a situation that Tom had not envisaged, MacNeill in an English prison as an Irish rebel. That fact tied my hands…he was an Irishman, and to my mind, a bad one…I continued that circumstances might still tie my hands, and I might not be able to carry out my promise to my husband, but the story of his treachery would not die with me, that I would write and leave documentary proffered against him. That ended our interview. De Valera listened throughout but said nothing and both left the house.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P146-147
Later that evening, she met de Valera on the railway platform. ‘He said he was sure that MacNeill had not signed the Proclamation. I said that I had Tom’s word for it…’Well’ he said ‘I was very intimate with Tommy MacDonagh, who often tried to get me to join the I.R.B. I’m sure if that had happened, Tommy would have told me.’. I replied that the Proclamation had not been signed until Tuesday night in Holy Week, that Thomas would not have had much time to tell him then, even if he were free to do so, and I do not think he had been…from the time the Rising started, de Valera had not been in touch with him and later when the question arose, MacDonagh was dead. De Valera replied that he still thought I was wrong. I could have argued further but our train came in and put an end to it.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P147
Dublin: Two new books published on this date to mark the contribution of Ireland to the Great War. Press reports of the time commented:
"The first book is The Pals at Suvla Bay and was written by Henry Hanna. It centres on the record of ‘D’ Company of the 7th Battalion of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers and is intended as a tribute ‘to the memory of men who will rank in the annals of the war as the bravest of the brave’. It tells the story of the ‘Pal’ battalion from their departure from Dublin in August 1914 through to 29 September 1915 when they set sail from Suvla Bay on the Gallipoli Peninsula.
Having landed some 235 soldiers strong, a mere 79 survived until the end. Contributing a foreword to the book, General Sir Bryan T. Mahon remarks: ‘There was one company (‘D’) almost entirely composed of Dublin gentlemen and the City of Dublin may well be proud of this gallant and heroic band. In my opinion it was unexcelled in the British army for bravery, dash, discipline and a sense of duty.’ The book also features a chapter on the work of the chaplain, and includes the names of battalion members, many with photographs and biographical information. It further features ‘several fine coloured sketches’ by the artist Lt Drummond Fish.
Another book, called The Irish on the Somme, is due to be published soon by Hodder and Stoughton and will feature a foreword from Irish Parliamentary Party leader, John Redmond. In the foreword, the text of which has already been made public, Redmond defends the decision to support the British war effort in September 1914. He writes: ‘This war is a war of liberation, and its battle-cry is the rights and liberties of humanity. From the very beginning of this conflict my colleagues of the Irish party and I, myself, have availed of every opportunity in Parliament, on the platform, and in the Press to present this view of it to the Irish race at home and abroad; and despite the tragic mistakes made in regard to Ireland by successive Governments since war broke out, we are still unshaken in our opinion that Ireland’s highest interests lie in the speedy and overwhelming victory of England and the allies.’
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De Valera reviewed an estimated 1,000 Clare Volunteers.
Westport: 1917 saw a decline in the number of people undertaking the Croagh Patrick pilgrimage in Co. Mayo. The decline in pilgrims had been attributed to a lack of train facilities and even though 14 special trains ran, this was 12 fewer than 1916. As well as a reduced number of trains running, there was an increase in fares. The fare from Dublin, having previously been 5s return, was 20s 6d on this occasion. A large number of motor cars also brought people from Westport to Murrisk at the foot of the mountain. Others travelled long distances on bicycles. Those who did make the journey – or could afford to – were treated to ‘summerlike’ weather, and from 6.30am till midday, masses were celebrated continuously at the three altars in the oratory on the summit. In the last mass of the day, Fr Patterson, CC Westport, spoke at length on a new mission to China where Irish religious were being sent to ‘convert the heathen’. He further remarked that, in supporting the mission, Irish people had taken the view that ‘the work of Christ must always come before the world’s work’.
The League of Women co-opted Markievicz as a member. Discussion centred on what their tactics should be in the continuing and so far unsuccessful campaign to ensure adequate representation of women within the overall political organisation. Their next move was a direct challenge to the reorganised Sinn Féin. Their previous request for representation had been ignored, some now argued for a deputation to the Sinn Féin offices. They decided on a less confrontational tactic to begin with, and another letter was written demanding that six women be co-opted immediately onto the executive of Sinn Féin. Their nominees were Kathleen Clarke, Aine Ceannt, Jenny Wyse-Power, Kathleen Lynn, Helena Moloney and Alice Ginnell. Women’s anger at their visible lack of importance was barely concealed:
“Seeing that you are enlarging your Council to include six members of the Irish Nation League elected by that body, and also six prisoners to be elected by the prisoners, the time seems opportune to include also six women, elected by women.”
The precedent of the Proclamation was cited, but the women did not want to rest their case on this precedent. Their claim, they stated firmly, was also based on the risks women took, equally with the men, to have the Irish Republic established, the necessity of having their organised co-operation in the further struggle to free Ireland and the advantage of having their ideas on many social problems likely to arise in the near future.Underlying this was the implicit threat that women’s co-operation might be withheld if they continued to feel as marginalised and undervalued as they did at that particular time. The request for representation was refused.
Dundee: Winston Churchill elected as the member of parliament for the constituency of Dundee. The victory was entirely expected and Churchill won the seat by a handsome majority. Only half the electors on the register recorded their vote and the small turnout has been attributed to the ‘staleness’ of the register and the absence, through army service or on munitions work, of many men from the area. The issue of conscription in Ireland arose in the course of the campaign and Churchill was heckled at a public meeting on the Irish question. He responded that it was his belief that Ireland had made a great mistake in not associating herself with legislation on conscription, but given the peculiarities of the Irish political situation and their long claims for self-government, he felt that ‘it might raise greater evils than the loss of these men if they had attempted, while Ireland was not self-governing, to carry out a policy of conscription in Ireland’. Winston Churchill has held the seat in Dundee since 1908.
Westminster: The Cork Examiner reported that two MPs came to blows outside the House of Commons to resolve an argument started during the day’s proceedings. Major Martin Archer-Shee took exception to both the tone and the content of a speech made by Noel Pemberton-Billing on the condition of the military air service. Archer-Shee accused him of making ‘a gross, insulting attack’ on officers using ‘offensive… and caddish language’. Mr Pemberton-Billing responded: ‘If the hon. member wishes to be offensive to me personally I hope he would repeat it outside in the Lobby, so that I may be able to deal with it.’
Archer-Shee took him up on that offer at 10.30 in the Palace Yard, although the Cork Examiner says that while the altercation did become physical, it could in no way be described as a ‘fight’. Obviously unsatisfied by the result of the skirmish, Pemberton-Billing has today published an open letter to Major Archer-Shee challenging him to a 20-round contest under the Marquis of Queensbury rules, the loser of which would donate £200 to the British Red Cross. In response to this challenge, the Major said that he is not in the habit of boxing in public for money and, as he is returning to the trenches, the best way to resolve the matter would be for Mr Pemberton-Billing to join the military as ‘it is a pity that the country should be deprived of your services in the field at this juncture.’
New York: The increasingly hostile public opinion towards Irish-Americans campaigning for freedom from Britain began to have a direct impact on the Friends of Irish Freedom throughout the United States:
"J.K.McGuire, chairman of the Executive Committee of the Friends, pressed for an Irish Race Convention to be held in August 1917, to discuss the problems caused by the war. However, Judge Cohalan fearing that a Convention could be used as a pretext for government repression, flatly opposed the calling of such a meeting. This stance by Cohalan, drew the ire of Jeremiah O'Leary, president of the American Truth Society. In an open letter to James McGuire, reprinted in the Gaelic American, O'Leary complained 'Have the fighting Irish suddenly become conservative? Are they now spending their time casting about for reasons not to do things instead of being on the alert seeking for things to do?' O'Leary went on to attack Cohalan's support for the war which O'Leary believed would only benefit England: '..Justice Cohalan..in a conversation with me...conveyed the impression that it would be unwise and unpatriotic, if you please, to make any protest against such a radical departure from American traditions'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p68
O'Leary and his American Truth Society continued to oppose the war and was later arrested an imprisoned for the duration.
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The Government issued an order which appeared in all newspapers:
‘A military Order under the Defence Of the Realm Act has been issued by Sir Bryan T. Mahon, Commanding the forces in Ireland, prohibiting the use or wearing of uniforms in public places by persons other than the naval, military or police forces, or members of an organisation duly authorised by him; and further prohibiting throughout Ireland the carrying in any public places of weapons of offence or articles capable of being used as such unless carried solely with the object of being used for some lawful employment or pastime’
Battle of Passchendaele ("Third Battle of Ypres"): Allied offensive operations commence in Flanders
Franco-British attack penetrates German lines on a 20-mile front.
The RIC Inspector-General’s monthly report included ‘where some of the smaller fry have been prosecuted for drilling or unlawful assembly, the attitude of Sinn Feiners towards the police is distinctly hostile, and they will hardly speak to a policeman’
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p55
In other parts of the country, the RIC reported that the Volunteers were ‘distinctly insolent and menacing. Men of principle are getting afraid’
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p55
Francis Ledwidge (Slane, Co. Meath 1887 - Ypres, 1917)
Ledwidge, the Irish nationalist and poet, was born in Slane on 19 August 1887 the son of a poor labourer. Leaving school at the age of 14 he worked in various manual labour positions while developing a love for and honing his own poetical talents. It was in 1911 that Ledwidge first received notable recognition for his poetry. Having sent a collection of his poems to well-known author Lord Dunsany he received a favourable response, Dunsany assuming the role of mentor to Ledwidge, introducing him to the Dublin literary scene. Although possessing moderate Irish nationalist views Ledwidge nevertheless signed up with the British Army - the Irish Volunteers in October 1914 - to serve in France and Flanders during World War One, on the basis that it was unreasonable to expect others to fight for the freedoms that he would later enjoy. Despite his initial reluctance to enlist he nevertheless argued that his service with the British during World War One was in no way incompatible with his nationalist views: rather, he believed he was furthering the cause of Irish independence from Britain.
One year after war began, in 1915, and while serving abroad on active duty Ledwidge saw an initial volume of fifty of his poems published as Songs of the Field. He was much gratified by the favourable press coverage the book received. While recovering wounded in Manchester in 1916 he received news of the Easter Rising in Dublin and the executions of nationalist leaders that followed it. Dejected, in response he wrote his best-known poem in honour of the executed nationalist leader and a close friend, Thomas McDonagh. Despite having survived harsh service in Gallipoli and Serbia, Ledwidge was killed while serving in Flanders, at Boezinge, on 31 July 1917 during the Third Battle of Ypres. He was aged 29, and was buried in Passchendaele.
Despite the renown of his war poetry, of the two hundred plus poems that he wrote only nine actually discussed the Great War to any extent.
A Soldier's Grave
Then in the lull of midnight, gentle arms Lifted him slowly down the slopes of death Lest he should hear again the mad alarms Of battle, dying moans, and painful breath. And where the earth was soft for flowers we made A grave for him that he might better rest. So, Spring shall come and leave it seet arrayed, And there the lark shall turn her dewy nest |
Ledwidge is the not the first Irish poet to be killed in the war: Tom Kettle, the nationalist MP, university lecturer and poet was previously lost in battle. The Freeman’s Journal editorialised: ‘Like every other nation, we are paying our price in the best minds of the new generation, and though Ledwidge, like Tom Kettle, fell under a different flag from Pearse, MacDonagh and Plunkett, the death of one and all leave Ireland immeasurably the poorer. It was significant that one of the poems in Ledwidge’s last volume should have been a tribute to the memory of MacDonagh… The Irish poets who have fallen in this war are a living example of the truth of John Stuart Mill’s remark that, however bitterly parties may be opposed, very little divides the best men on each side.’
August 1917
1
Pope Benedict XV makes plea for world peace on a basis of no annexation, no indemnity.
The Green Corn Rebellion, an uprising by several hundred farmers against the WWI draft, takes place in central Oklahoma.
3
‘In Co Kerry, on the anniversary of the execution of Casement, men and women, coming from all parts of the country...made a great pilgrimage to say the rosary at the place of his arrest’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.226
An address and recitation of the Rosary was made by Diarmuid Lynch and the oration delivered by Commandant Thomas Ashe at Casement Fort, Ardfert, Co. Kerry - duly reported verbatim in An Claidheamh Soluis newspaper on August 5th:
1
Pope Benedict XV makes plea for world peace on a basis of no annexation, no indemnity.
The Green Corn Rebellion, an uprising by several hundred farmers against the WWI draft, takes place in central Oklahoma.
3
‘In Co Kerry, on the anniversary of the execution of Casement, men and women, coming from all parts of the country...made a great pilgrimage to say the rosary at the place of his arrest’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.226
An address and recitation of the Rosary was made by Diarmuid Lynch and the oration delivered by Commandant Thomas Ashe at Casement Fort, Ardfert, Co. Kerry - duly reported verbatim in An Claidheamh Soluis newspaper on August 5th:
Men and Women of Kerry, it is a great honour to me to be asked to speak here today – to speak to the great gathering of the men and women of Kerry, of my native county, who have come to this fort in order to show by their presence, and to show to the world that is watching us, that we stand by the same principles that Sir Roger Casement stood by when he mounted that strand.
There are other more fitted to speak to you on this great subject than I am. There are men standing on this fort today who co-operated with Casement – men, against whom one of the charges preferred was their knowledge and their friendship and their co-operation and assistance to Casement. I do not know why it was I was selected to speak here.
Other men were sentenced to death. Men who have worked the County Kerry up to its present attitude should speak here and not I; but being invited, and not being any way “Duholough”, I will try to do my little best to put before you some of the ideals and some of the principles that Roger Casement stood for; and I will also try and tell you some of the work he did for Ireland, both in this country and countries beyond the sea.
Since my very childhood on the side of the hill or the shores of Dingle Bay I heard old native speakers of Corcaguiney tell us of the prophecy of St Columcille. The prophecy stated an O’Donnell would land on the strand at Corcaguiney; that he would land on the sands of his native land, and that he would bring liberty to the shores of Ireland, which we are sighing after for centuries. Old people in Corcaguiney looked forward to this mystical O’Donnell to land on the Strand of Corcaguiney with a powerful army and powerful armaments.
Back in the years of history many an eye similar to the eyes of the old Irish speakers in numerous other countries outside of Ireland, looked on many occasions for the mystical liberator of their country to come with the sword and the bayonet for their deliverance; and it’s no wonder that the people of Kerry thought that the deliverer would come with an army and armaments, and he did come. The mystical man of Columcille’s prophecy came; he cam unknown, but I tell you he is not unknown today.
He is not unknown today, nor will he be unknown tomorrow. He did not bring with him that great army; he brought no great powers in his train to back up his work for Irish liberty; BUT HE BROUGHT WITH HIM A LOVING HEART AND AN UNDAUNTED SPIRIT THAT WILL LIVE IN IRELAND AS LONG AS ANY MAN WILL LIVE WHO BELIEVES IN THE IRISH IDEALS OF AN IRISH REPUBLIC.
In looking back at the history of Ireland we can see clearly before our views many a landmark, many a stepping stone that leads us in our ideals and in our desires, and that screws up our courage in order that we might try to attain for Ireland what the men in the past failed to attain for our country; we look away in the distant ages of the past to the figure of the King who died in the Battle of Clontarf, and we think of the Ireland over which he ruled; and the Ireland of our ideals is a similar one.
We go down the paths of history from the days of the great Brian, and we meet with the O’Neills of Ulster; we meet the chieftains of Munster; we go through the period of Shane O’Neill and down to the days of the sacrifices of Wolfe Tone and Robert Emmet. All the stepping stones of our history are stepping stones of sacrifice – if I may use such words – and in our own age of sacrifice of life for Irish Nationality it is not completed. We had an honour from God – it was a Godly honour, and could not be called by any other name.
We have got the honour from God to live in the years that are at present, and to see men lay down their lives in the spirit of our forefathers laid down theirs. It is an honour only a few generations, and only choice generations of the people of Ireland, have got; and we should thank God that we have lived in the years of Irish Nationality, so militant and so self-sacrificing, and the last stepping stone to Irish liberty was laid down last year – the martyrs of Easter Week and the martyrdom of the beautiful and honourable Casement.
Previous landmarks of our history are dimmed through the passing of many long years; but, the one that is close by, the one that you and I know of, that will be the last stepping stone to the complete and absolute independence of our country. Men would ask some years ago who was Roger Casement?
Roger Casement was born on 1st September in the year 1864. In his early manhood he went into the service of England, where many a good Irishman, through economic reasons, has often to go. For twenty one years of his life he served England, and, during these twenty one years of his life, he felt himself as much in bondage and in chains as he did during his stay in Pentonville Prison last year. I will be able to read for you an extract from one of his letters – one of his letters written in 1914 to a friend of his.
He speaks of his work for England in one of the Republics of South America as a consul General. He said, regarding his work in those far away districts in the southern world – “ALL THAT I EVER DID THAT WAS UNSELFISH AND CHIVALROUS IN PUBLIC LIFE, AND I HAVE STRIVEN TO DO BOTH IN ALL MY PUBLIC SERVICE, HAS BEEN DONE WITH THE IMAGE OF IRELAND BEFORE ME”.
There was Casement wandering over the prairies of South America, wandering over the free Republics of the southern world, with a vision of Ireland, bound in chains, always before his gaze. Imagine how he felt as he went amongst free people, and lived his life in countries while his brain rang with the thought of her bound in chains, with no hopes – no visible hopes – of ever breaking through, no wonder that his solicitude and exile in those countries, swept away his strength and wore away his health, and forced him into retirement in the prime of life.
We can understand the noble and chivalrous heart of Casement bursting with desire to come back to his native land – for there was now a young Ireland that has been reborn in the previous dozen years – to come back and throw his weight in with men who were working and striving to place Irish Nationality on a strong foundation.
“All”, he says, “I have striven for during all my public life has been done with the image of Ireland before me. I looked to Ireland for my ideals when I went to find Leopold on the Congo, and the rubber contractors, and PLEASE GOD, HE SAYS “BEFORE I DIE WE WILL DO SOMETHING FOR IRELAND” – and we have it from God’s own Son that no man can do a greater thing for his friends than lay down his life. And you will see that God has honoured Casement when he called on him to shed his blood for Ireland; to shed his blood in charity and love for the liberty of his people.
During my stay in America in 1914, I had the honour of meeting Casement on a few occasions. At the time he was weak and he was frail in health, but his weakness did not prevent him from touring the States in order to raise funds to arm the Volunteers of Ireland. I was present at the Convention of the ancient Order of Hibernians of Norfolk City, Virginia, when Casement spoke before 4,000 delegates from all parts of the States. He appealed at this time for funds, to arm and equip the Volunteers in Ireland, and a resolution was passed by the delegates in answer to his appeal, pledging themselves to raise in America 400,000 dollars for the purpose of arming and equipping the Volunteers.
The Irish in America clearly saw that Casement’s and the Volunteers’ Leaders only hope of saving the soul of Ireland – to save Ireland from sinking into slavery, and to save the young men of Ireland from being murdered on the plains of Flanders, in order that England might live – they saw that the only guarantee to save the honour of Ireland before the nations of the world was to arm the young men of Ireland.
And the answer to his appeal at the time, showed that the Irish in America, understanding what freedom means, and understanding the only means of acquiring and protecting liberty and freedom, shoveled out their dollars to Casement in order that Ireland might be preserved from tyranny of the Jews and money lenders of London who are at present running the world war.
After his visit to America, Casement, as you know, departed for Germany, that he might get the assistance of the Central Powers to help Ireland to gain the liberty that we have been yearning over for years. We know a good deal about the work of Casement in Germany.
We know one fact that will stand for ever; one fact that Casement is more responsible for than any other Irishman, and that is, the Central Powers, publicly, are pledged to see, that, before peace is declared, and the peace conference is settled, in the new world that will exist after the present was, that Ireland will be one of the free nations of Europe. Ireland’s enemies were Casement’s enemies, and we know how he was brought up before a bench of London Judges.
England believed, and I believe she had a good right for that belief, that a judge and jury could not be found in Ireland to convict Casement of High Treason to his own country. Therefore, they took him to England to convict him of High Treason to England. And they found him guilty, and I think we, today, should ring out our voices and let them be heard from one corner of Ireland to the other, we should shout to the judges of London that Casement was guilty of high treason to England.
There are many things I would like to say to you, but I will read for you a few remarks on Casement’s death that were written in one of the leading newspapers in America. I will show you clearly what these American people thought of the sacrifice of Casement’s life for Ireland. The remarks appeared in a leading paragraph, and they recorded that the English government’s dealing with the Irish people for 300 years had been one long story of tyranny and incredible stupidity; and we believe that the sober judgement of history will rank the hanging of Roger Casement amongst the chief governmental crimes and blunders.
That is what the Irish Americans thought of the sacrifice of Casement’s life for Ireland. But the ministry, when it had Roger Casement in its grip, resolved to put him to death, and the hangman performed his loathsome function; and listen to what the American Journal says – “and that day the brutal empire lost Ireland for ever.”
This article finishes up and says: –
“That a country that can provide patriots to die gladly and cheerfully for the cause of liberty and the common good proves to mankind its right to freedom and the government of its own country by its own people.”
The voice of each succeeding patriot and martyr ringing from the scaffold is but another call – a trumpet call to the generations that are to come. The attempt which is meant to strike terror into the hearts of patriots reveals only a fierce resolve to be ever more determined to resist all that tyranny can do to crush the spirit of liberty.
Roger Casement, it says, is not dead. Sir Roger Casement still lives. The English gaolers can bury his body – but his soul lives. He has escaped, and is now where no one can reach him. He lives in Irish hearts a hero. No Scotland Yard men can lay hands on him there. His sacrifice reiterated and renewed the old desire for freedom, and the old spirit of nationality that was left latent in the minds of the Irish Race. I will finish by telling you that, coupled with the sacrifice of the men who were murdered in Kilmainham Gaol.
A few minutes ago when Captain Lynch recited the rosary here before us, I was glad that our meeting took place on Sunday that you might merge your prayers in his. He read out five glorious Mysteries of the rosary; the Mystery of the Resurrection and the Ascension, and it was meet and fitting that these should be the Mysteries of the rosary that we prayed before Heaven today, because you will agree, and everyone will agree, that the resurrection has taken place in the life of Ireland; and let us pray that the resurrection that has taken place in Ireland will never die, will never cease to live until liberty and freedom we have fought and striven for will be ours.
Some men here, I am sure, know more about “Fionn McCumhail” than I do. On one occasion the enemies of “Fionn McCumhail” held him in slavery, and there was but one way in cutting the chains, and that was by sprinkling them in blood. I believe that the sprinkling of the blood of the martyrs of Easter Week is wearing away the chains that have bound Ireland. Our opponents tell us we are criminal idealists. You can see that the men of Easter Week were the most practical Nationalists that ever lived in Ireland for the last 100 years.
There was no dreaming about them or idealism but the dreams and ideals of absolute Irish liberty, and they worked for it and placed it on a foundation that it will never again be taken down from. I had the pleasure during Easter Week – in fact I think it was Wednesday of Easter Week – of receiving a dispatch from Jim Connolly, who commanded in Dublin. His dispatch said, amongst other things: – “The Republican flag still flies triumphantly over Dublin City. There will be glorious days for Ireland yet”. Will you mark these words, my friends? Will you mark the words of Connolly; take them to your heart and think of the mind of the man who saw clearly behind the barricades of Dublin streets, that there would be glorious days for Ireland yet.
Pearse and McDermott told me that the Republican Flag flies triumphantly over Dublin, and that they never withdrew those words. The Republican Flag still today flies over Dublin City, and still flies over every county in Ireland, and any forces of Great Britain, and any army of England, will not drive the tri-colour flag from the hills and fields of Ireland. It is there, and not only can we see it with our eyes, but we can feel it with our minds, because I have seen since I was liberated that there is a tri-colour in the mind of every young man and every young woman from North to South, and from East to West, and though they may tear them down from the house tops, they can never obliterate the tri-colour nor the blood of Easter Week from the minds of the young men of Ireland.
The last words, practically, the last words to his comrades, were told to half a dozen of our boys in Kilmainham by P.H. Pearse on the night before his execution. He told them in Kilmainham Gaol “that the insurrection was a success. We have gained what we were out for. The Irish question is no longer a British imperial question. It is now an International one. Ireland, since Easter Week, has made the Irish question an International one, and you are to keep it an International one here today, and do the same tomorrow, so that no measure of liberty for Ireland will be accepted by the Irish people unless it is guaranteed by the nations of Europe.
Don’t take the pledge of any one nation as guarantee of your liberty. The nations of Europe will guarantee whatever liberty will be accepted by the people of Ireland. If you do that you will be following the path laid down for you by Casement in his work in the United States of America, and in his work in Germany and Austria, and if you accept any half measure you will be working absolutely in opposition to the law and rules laid down by Casement and laid down by Pearse for the people of Ireland.
Those martyrs, who laid down their lives for Ireland, as the American newspapers stated, are not dead. They are living with us today more than they ever did before. It is only fitting that we should honour their memories, and their is only one way of honouring their memories, and that is to help to forward the policy and principles that these men died for in 1916. They knew it was an honour to lay down their lives for Ireland, and many of their friends knew likewise.
I cannot finish my advice to you today without telling you of the words of a mother of one of the boys who dies at Ashbourne, on Easter Week of last year. In our side there were two men killed; one patriot from Lusk, a fine manly fellow, who ran from his work to take up his rifle when we sent out the call. His body was taken to Ashbourne, and the women of Meath, who had heard the rifles ringing the whole long day, were in the house with the body of young Rafferty.
They stepped aside when his mother entered, trembling in fear and sorrow for the young fellow who lost his life, and for the mother, an old woman. She entered and looked at the dead body of her son, and moved the long locks and, looking up towards Heaven, she said – “Thank God it is for Ireland you dies”. Now, say rosaries for Casement, for the dead men of Easter Week, echo out the prayer of this woman of Lusk; cry out to Heaven:- “Thank God it is for Ireland they died”.
Article originally published in An Claidheamh Soluis on: Sunday 5th August 1917
4
The IRB Oireachtas was held in Waterford.
During secret meetings in the city, it was decided that Republican 'hardliners' such as Michael Collins, Diarmuid Lynch, Sean McGarry and others would be proposed and supported for election to both Sinn Féin and the Executive of the Irish Volunteers in an effort to strenghten and extend the IRB's grip on these organisations. Lynch was also elected as Treasurer to the Supreme Council, IRB.
Shortly afterwards, both Lynch and McGarry were proposed and duly elected by large majorities to the Executive of the Irish Volunteers.
U Boat C44 sank off the mouth of the Suir while mine laying. Little detail was known until years later when the Cork Examiner in September 1939 carried it's story:
“ Lt. Commander Kurt Tebbenjohanes of the U-boat c44 to the South Coast of Ireland to take part in the German attempt to blockade all the Irish harbours by placing a layer of mines at their mouth. U44 was laying mines across the mouth of the Suir and while waiting for the relief submarine around midnight, it struck one of it’s own mines, sinking the crews quarters holding 21 men. Within hours, 18 had died while an escape attempt by three, the Commander, Senior Petty Officer and apprentice engineer Walter Richter suceeded. As they swam towards the Hook Lighthouse, two drowned leaving Tebbenjohanns as the only survivor. He was spotted by a small boat and rescued after managing to remove his uniform and papers. While recovering in Dunmore, his Iron Cross fell from his pocket and soon he was informed he was to be a prisoner of war. He was taken by two detectives to Cork and from there shipped to the Colstdale Camp in Yorkshire.
The body of Richter was found a few days after the incident and lies buried in DrumCannon cemetery a young victim of the Great War buried in a country not his own. The bodies of the other 18 Germans – found in the submarine when it was raised by a British warship and towed into Dunmore – were buried at sea.
After experts had examined the C.44 for information, it was taken out towards the harbour mouth to be dumped. However the job was started when a small gale was blowing, and it was bungled. Instead of being dumped at sea, it broke free and sank in the river mouth. In that position it constituted a menace to all ships coming up the river, and the Admiralty experts were often requested to take it away. This they failed to do – as it would have been a very expensive job of work. So the C.44 remained in the estuary of the River Suir till the end of 1930, when the harbour authorities sent a diver down to the wreck to place a powerful time-bomb inside it, finally destroying it.
The Cork Examiner – Saturday 30th September 1939.
New York: A remarkable story came to light of a young woman who, disguised as an American soldier, travelled aboard a United States transport bound for France, and was only discovered when the vessel was three days out in the Atlantic. The young women was Mrs Hazel Carter, wife of Corporal John Carter of Douglas, Arizona. She was described as ‘Private Hazel Carter, of the United States Army, retired, the first American soldier to come back from France'. The woman was not permitted to land in France, however, and returned to the United States as a military prisoner, but has been released. She had tried to join the Red Cross in order to be near her husband, but failing in this she cut her hair short, donned khaki, and boarded the troop train at the rear just as it pulled out of Douglas, her husband being in the front portion with his company.
5
De Valera in a speech in Kilkenny, reported by the R.I.C, said that the Irish should first battle England with votes and then, if that failed, with rifles. He also ended his relationship with the I.R.B., wanting the movement to be open and that no one who accepted public responsibility as an elected representative ought to be subject to secret control.
De Valera attempted to persuade Harry Boland and Austin Stack to leave the I.R.B. but both opted to remain.
6
De Valera in a speech at Ruane, attempted to reconcile differences that had arisen between Sinn Fein and the Volunteers by saying that the Sinn Fein clubs were now the political arm and the Irish Volunteers, the military arm of the separatist movement
7
London: Parents in England have pleaded for the return of their one surviving son from war. With two of her sons already killed in the fighting, the mother wrote to Mr Will Crooks MP, imploring him to help in having her last son returned from the war. ‘He is the only thing we have in the world,’ she wrote. ‘Surely we have done enough and are not asking too much to have our only boy back?’ This heartbreaking appeal was forwarded by Mr Crooks to the War Office.
Preparations began for a Sinn Féin convention (or more correctly 'Ard Fheis' to be held in October. Apart from electing a new officer board, the main focus of the Ard Fheis would be to pass a new constitution for the party. The move away from Arthur Griffith's Dual Monarchy towards republican principles was to cause much acrimonious debate between Griffith and Brugha especially. The debate focused on monarchism and republicanism. At one stage, the republicans walked out, with de Valera succeeding in bringing them back and agreeing a compromise. This was that the aim of Sinn Féin would be to secure international recognition for Ireland as an independent republic and when that was achieved that the Irish people could decide for themselves which form of government they wished.
11
New York: Between five and six thousand people attended a Friends of Irish Freedom meeting in the city (Gaelic American 18 August 1917)
Diarmuid Lynch, along with De Valera, Tomas Ashe, Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy began re-organising the Irish Volunteers. At around this time, Lynch, Ashe, Michael Collins and Con Collins also began drawing up a new constitution for the IRB.
13
Dublin: 9,323 people died from tuberculosis (TB) in Ireland in 1916.
That figure was revealed with the publication of the 53rd Annual Report of the Registrar-General for Ireland. The report provides vital statistics of the reality of life in Ireland and of the Irish experience. In 1916, for instance, there were 22,245 marriages registered in Ireland, which equated to a rate of 5.13 per 1,000 of the estimated population. This rate is 0.44 below that of 1915 and only 0.11 below the average for the 10 years from 1906 to 1915.
There were 91,437 births in 1916, 47,161 of them of them boys and 44,276 of the girls. And there were more people born than died; 71,391 deaths were registered in Ireland, 35,975 of them men and 35,416 women.
The death rate from TB was equivalent to 2.15 per 1,000 of the population. With the exception of the years 1912, 1913 and 1914, the rate for 1916 was the lowest recorded in Ireland, although it still remains higher than that in England and Wales – where the rate was 1.53 per 1,000 – and for Scotland – where the rate was 1.59 per 1,000 – in 1916.
Dublin Metropolitan Police charge book for August 1917 (below) shows prisoner 291 Austin Stack and prisoner 292 J.J.Walsh and charged under the Defence of the Realm Act.
Source: Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP) Prisoners Books
Abstract: The Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP) Prisoners Books for 1905-1908 and 1911-1918 are amongst the most valuable new documents to come to light on the revolutionary decade. They include important information on social and political life in the capital during the last years of the Union, from the period of widespread anticipation of Home Rule, to the advent of the 1913 Lockout, the outbreak of the First World War, the Easter Rising and its aftermath, including the conscription crisis of 1918. They will also be invaluable to those interested in criminology, genealogy, and family history.
https://doi.org/10.7925/drs1.ucdlib_43945
Source: Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP) Prisoners Books
Abstract: The Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP) Prisoners Books for 1905-1908 and 1911-1918 are amongst the most valuable new documents to come to light on the revolutionary decade. They include important information on social and political life in the capital during the last years of the Union, from the period of widespread anticipation of Home Rule, to the advent of the 1913 Lockout, the outbreak of the First World War, the Easter Rising and its aftermath, including the conscription crisis of 1918. They will also be invaluable to those interested in criminology, genealogy, and family history.
https://doi.org/10.7925/drs1.ucdlib_43945
London: The number of casualties from air raids since the start of the war now reached 691 dead, with a further 11,819 injured.
There had been 66 air raids on the British coast since the war began, the latest coming on August 12 when, at 5.15pm, a squadron of 20 enemy aeroplanes was reported off Felixstowe. The squadron then divided, one part heading south towards Margate and the other heading in the direction of Southend. Bombs were dropped on both towns and on surrounding areas.
"At present, eight men, nine women and six children have been reported killed in yesterday’s attacks, with at least 50 injured."
14:
Alderman William Cosgrave was elected 772 votes to the Irish Parliamentary Party candidate and former mayor of Kilkenny, John Magennis 392 in the Kilkenny City by-election.
The size of Cosgrave’s majority was unsurprising to observers of the polling day activities of the two campaigns: Sinn Féin colours predominated by a margin of 3 to 1 among the motorcars that were bringing rural voters to the polls. News of Cosgrave’s victory was met with celebrations across Kilkenny and beyond. Bonfires were lit and 700 messages of congratulations were received, among them one from Rev. M.J. McGrath, CC, who telegraphed from England: ‘God bless Kilkenny. Knock-out blow to Party. Exiles proud of you.’
Following the declaration of the result, W.T. Cosgrave returned to Dublin where several thousand people came out to greet him at Kingsbridge Station. Dan McCarthy, who travelled from Kilkenny to Kingsbridge with Mr Cosgrave, said that the people of that city had ‘sent a message to the bogus Convention that Ireland would have no patched up peace. Their demand was for a free and independent Ireland. That was the issue they had put before the electors, who had endorsed that claim.’ Then, to cheers, he added: ‘When Dublin got the chance it would do the likewise. When the opportunity came they would sweep the members of the Irish party from public life. Indeed, they deserved to be swept out of the country altogether.’
The sense of jubilation was not universal, however. The Irish Parliamentary Party-aligned Freeman’s Journal described the result as yet another repudiation of a policy of constitutional settlement with Great Britain. The paper has voiced scepticism as to how many of the 700 who voted for Cosgrave in Kilkenny were ‘prepared to pass from pencils to action’, assuming that the large percentage of them had no intention of ‘risking their persons or their property in such a fashion. They would not sacrifice a toe-nail to bring the Republic within the domain of practical politics.’ Moreover, the Freeman’s Journal believes the recklessness of Sinn Féin’s promise to free Ireland, ‘so far as it is realisable at all, means civil war’.
There had been 66 air raids on the British coast since the war began, the latest coming on August 12 when, at 5.15pm, a squadron of 20 enemy aeroplanes was reported off Felixstowe. The squadron then divided, one part heading south towards Margate and the other heading in the direction of Southend. Bombs were dropped on both towns and on surrounding areas.
"At present, eight men, nine women and six children have been reported killed in yesterday’s attacks, with at least 50 injured."
14:
Alderman William Cosgrave was elected 772 votes to the Irish Parliamentary Party candidate and former mayor of Kilkenny, John Magennis 392 in the Kilkenny City by-election.
The size of Cosgrave’s majority was unsurprising to observers of the polling day activities of the two campaigns: Sinn Féin colours predominated by a margin of 3 to 1 among the motorcars that were bringing rural voters to the polls. News of Cosgrave’s victory was met with celebrations across Kilkenny and beyond. Bonfires were lit and 700 messages of congratulations were received, among them one from Rev. M.J. McGrath, CC, who telegraphed from England: ‘God bless Kilkenny. Knock-out blow to Party. Exiles proud of you.’
Following the declaration of the result, W.T. Cosgrave returned to Dublin where several thousand people came out to greet him at Kingsbridge Station. Dan McCarthy, who travelled from Kilkenny to Kingsbridge with Mr Cosgrave, said that the people of that city had ‘sent a message to the bogus Convention that Ireland would have no patched up peace. Their demand was for a free and independent Ireland. That was the issue they had put before the electors, who had endorsed that claim.’ Then, to cheers, he added: ‘When Dublin got the chance it would do the likewise. When the opportunity came they would sweep the members of the Irish party from public life. Indeed, they deserved to be swept out of the country altogether.’
The sense of jubilation was not universal, however. The Irish Parliamentary Party-aligned Freeman’s Journal described the result as yet another repudiation of a policy of constitutional settlement with Great Britain. The paper has voiced scepticism as to how many of the 700 who voted for Cosgrave in Kilkenny were ‘prepared to pass from pencils to action’, assuming that the large percentage of them had no intention of ‘risking their persons or their property in such a fashion. They would not sacrifice a toe-nail to bring the Republic within the domain of practical politics.’ Moreover, the Freeman’s Journal believes the recklessness of Sinn Féin’s promise to free Ireland, ‘so far as it is realisable at all, means civil war’.
Thomas Ashe, who had accompanied Diarmuid Lynch on the Gaelic League visit to America in 1914, and also fought in the Rising, was among the 84 republicans arrested, tried and jailed throughout the country.
New York:
John Devoy stressed the need for an America wide efficient organisation to lobby Irish interests on Capitol Hill and to direct Irish American support for the independence of Ireland. ‘ The size and capacity of the organisation, must bear some proportion to the magnitude of the task undertaken, and here again the failure to build up such an organisation emphasises the necessity for such an organisation.’
Florence O'Donoghue editor of ‘The I.R.B. and the 1916 Rising’ by Diarmuid Lynch. Mercier Press. 1957. p192.
Meanwhile, younger Irish American activists were openly discussing that the Clan was too old and too compromised to function efficiently and effectively as the voice for Irish Freedom in the US. There was growing disillusion within the Friends of Irish Freedom and other nationalist groups with the apparent ulta-Americanism and seeming inactivity of both John Devoy and Judge Cohalan's leadership on Irish-American issues and in particular, Irish issues. Meetings and discussions followed, leading to the formation of a new group in October 1917, named 'The Irish Progressive League'.
China at war with Germany and Austria-Hungary.
In view of the re-arrests of leading Republican’s throughout Ireland, Diarmuid Lynch, in a letter to the United States Consulate in Cobh, proposed calling to the Consulate regarding his passport and is understood to have had it renewed.
15
Dublin: Thomas Ashe was charged with ‘speeches calculated to cause disaffection’ and sentenced by court martial to one years imprisonment with hard labour and placed among the criminals in Mountjoy Jail. Already there were Dick Coleman and Austin Stack
The Tsar and family are moved to Siberia.
Canadian troops capture Hill 70, dominating Lens.
Jack Lynch, former Taoiseach of Ireland (1966-73 & 1977-79), government minister (Gaeltacht, Education, Industry & Commerce, Finance) and leader of Fianna Fáil (1966-79) born in Cork.
16
Pope Benedict XV proposed a peace plan that restores German overseas territory in return for the occupied territories in France, Belgium and Poland.
Armagh: John Dillon issued a strong defence of the proposed partition of Ireland.
The veteran Irish Party MP travelled to Armagh to fulfil a long-standing commitment to address a large gathering of Nationalists at the Town Hall, where branches of the United Irish League and the Ancient Order of Hibernians voiced their confidence in the Irish Parliamentary Party and the cause of Irish constitutionalism. In his contribution to the meeting, Mr Dillon focused on the issue of partition, defending the approach that his party had taken in previous years. The approach taken, he suggested, was dictated by necessity and by a recognition of political realities.
‘The Irish Party were face to face in 1914 with this political issue, and with the fact that if they did not make some concession on it the Liberal Party would be broken up, the army would have revolted, and a general election would have taken place, in which the Home Rule Bill would have been staved off, and they would have had to begin again....The Irish Party wanted to consider the matter, and accepted it on three conditions – first of all, that partition must be strictly limited and independent of time; secondly, that the Government gave them an absolute pledge that if they made this concession of six years’ county option that they would carry Home Rule through no matter what Ulster did, and at any cost, and that they should not discuss the matter until the men of Ulster had been consulted.’
The Irish Party had sent a delegation to discuss these proposals with the nationalists of Ulster who directed them to accept the proposals. Dillon added that he was ‘surprised and pained’ at some of the opposition from bishops and priests as the Irish Party ‘would never have touched partition if those bishops had not asked them to do so’.
Dillon went on to detail the development of thinking on Home Rule and partition since the outbreak of war and claimed that his own party had been misrepresented in relation to the negotiations that took place in July 1916. Dillon remained confident in the prospects of delivering Home Rule – ‘England was now practically solid in favour’ – and in the maintenance of the island’s unity, announcing to cheers that ‘Partition was as dead as Queen Anne, and no party would ever again revive it’.
John Devoy stressed the need for an America wide efficient organisation to lobby Irish interests on Capitol Hill and to direct Irish American support for the independence of Ireland. ‘ The size and capacity of the organisation, must bear some proportion to the magnitude of the task undertaken, and here again the failure to build up such an organisation emphasises the necessity for such an organisation.’
Florence O'Donoghue editor of ‘The I.R.B. and the 1916 Rising’ by Diarmuid Lynch. Mercier Press. 1957. p192.
Meanwhile, younger Irish American activists were openly discussing that the Clan was too old and too compromised to function efficiently and effectively as the voice for Irish Freedom in the US. There was growing disillusion within the Friends of Irish Freedom and other nationalist groups with the apparent ulta-Americanism and seeming inactivity of both John Devoy and Judge Cohalan's leadership on Irish-American issues and in particular, Irish issues. Meetings and discussions followed, leading to the formation of a new group in October 1917, named 'The Irish Progressive League'.
China at war with Germany and Austria-Hungary.
In view of the re-arrests of leading Republican’s throughout Ireland, Diarmuid Lynch, in a letter to the United States Consulate in Cobh, proposed calling to the Consulate regarding his passport and is understood to have had it renewed.
15
Dublin: Thomas Ashe was charged with ‘speeches calculated to cause disaffection’ and sentenced by court martial to one years imprisonment with hard labour and placed among the criminals in Mountjoy Jail. Already there were Dick Coleman and Austin Stack
The Tsar and family are moved to Siberia.
Canadian troops capture Hill 70, dominating Lens.
Jack Lynch, former Taoiseach of Ireland (1966-73 & 1977-79), government minister (Gaeltacht, Education, Industry & Commerce, Finance) and leader of Fianna Fáil (1966-79) born in Cork.
16
Pope Benedict XV proposed a peace plan that restores German overseas territory in return for the occupied territories in France, Belgium and Poland.
Armagh: John Dillon issued a strong defence of the proposed partition of Ireland.
The veteran Irish Party MP travelled to Armagh to fulfil a long-standing commitment to address a large gathering of Nationalists at the Town Hall, where branches of the United Irish League and the Ancient Order of Hibernians voiced their confidence in the Irish Parliamentary Party and the cause of Irish constitutionalism. In his contribution to the meeting, Mr Dillon focused on the issue of partition, defending the approach that his party had taken in previous years. The approach taken, he suggested, was dictated by necessity and by a recognition of political realities.
‘The Irish Party were face to face in 1914 with this political issue, and with the fact that if they did not make some concession on it the Liberal Party would be broken up, the army would have revolted, and a general election would have taken place, in which the Home Rule Bill would have been staved off, and they would have had to begin again....The Irish Party wanted to consider the matter, and accepted it on three conditions – first of all, that partition must be strictly limited and independent of time; secondly, that the Government gave them an absolute pledge that if they made this concession of six years’ county option that they would carry Home Rule through no matter what Ulster did, and at any cost, and that they should not discuss the matter until the men of Ulster had been consulted.’
The Irish Party had sent a delegation to discuss these proposals with the nationalists of Ulster who directed them to accept the proposals. Dillon added that he was ‘surprised and pained’ at some of the opposition from bishops and priests as the Irish Party ‘would never have touched partition if those bishops had not asked them to do so’.
Dillon went on to detail the development of thinking on Home Rule and partition since the outbreak of war and claimed that his own party had been misrepresented in relation to the negotiations that took place in July 1916. Dillon remained confident in the prospects of delivering Home Rule – ‘England was now practically solid in favour’ – and in the maintenance of the island’s unity, announcing to cheers that ‘Partition was as dead as Queen Anne, and no party would ever again revive it’.
17
The Kaiser backs Pope Benedict XV’s peace plan.
The Irish Convention
The Irish Convention re-convened in Trinity College.
Three main groups soon became evident. The Nationalists led by Redmond and included Joseph Devlin, Stephen Gwynn, J. J. Clancy and T. J. Harbison, to these came the four Catholic bishops and representatives from local government bodies. The second group was the Ulster Unionists with H. T. Barrie MP as their chairman, followed by the third group, the Southern Unionists led by Lord Midleton. A handful of delegates were unaligned such as Martin Murphy proprietor and director of the Irish Independent, Lysaght and Russell ("Æ"). It was hoped to draw up a scheme in which the various viewpoints expressed would meet the Prime Minister's stipulation that the future government of Ireland would be within the Empire.
Plunkett followed an agenda during the first six-week "Presentation Phase" focused on matters commanding near unanimity, which narrowed the question of where differences were most. Delegates were given the freedom to become acquainted on a social basis which helped breakdown some suspicion between Protestant and Catholic, augmented by invitations from the Mayors of Cork and Belfast to hold presentations during the eighteen initial sittings, twelve in Dublin, three in Belfast and three in Cork.
In Belfast and Cork Redmond spoke at length on the perils of a breakdown, making many proposals on which agreement could be reached – adding on conclusion "Far better for us and for the Empire never to have met than to have met and failed of an agreement." The Catholic prelates, wishing to avoid conflict spoke on fiscal and economic matters, and disregarded what most Ulster Protestants wished to hear, some indication that the Church might modify what they regarded as her unreasonable insistence upon absolute clerical control and rigid denominational segregation in the schools. Archbishop Harty made it clear, that in this area where they could have eased tensions, they had no intention of departing from their hardline attitudes, which many Protestants believed fostered animosities which later blocked a settlement.
18
Thomas Ashe was arrested on foot of a warrant issued under regulation 42 of the Defence of the Realm Act namely, ’’attempting to cause disaffection among the civilian population at Ballinalee Co. Longford on 25th July 1917 by speaking and publishing certain words & speeches likely to cause disaffection’’. Also charged with the same offence in Ballinalee on the same day was Michael Collins, both men continued speaking tours of the country but while Collins managed to evaded arrest Ashe did not.
Ashe knew there was a warrant out for his arrest and while in Dublin he had been staying in Batt O’Connor’s home at 1 Brendan Road Donnybrook. On Saturday the 18th, Ashe went into central Dublin to buy a wedding present for the sister of a friend Micheál Ó Foghludha which he then delivered to 5 Cabra Road. Later in the evening while waiting for the Donnybrook tram near Nelsons pillar in the city centre, Ashe was arrested by two plain cloths detectives. He was detained overnight in the Bridewell police station on Chancery Place before being taken on the 19th under military guard to the Curragh Camp in County Kildare.
19
Italians cross the Isonzo and take Austrian positions.
20
Western Front: French break through German lines at Verdun, taking 4,000 prisoners.
Third Battle of Ypres
Haig, ever confident that the British forces were on the verge of a breaktrhough, approved with Robertson the launch of what was to become known as The Third Battle of Ypres. The plan was to break through the lines and sweep through the northern plains and swing north to the sea. Despite warnings that the recent double average rainfall and shelling would turn the area into a sea of mud, it began with over 4 million rounds of shells being fired into German lines. The end result was some 300-400,000 German & British deaths in what was regarded by ‘ all the combatants on either side as the culmination of horror’ . Men simply drowned in the sea of mud. The Generals in Whitehall regarded it as a success, after all, the losses were far fewer than the Somme two months previously.
Limerick: The Bishop of Limerick, Dr Edward Thomas O’Dwyer, died. An outspoken nationalist, Dr O’Dwyer‘s death has been greeted with dismay in certain political circles.
Speaking at a large Sinn Féin meeting in Tipperary, Éamon de Valera, the recently elected MP for East Clare, paid tribute to the late Bishop: ‘As long as there are Bishops such as Dr O’Dwyer, there will never be anti-clericalism in this land. A man like Dr O’Dwyer was a model Irish bishop.’
Dr O’Dwyer was born at Holycross, Co. Tipperary in 1842 and, after his family moved to Limerick, he was educated by the Christian Brothers, and later by the Jesuits at St Munchin’s. He entered Maynooth College in 1860. On being ordained a priest in 1867, his first appointment was as Professor at St Munchin’s Seminary, where he became identified with the cause of Catholic education. For over 20 years, Fr O’Dwyer worked as a curate in Rathkeale, Adare, Newcastle, Briff and Shanagolden before, finally, being transferred to the curacy of the city of Limerick. Here, he championed temperance causes and established the Catholic Literary Institute of Limerick. In 1886, he was appointed as Bishop of Limerick, consecrated at a ceremony at St John’s Cathedral by the Most Rev. Dr Croke, Archbishop of Cashel. In recent times Dr O’Dwyer had made headlines for his staunch nationalist views. An early supporter of Butt’s Home Rule policy, he was a strong backer of the Irish Party but never an uncritical one, particularly in recent years. In letter after letter since the onset of war and the rebellion of 1916, Dr O’Dwyer has denounced the party’s policy and the proposal to partition of Ireland. He had also raised his voice against the mistreatment of the Irish emigrants at Liverpool and in opposition to the punitive measure implemented in the aftermath of the Rising.
Western Front: French break through German lines at Verdun, taking 4,000 prisoners.
Third Battle of Ypres
Haig, ever confident that the British forces were on the verge of a breaktrhough, approved with Robertson the launch of what was to become known as The Third Battle of Ypres. The plan was to break through the lines and sweep through the northern plains and swing north to the sea. Despite warnings that the recent double average rainfall and shelling would turn the area into a sea of mud, it began with over 4 million rounds of shells being fired into German lines. The end result was some 300-400,000 German & British deaths in what was regarded by ‘ all the combatants on either side as the culmination of horror’ . Men simply drowned in the sea of mud. The Generals in Whitehall regarded it as a success, after all, the losses were far fewer than the Somme two months previously.
Limerick: The Bishop of Limerick, Dr Edward Thomas O’Dwyer, died. An outspoken nationalist, Dr O’Dwyer‘s death has been greeted with dismay in certain political circles.
Speaking at a large Sinn Féin meeting in Tipperary, Éamon de Valera, the recently elected MP for East Clare, paid tribute to the late Bishop: ‘As long as there are Bishops such as Dr O’Dwyer, there will never be anti-clericalism in this land. A man like Dr O’Dwyer was a model Irish bishop.’
Dr O’Dwyer was born at Holycross, Co. Tipperary in 1842 and, after his family moved to Limerick, he was educated by the Christian Brothers, and later by the Jesuits at St Munchin’s. He entered Maynooth College in 1860. On being ordained a priest in 1867, his first appointment was as Professor at St Munchin’s Seminary, where he became identified with the cause of Catholic education. For over 20 years, Fr O’Dwyer worked as a curate in Rathkeale, Adare, Newcastle, Briff and Shanagolden before, finally, being transferred to the curacy of the city of Limerick. Here, he championed temperance causes and established the Catholic Literary Institute of Limerick. In 1886, he was appointed as Bishop of Limerick, consecrated at a ceremony at St John’s Cathedral by the Most Rev. Dr Croke, Archbishop of Cashel. In recent times Dr O’Dwyer had made headlines for his staunch nationalist views. An early supporter of Butt’s Home Rule policy, he was a strong backer of the Irish Party but never an uncritical one, particularly in recent years. In letter after letter since the onset of war and the rebellion of 1916, Dr O’Dwyer has denounced the party’s policy and the proposal to partition of Ireland. He had also raised his voice against the mistreatment of the Irish emigrants at Liverpool and in opposition to the punitive measure implemented in the aftermath of the Rising.
21
London: The British Secretary of State for India has made an important statement on the future government that country.
Responding to a parliamentary question on the British Government’s intended policy towards India, Mr Edwin Montagu told the House of Commons that the policy, with which the Government of India were in complete accord, was to increase the ‘association of Indians in every branch of the Administration and the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive realisation of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire.’
Mr Montague added that this policy could only be achieved in stages. He said: ‘The British Government and the Government of India, in whom the responsibility lies for the welfare and advancement of the Indian peoples, must be the judges of the time and measure of each advance, and they must be guided by co-operation received from those on whom new opportunities of service will thus be conferred, and by the extent to which it is found that confidence can be reposed in their sense of responsibility.’ It is thought that this plan, at least in part, is a reward for the Indian people’s contribution to the war effort.
Dublin: A scarcity of tea supplies has resulted in extraordinary scenes in the streets of Dublin in recent days. Crowds besieged shops in almost every thoroughfare of Dublin on Saturday in quest of tea supplies. Queues four deep blocked pathways outside grocers’ shops and police were called to regulate the crowds. Hundreds of spectators congregated on the streets, attracted by the unusual scenes of men, women and children struggling and pushing to gain access to the shops.
On South Georges Street, people became so unruly that Messrs. Becker were forced to pull down the shutters of their shop.
Elsewhere in the city, tea was sold in smaller amounts than usual so as to cater to the greatest number of customers possible. Special dispensation was made to people known to have large families. Sir Thomas Lipton has stated that there was plenty of tea awaiting to be shipped from India, but it has been held up by freightage difficulties. Across the United Kingdom, there is at present six weeks supply of tea remaining. An editorial in the Irish Times has highlighted the current shortages as being of ‘serious importance to Ireland, where tea constitutes a considerable factor in the food of the people’.
Dublin: Arms and ammunition held by the Irish National Volunteers were the target for a country-wide campaign of raids and seizures by the military and police authorities. Explaining the raids, an official statement read that the seizures had taken place to prevent the arms falling into ‘undesirable hands’ and that the authorities would keep the weapons in custody ‘on behalf of the owners’. It went on to say that the actions were taken ‘in view of recent events’ and ‘for the purposes of securing the public safety’.
The seizures took place, for the most part, in the early hours of the morning and were not accompanied by arrests. Among the more notable raids was that on the Irish National Volunteers’ headquarters at 44 Parnell Square in Dublin where 20 constables, a military Lt. Col and another officer entered the building between the 12.30 and 12.45 am and read a warrant to the four occupants of the building. Outside, soldiers with rifles and fixed bayonets stood guard. The search lasted about an hour. ‘They took everything in the way of arms, ammunition, uniforms or equipment, with two hockey sticks’, one Volunteer later remarked.
In Co. Donegal, meanwhile, one of the locations raided was the Parochial Hall in Letterkenny, where no arms were uncovered. A complaint was telegraphed to Dublin Castle by Fr McCafferty following that raid.
In Derry, many Volunteers are blaming the Irish Party for being behind the raids.
In neighbouring Tyrone, the Strabane Chronicle points to the immunity of the Ulster Volunteers from similar seizures: ‘It is only the old story, one law for the Ulster Orangemen and another for the Nationalists.’
Any suggestion of partiality on the part of the authorities has been rejected by the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Henry Duke. Responding to a question in the House of Commons as to whether recent seizures of rifles in Co. Down were directed solely at Nationalists and whether seizures of a similar kind would be made of rifles known to be in the possession of Unionists, Mr Duke explained that while 243 rifles and 175 bayonets had been seized in the previous week, the political allegiances of those who held them was not a factor. He stated that it was sufficient that the competent military authority was satisfied of the risk that the weapons might fall into unsafe hands.
The seizures took place, for the most part, in the early hours of the morning and were not accompanied by arrests. Among the more notable raids was that on the Irish National Volunteers’ headquarters at 44 Parnell Square in Dublin where 20 constables, a military Lt. Col and another officer entered the building between the 12.30 and 12.45 am and read a warrant to the four occupants of the building. Outside, soldiers with rifles and fixed bayonets stood guard. The search lasted about an hour. ‘They took everything in the way of arms, ammunition, uniforms or equipment, with two hockey sticks’, one Volunteer later remarked.
In Co. Donegal, meanwhile, one of the locations raided was the Parochial Hall in Letterkenny, where no arms were uncovered. A complaint was telegraphed to Dublin Castle by Fr McCafferty following that raid.
In Derry, many Volunteers are blaming the Irish Party for being behind the raids.
In neighbouring Tyrone, the Strabane Chronicle points to the immunity of the Ulster Volunteers from similar seizures: ‘It is only the old story, one law for the Ulster Orangemen and another for the Nationalists.’
Any suggestion of partiality on the part of the authorities has been rejected by the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Henry Duke. Responding to a question in the House of Commons as to whether recent seizures of rifles in Co. Down were directed solely at Nationalists and whether seizures of a similar kind would be made of rifles known to be in the possession of Unionists, Mr Duke explained that while 243 rifles and 175 bayonets had been seized in the previous week, the political allegiances of those who held them was not a factor. He stated that it was sufficient that the competent military authority was satisfied of the risk that the weapons might fall into unsafe hands.
Tomas Ashe was held in the 221st Infantry Guardroom at the Curragh since his arrest on the evening of the 18th August. There on the 22nd of August he was visited by none other than Michael Collins who brought him money to buy his own food and tobacco.
25
Over ten thousand people attended a Friends of Irish Freedom rally at Ashland Park, New Bedford, Massachusetts (Gaelic American 8 September 1917). While morale within Irish America was certainly flagging since the entry of the United States in the war, such large meetings certainly invigorated the FOIF leadership and helped increase membership - however, the government began to view things quite differently.
26
De Valera speaking at Hospital, Co.Limerick said:
‘Sinn Feiners have a definite policy and the people of Ireland are determined to make it a success; that is, to make English rule absolutely impossible in Ireland.
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.235
28
Washington: President Wilson rejects Pope Benedict XV’s peace proposal.
29
Dublin: Thomas Ashe was transferred into the custody of the RIC at The Curragh and taken to Mountjoy Jail in Dublin.
New York: An outdoor rally at 37th Street & Broadway organised by the New York Chapter of the Friends of Irish Freedom was attacked by 'American soldiers, American seamen and just plain American citizens'. Moving to 35th Street, the rally was quickly dispersed and six arrested by police (Including John D.Moore, National Secretary & Stephen Johnson, General Organiser of the Friends of Irish Freedom. Moore, despite conspicuously waving the Stars and Stripes was arrested as soon as he began to criticize Britain). The US Government was not brooking any opposition from Irish Americans circles. Mayor Mitchell of New York had earlier charged that 'treason and sedition are preached at the open air meetings of the Friends of Irish Freedom'.
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p69
The New York Herald reported on the event the following day:
Over ten thousand people attended a Friends of Irish Freedom rally at Ashland Park, New Bedford, Massachusetts (Gaelic American 8 September 1917). While morale within Irish America was certainly flagging since the entry of the United States in the war, such large meetings certainly invigorated the FOIF leadership and helped increase membership - however, the government began to view things quite differently.
26
De Valera speaking at Hospital, Co.Limerick said:
‘Sinn Feiners have a definite policy and the people of Ireland are determined to make it a success; that is, to make English rule absolutely impossible in Ireland.
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.235
28
Washington: President Wilson rejects Pope Benedict XV’s peace proposal.
29
Dublin: Thomas Ashe was transferred into the custody of the RIC at The Curragh and taken to Mountjoy Jail in Dublin.
New York: An outdoor rally at 37th Street & Broadway organised by the New York Chapter of the Friends of Irish Freedom was attacked by 'American soldiers, American seamen and just plain American citizens'. Moving to 35th Street, the rally was quickly dispersed and six arrested by police (Including John D.Moore, National Secretary & Stephen Johnson, General Organiser of the Friends of Irish Freedom. Moore, despite conspicuously waving the Stars and Stripes was arrested as soon as he began to criticize Britain). The US Government was not brooking any opposition from Irish Americans circles. Mayor Mitchell of New York had earlier charged that 'treason and sedition are preached at the open air meetings of the Friends of Irish Freedom'.
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p69
The New York Herald reported on the event the following day:
30
Dublin: Members of the Irish Convention attended a garden party hosted by Viscount Iveagh at his residence on St Stephen’s Green in Dublin. In fine weather, they gathered for an afternoon which featured music from the band of the RIC and by Mr Clarke-Barry’s string orchestra. Other guests included the Lord Lieutenant and Lady Wimborne, Lady Fingall, Lady Annesley, Lady Leslie, Lord and Lady Granard, Lord Londonderry, the Provost of TCD, the Primate of All Ireland, the Archbishop of Dublin, Sir Horace Plunkett, and Mr Justice Barton. The party took place after the Convention’s ninth sitting at which further consideration was given to schemes of self-government based on the Dominion principle.
New York: following the FOIF meeting break-up and arrests of leaders, John Devoy's Gaelic American responded with a vigorous attack on Mayor Mitchell: 'Mitchell's war against the Irish race is on. The open-air meeting of the FOIF, held at Broadway and 37th Street, have aroused the ire of the New York pro-Britishers, who are making every effort to have them suppressed.'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p69
The Gaelic American further declaring that 'Mitchel's war against the Irish race is on'.
Doorley. 'Justice Daniel Cohalan 1865-1946, American patriot and Irish-American nationalist'. Cork University Press 2019. p100
Around this time, John Devoy commented on both the 'loose talk' about the 'Irish Race hurling defiance at the Government of the United States' and particularly against those accusing the Irish-American leadership of inactivity. Image below from Diarmuid Lynch's draft manuscript history of the Friends of Irish Freedom:
Dublin: Members of the Irish Convention attended a garden party hosted by Viscount Iveagh at his residence on St Stephen’s Green in Dublin. In fine weather, they gathered for an afternoon which featured music from the band of the RIC and by Mr Clarke-Barry’s string orchestra. Other guests included the Lord Lieutenant and Lady Wimborne, Lady Fingall, Lady Annesley, Lady Leslie, Lord and Lady Granard, Lord Londonderry, the Provost of TCD, the Primate of All Ireland, the Archbishop of Dublin, Sir Horace Plunkett, and Mr Justice Barton. The party took place after the Convention’s ninth sitting at which further consideration was given to schemes of self-government based on the Dominion principle.
New York: following the FOIF meeting break-up and arrests of leaders, John Devoy's Gaelic American responded with a vigorous attack on Mayor Mitchell: 'Mitchell's war against the Irish race is on. The open-air meeting of the FOIF, held at Broadway and 37th Street, have aroused the ire of the New York pro-Britishers, who are making every effort to have them suppressed.'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p69
The Gaelic American further declaring that 'Mitchel's war against the Irish race is on'.
Doorley. 'Justice Daniel Cohalan 1865-1946, American patriot and Irish-American nationalist'. Cork University Press 2019. p100
Around this time, John Devoy commented on both the 'loose talk' about the 'Irish Race hurling defiance at the Government of the United States' and particularly against those accusing the Irish-American leadership of inactivity. Image below from Diarmuid Lynch's draft manuscript history of the Friends of Irish Freedom:
31:
As World War I continued, so did the rationing of food stuffs. The British Ministry of Food sets up a food control committee for Ireland.
New York: The Irish-American industrialist Henry Ford told reporters that, whatever his previous views, he now believed that the war must continue until militarism is crushed. Ford’s own business is now heavily involved in wartime production. In an interview with the New York Times, he said:
‘We are making 200,000 airplane cylinders of steel for the Government, to be delivered at the rate of 1,000 a day. We have just developed a way of making a cylinder of solid steel cheaply. We would produce 5,000 or 10,000 a day if called upon...A great many of the men who work on these cylinders are of German birth, and they are just as keen for stamping out militarism as any of us. We all want the war stopped, and the way to stop it is to let the world know that this country is in for it for all it is worth.’
Below: Lynch brothers in Granig, Tracton, Co. Cork - late Summer, 1917.
Left-right: Diarmuid, Timothy, Michael, Dennis & Daniel.
September 1917
2
Cork Irish Volunteers raided the Cork Grammar School on the Western Road seizing 47 Lee Metford service rifles, 2 Colt revolvers and 12 bayonets. These arms had been used by the officer training corps.
3
Riga captured by Germans.
Thomas Ashe on trial - (below) letter from Michael Collins to Ashe's sister, Norah in Cappamore, Co. Limerick. Collins mentions being at the trial for two hours, found it "extremely entertaining, almost as good as Gilbert and Sullivan skit trial by Jury". He adds in manuscript "Come up at once to be sure of seeing him..."Miceal".
4
The Irish Convention sits for three days in Belfast City Hall.
Part of these tours of the country, Belfast, Dublin and Cork were deliberately engineered to include 'an active and varied social life for the participants ...which it was hoped, would break down the isolation of the Irish political groups'
Outside of touring, the Convention occupied itself with debates intended to draw out points of agreement and discord between different factions. One emerging trend in these debates was the growing rift between Ulster and southern Unionists. They quickly came to recognise the gulf that seperated their political aspirations. Wheras Southern Unionists felt they could far best in a united Ireland, even if it was under Home Rule, Ulster Unionists were as entrenched in their commitment to partition as they had been at the outbreak of war. The other point of divergence was that between the Convention's chairman and his former colleagues in the Irish Unionist Party. Plunkett earnestly worked towards a settlement, something that not all of his erstwhile allies wished for.
5
Belfast: Cavan man Thomas Conaty from Ballinagh, Co. Cavan, was charged at a district court martial in Belfast with carrying a hurley stick in contravention of the Defence of the Realm Act. Michael McCabe, also of Ballinagh, was charged with the same crime. The accused pleaded not guilty, but evidence was given by police witnesses which proved the carrying of the stick.
The Irish Convention sits for three days in Belfast City Hall.
Part of these tours of the country, Belfast, Dublin and Cork were deliberately engineered to include 'an active and varied social life for the participants ...which it was hoped, would break down the isolation of the Irish political groups'
Outside of touring, the Convention occupied itself with debates intended to draw out points of agreement and discord between different factions. One emerging trend in these debates was the growing rift between Ulster and southern Unionists. They quickly came to recognise the gulf that seperated their political aspirations. Wheras Southern Unionists felt they could far best in a united Ireland, even if it was under Home Rule, Ulster Unionists were as entrenched in their commitment to partition as they had been at the outbreak of war. The other point of divergence was that between the Convention's chairman and his former colleagues in the Irish Unionist Party. Plunkett earnestly worked towards a settlement, something that not all of his erstwhile allies wished for.
5
Belfast: Cavan man Thomas Conaty from Ballinagh, Co. Cavan, was charged at a district court martial in Belfast with carrying a hurley stick in contravention of the Defence of the Realm Act. Michael McCabe, also of Ballinagh, was charged with the same crime. The accused pleaded not guilty, but evidence was given by police witnesses which proved the carrying of the stick.
9
The British government rejects the Pope’s peace plans.
10
Dublin: John Skeffington sent a circular to a large number of Irish public bodies, asking that they pass a resolution calling on the British government to re-examine the case of his son’s murder. Francis Sheehy Skeffington was executed at Portobello barracks along with Thomas Dickson and Patrick McIntyre during the Easter Rising. An inquiry later in 1916 found British army officer Captain John Bowen Colthurst guilty of their murders but ‘insane’.
Specifically, the resolution called upon the Government take the following actions:
(1) To have indicted and tried all the accomplices and accessories to the Portobello Murders, Easter, 1916;
(2) To have Captain Bowen-Colthurst tried for other crimes, including the murder of James Coade, who was shot on the Rathmines Road the day after Sheehy Skeffington was arrested;
(3) To have justice done to Sir Francis Vane;
(4) To have printed and published forthwith the evidence taken at the inquiry by Sir J. Simon.
Mr Skeffington further asked that resolutions, once passed, be forwarded to the Chief Secretary of Ireland, local MPs and some Dublin newspapers. The circular was read and the resolution was passed by several public bodies including the Dungarvan Urban Council to whom Mr Skeffington sent a letter of thanks.
Imperial German Navy U-boat UC-42 is sunk in Cork Harbour, probably by one of her own mines, with the loss of 26 crew.
11
Thomas Ashe sentenced to two years’ hard labour with one year suspended, sentence to be served in Mountjoy jail.
14
Russia is declared a republic by the Provisional Government.
15
New York: Following attempts to convene an Irish Race Convention in August which were opposed by Judge Cohalan on the grounds that such a meeting in wartime could be used as a pretext for government repression, another Irish Race Convention was now planned to convene between 15 November and 15 December, 1917 to plan "a concerted movement in America for the independence of the Irish nation. President Wilson is asked to insist on the freedom of Irish as well as Poland, Belgium and the other small nationalities' However, more pressing events were about to become apparent and any initiative for the Convention was largely ignored by the FOIF Executive and later cancelled.
The British government rejects the Pope’s peace plans.
10
Dublin: John Skeffington sent a circular to a large number of Irish public bodies, asking that they pass a resolution calling on the British government to re-examine the case of his son’s murder. Francis Sheehy Skeffington was executed at Portobello barracks along with Thomas Dickson and Patrick McIntyre during the Easter Rising. An inquiry later in 1916 found British army officer Captain John Bowen Colthurst guilty of their murders but ‘insane’.
Specifically, the resolution called upon the Government take the following actions:
(1) To have indicted and tried all the accomplices and accessories to the Portobello Murders, Easter, 1916;
(2) To have Captain Bowen-Colthurst tried for other crimes, including the murder of James Coade, who was shot on the Rathmines Road the day after Sheehy Skeffington was arrested;
(3) To have justice done to Sir Francis Vane;
(4) To have printed and published forthwith the evidence taken at the inquiry by Sir J. Simon.
Mr Skeffington further asked that resolutions, once passed, be forwarded to the Chief Secretary of Ireland, local MPs and some Dublin newspapers. The circular was read and the resolution was passed by several public bodies including the Dungarvan Urban Council to whom Mr Skeffington sent a letter of thanks.
Imperial German Navy U-boat UC-42 is sunk in Cork Harbour, probably by one of her own mines, with the loss of 26 crew.
11
Thomas Ashe sentenced to two years’ hard labour with one year suspended, sentence to be served in Mountjoy jail.
14
Russia is declared a republic by the Provisional Government.
15
New York: Following attempts to convene an Irish Race Convention in August which were opposed by Judge Cohalan on the grounds that such a meeting in wartime could be used as a pretext for government repression, another Irish Race Convention was now planned to convene between 15 November and 15 December, 1917 to plan "a concerted movement in America for the independence of the Irish nation. President Wilson is asked to insist on the freedom of Irish as well as Poland, Belgium and the other small nationalities' However, more pressing events were about to become apparent and any initiative for the Convention was largely ignored by the FOIF Executive and later cancelled.
16
New York: Militant Irish America was certainly making life difficult for the wartime government both in Washington and in New York State. This may have prompted the authorities to now move swiftly against Judge Cohalan. Using statements and documents of the German agent Wolf von Igel seized in the April 1916 raid of the New York German Consulate, government agents gave Cohalan copies and advised that on September 21, the American press would be notified.
'These documents contained damming evidence that Cohalan had called for German attacks on England and landing of German troops in Ireland to coincide with the Rising. But while it seems certain that Cohalan sent these messages given their presence in the German archives, it is important to stress that he made such requests when the United States was still neutral. Their sudden release in September 1917, when the United States was at war, seemed an obvious attempt to discredit him.'
Doorley. 'Justice Daniel Cohalan 1865-1946, American patriot and Irish-American nationalist'. Cork University Press 2019. p100
Russia proclaimed a republic by Kerensky.
17
Armagh The Gaelic League has been turned into a ‘political machine’, according to Cardinal Logue. The Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland made his charge in the course of a letter to the Drogheda centre of the Leinster College of Ireland, which, he said, offered the only hope that anything effective might be achieved on behalf of the Irish language. The Gaelic League, in contrast, had become too involved in politics and for that reason the cardinal feared that it ‘will prove barren so far as promoting the revival of Irish is concerned’.
The Freeman’s Journal has stated that, in making his intervention, Logue is just saying what many knew for a long time and the Gaelic League had been changing to a political body since Sinn Féiner Eoin MacNeill took over as president. The paper concluded: the Gaelic League has become, in effect, the ‘property of Sinn Féin’. It is clear that this is a view that is increasingly shared. For instance, in Cork in recent weeks, Canon O’Brien declined an invitation from the Secretary of the Gaelic League in Fermoy because he believed the organisation had been politicised.
‘I hold’, Canon O’Brien remarked in a letter published in the Irish Independent, that ‘the Gaelic League has become a political society with the advancement of Irish as one of its objects, whereas Father O’Growney fashioned it as a language society with the advancement of Irish as its only object’.
This is not the first time the League has been accused of being too political. In fact, it is thought that this was one of the primary reasons that Douglas Hyde stepped down as president in 1915, although at the time, he claimed his decision was due to ill health.
The League of Women’s meeting was held on 17 September (a time lag which probably indicates that Sinn Féin took its time before replying to their request for meeting), and held at the home of Kathleen Lynn.
Helena Moloney, always an advocate of direct action, urged an immediate deputation to the offices of Sinn Féin, but others felt that this might lead to further humiliation. Someone said, in bitter tones, that women had ‘applied often enough’. Instead of courting another rejection it was decided to ask Cumann na mBan to use its influence to persuade Sinn Féin of the importance of drawing women into the organisation.
A Sinn Féin Convention/Ard Fheis was being planned—an event which, it was hoped, would bring together all the various separatist groupings in a new agreed organisation that would take account of the changing circumstances. The majority feeling was that it would be a wise move to join Sinn Féin because if women were members they could ensure that women had a presence at the Convention. The only dissenting voice was that of Fiona Plunkett, who remained loyal to her father’s rival Liberty Clubs. Kathleen Lynn, still acting as the substitute for the unwell Countess Plunkett, was mandated to bring before the Sinn Féin executive a resolution which would stress the fact that ‘men’ should be taken as including women, and that in all speeches men and women should be mentioned. It was hoped that by bringing this to the executive and getting their backing before the Convention, it would then go forward as an executive resolution. This would have greater weight than a resolution coming from women alone.
The women were not granted the courtesy of a reply to their letter and finally agreed that they had no option but to march in deputation to Sinn Féin. The stalwart figure of Jenny Wyse-Power, a former vice-president of the old Sinn Féin, headed a group consisting of herself, Aine Ceannt, Helena Moloney and Fiona Plunkett. All the different viewpoints within the women’s united front were represented. Aine Ceannt was actively involved in recruiting for Cumann na mBan, Jenny Wyse-Power was a member of Cumann na mBan and the Irish Women’s Franchise League, Helena Moloney was working for the Irish Women Workers’ Union, Fiona Plunkett represented the younger generation of women activists.
At Sinn Fein HQ, the women succeeded in extracting a significant concession: four (not six) ‘ladies’ would be co-opted onto the executive, on the understanding that none of them represented any organisation, and that they were all members of a Sinn Féin branch. There was obvious concern to prevent the possibility of the formation of an organised feminist caucus. The four members of the deputation were confirmed as delegates, although Aine Ceannt, in the interests of continuity, stood down in favour of Kathleen Lynn who had been only a temporary replacement for Countess Plunkett. Four months after the informal ‘League of Women Delegates’ had been formed, their efforts had met with success. Women were now on the executive of a regenerated Sinn Féin.
Mountjoy Jail, Dublin: Thomas Ashe was called before the Deputy Governor of Mountjoy Jail John Boland for refusing to sew mailbags in his cell and for failing to observe the rule of silence by talking to other prisoners in the exercise yard. As punishment Thomas Ashe was ordered to be deprived of secular reading materials for seven days for the charge of Idling. On that same day, he was also deprived of his mattress for no officially recorded reason. In fact this deprivation was against prison rules as Thomas Ashe was legally a punished prisoner as his sentence had been recorded in Mountjoy prison’s records from the 3rd of September.
Rule 32 of the Prison Regulations in force in Mountjoy Jail at that time clearly stated ‘’ a man may not be deprived of his mattress for the rest of his sentence after the first fourteen days, except as a punishment. The punishment can only be inflicted as a result of a trial and sentence’’. On the 17th of September the only charge against Thomas Ashe was that of idling which no order for the removal of his mattress was made and indeed could not have been under the rules then in place. The only mention of a mattress in the official records relating to Thomas Ashe in Mountjoy is found in the records of the prison medical officer Dr Dowdall, who on the same day recorded ‘’ I hereby certify that I have examined prisoner 873 ( Thomas Ashe ) and I find him fit for close confinement, fit for scale of punishment number 1 and 2, and also deprivation of mattress, fit for restraint in handcuffs, waist belt, muffs, restraint jacket or jacket in splints’’ In effect Thomas Ashe was deprived by the prison authorities of the protection of prison rules and endured cruel and unusual punishment from the outset of the DORA ( Defence of the Realm) sentenced prisoners hunger strike.
18
The Republican prisoners in Mountjoy Jail, including Thomas Ashe, Dick Coleman and Austin Stack, made demands to be treated as prisoners of war and not common criminals. When it was refused, they proceeded to break up their cell furniture.
19
New York Some questions were being asked in the US as to whether or nor the Friends of Irish Freedom Committee was being effective and productive: ‘Whether or not the officers and the committee named, availed fully of the opportunities to extend the organisation is another and very different question - 18 months after the Convention [March 1916] John Devoy wrote: ‘We make no claim that the governing body of the Friends of Irish Freedom is perfect...there is some deadwood in it ...it has failed to build up a great organisation, which it could have done if it had ‘struck while the iron was hot’”.
Diarmuid Lynch Papers. National Library of Ireland. Accession #2267. MS-32.597.p.20
20
Geneva A conference of the European neutral Red Cross societies called for improvements in how prisoners of war are treated.
Meeting in Geneva, the conference, which comprises members of the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as delegates from the Red Cross Societies of Denmark, Spain, Holland, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland, adopted a resolution calling on belligerent governments to ‘renounce measures of reprisal against prisoners of war, or, failing this, should only begin them four weeks after giving notice to the Government interested’. In addition to this resolution, the conference addressed issues of food provisions for prisoners. It also pressed the belligerent powers to embrace a comprehensive scheme for the repatriation of wounded prisoners who had endured a long captivity on the condition that they were not sent back to the front.
Dublin: Republican prisoners continued hunger strikes in prisons around the country. They were protesting against their treatment as criminals and are demanding that they be considered prisoners of war. There had been reports that authorities have resorted to force-feeding, which has resulted in a number of men – McDonagh, Kelleher and O’Brien – being hospitalised. Four other prisoners – Mr Austin Stack, J.J. Walsh and the Brennan brothers from Meelick, Co. Clare – have been moved from the dark cells in the prison basement to ordinary cells, where bedclothes have been removed at the direction of the Prisons Board.
Well-attended public meetings had been organised around the country in support of hunger strikers. In Killarney, 2,000 people turned out at a protest in a show of solidarity with the prisoners. In Mountrath, Harry Boland from Dublin spoke at a meeting where he described Sinn Féin as a constitutional movement based on the Renunciation Act of 1782. In Rathdrum, Mr. J. Byrne of Tinahely told a crowd that, where Parnell and Davitt had lifted the people out of the tyranny of the landlords, Sinn Féin would complete the work.
Similar meetings were held in Cushendall, Co. Antrim; Drogheda, Co. Louth; Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford; Granard, Co. Longford; Youghal, Co. Cork; Nenagh, Co. Tipperary; Westport, Co. Mayo. Meanwhile, at a large demonstration in Dublin’s Smithfield, 2,000 people heard Éamon de Valera declare, in connection with the treatment and force feeding of prisoners in Mountjoy Jail, that for every one man in Mountjoy there would be ‘hundreds outside to take their place’.
21
Austria welcomes the Pope’s peace plans.
Washington: Secretary of State, Lansing, released to the press, copies of documents captured in the April 1916 secret service raid on German agent Wolf von Igel’s offices in New York, particularly documents regarding Judge Cohalan connection and ‘collusion’ with Germany. These documents claimed that Cohalan had sent a request to Berlin for aerial attacks on England during Easter week to divert resources and attention from the planning Rising, and for the landing of German troops and ammunition in Ireland from Zeppelins.
"These documents may well have been forgeries but if true, the incident had taken place while America was still neutral. The sudden release of these papers in wartime seemed an obvious government move to discredit both Cohalan and Devoy"
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p69
This began a period of secret service monitoring of all prominent Irish American groups, in particular the Friends of Irish Freedom which lasted until the end of the war in November 1918. Mail was intercepted, telephones tapped and movements shadowed.
‘Extraordinary efforts were made to try and ensure that neither inside nor outside the Halls of Congress would anything be heard of Ireland’s claims during the war. A Friends of Irish Freedom Convention proposed for November-December 1917 was abandoned in the face of a campaign of defamation and misrepresentation. Inevitably the organisation suffered loss of strenght and effectiveness. In contrast defection from Clan na Gael was slight.’
Florence O'Donoghue editor of ‘The I.R.B. and the 1916 Rising’ by Diarmuid Lynch. Mercier Press. 1957. p187.
Dr. Maloney along with Patrick McCartan visited the Cohalan home some days earlier and Maloney later described the mood in the Cohalan home:
‘...there were his wife, his brother-in-law, Fr O Leary and Mr John Devoy - an unusual assembly I thought at such an early hour ( about 10 a.m. ) All seemed profoundly depressed. I asked what was the trouble. Judge Cohalan handed me a printed news story, bearing the release date of September 22nd, the famous Von Igel paper, in which Judge Cohalan was mentioned as advising Germany to make air raids on England.
This paper had been given out about September 16th. Judge Cohalan had already lived with it for five days. He looked haggard, sleepless and ill...he paced up and down the floor of his library, occasionally moaning. He would be impeached; he was destroyed, they would have his life. At one time in excess of self-pity, he wept gently... he paced up and down again, stepping queerly, as if he were placing his feet on appointed marks upon the carpet. We sat silently as if at a wake. Then Mr. Devoy began a long story about all the leaders whom England had destroyed. At first Judge Cohalan paid no attention, but after Parnell and the Piggott forgeries, came the hanging of Casement, and Judge Cohalan stopped in his pacing sharply to bid Mr. Devoy be silent. The rebuke had to be repeated owing to Mr. Devoy’s deafness. ’You'd think he was afraid’ Mr Devoy remarked resentfully to me… Something in the mention of the forgeries led me to ask Judge Cohalan if the Von Igel papers were genuine. Had he made the recommendation for air raids. He swore he had not, he knew not Von Igel; he had never even heard the name; he was innocent; this was an English plot to destroy him…I pointed out to Judge Cohalan that he could not let this charge go unchallenged. He must issue his denial to be published simultaneously with the charge….’What could he say?’ he asked me, no one would believe a denial made by him against the Government of the United States. And he started to lament again. I told him of the remark made at the British Embassy in the course of my visit…At first he seemed to think the remark of no value to him, then he suggested it might be of service if I would put my name to it. I at once offered to do so, asked for a pencil and paper and wrote his defence and denial… Judge Cohalan was profusely grateful when I read him what I had written…. Mr John T Ryan of Buffalo…too approved of the defence.’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
During this period, Rev. Peter Magennis, then Superior General of the Carmelite Order wrote: ‘To be Irish, or to be of Irish sympathies in those days was to be alone...and more, it was to be despised...’
Rev. Magennis. Catholic Bulletin. January 1920.
Judge Cohalan ‘ from September 21st 1917 until after the armistice…took no part publicly in the fight for Irish Freedom, except to appear at the convention of the Friends of Irish Freedom in the spring of 1918, to deliver a careful defence of his Americanism…’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
To avoid the press, Dr Maloney laid low in rural New York for a few weeks.
To a large extent, for the duration of the war, there was the wholesale destruction of German ethnic culture in the United States. Germans were pressured to stop playing German music, to stop going to German plays and to stop reading German language newspapers. The anti-German hysteria extended to the Federal Government. All Germans living in the US were now required to register as an enemy alien. Almost 500,000 men and women were photographed, fingerprinted and interrogated as to their loyalty to the United States. The program was administered by a 22 year old member of the Department of Justice, J. Edgar Hoover. A new series of camps capable of housing thousands sprung up in Utah and Georgia - not to train new recruits but to imprison any person the government considered to be a threat to national security. There was tremendous pressure on new emigrants to conform, have American flags, to sing American songs and to prove their loyalty.
Austria welcomes the Pope’s peace plans.
Washington: Secretary of State, Lansing, released to the press, copies of documents captured in the April 1916 secret service raid on German agent Wolf von Igel’s offices in New York, particularly documents regarding Judge Cohalan connection and ‘collusion’ with Germany. These documents claimed that Cohalan had sent a request to Berlin for aerial attacks on England during Easter week to divert resources and attention from the planning Rising, and for the landing of German troops and ammunition in Ireland from Zeppelins.
"These documents may well have been forgeries but if true, the incident had taken place while America was still neutral. The sudden release of these papers in wartime seemed an obvious government move to discredit both Cohalan and Devoy"
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p69
This began a period of secret service monitoring of all prominent Irish American groups, in particular the Friends of Irish Freedom which lasted until the end of the war in November 1918. Mail was intercepted, telephones tapped and movements shadowed.
‘Extraordinary efforts were made to try and ensure that neither inside nor outside the Halls of Congress would anything be heard of Ireland’s claims during the war. A Friends of Irish Freedom Convention proposed for November-December 1917 was abandoned in the face of a campaign of defamation and misrepresentation. Inevitably the organisation suffered loss of strenght and effectiveness. In contrast defection from Clan na Gael was slight.’
Florence O'Donoghue editor of ‘The I.R.B. and the 1916 Rising’ by Diarmuid Lynch. Mercier Press. 1957. p187.
Dr. Maloney along with Patrick McCartan visited the Cohalan home some days earlier and Maloney later described the mood in the Cohalan home:
‘...there were his wife, his brother-in-law, Fr O Leary and Mr John Devoy - an unusual assembly I thought at such an early hour ( about 10 a.m. ) All seemed profoundly depressed. I asked what was the trouble. Judge Cohalan handed me a printed news story, bearing the release date of September 22nd, the famous Von Igel paper, in which Judge Cohalan was mentioned as advising Germany to make air raids on England.
This paper had been given out about September 16th. Judge Cohalan had already lived with it for five days. He looked haggard, sleepless and ill...he paced up and down the floor of his library, occasionally moaning. He would be impeached; he was destroyed, they would have his life. At one time in excess of self-pity, he wept gently... he paced up and down again, stepping queerly, as if he were placing his feet on appointed marks upon the carpet. We sat silently as if at a wake. Then Mr. Devoy began a long story about all the leaders whom England had destroyed. At first Judge Cohalan paid no attention, but after Parnell and the Piggott forgeries, came the hanging of Casement, and Judge Cohalan stopped in his pacing sharply to bid Mr. Devoy be silent. The rebuke had to be repeated owing to Mr. Devoy’s deafness. ’You'd think he was afraid’ Mr Devoy remarked resentfully to me… Something in the mention of the forgeries led me to ask Judge Cohalan if the Von Igel papers were genuine. Had he made the recommendation for air raids. He swore he had not, he knew not Von Igel; he had never even heard the name; he was innocent; this was an English plot to destroy him…I pointed out to Judge Cohalan that he could not let this charge go unchallenged. He must issue his denial to be published simultaneously with the charge….’What could he say?’ he asked me, no one would believe a denial made by him against the Government of the United States. And he started to lament again. I told him of the remark made at the British Embassy in the course of my visit…At first he seemed to think the remark of no value to him, then he suggested it might be of service if I would put my name to it. I at once offered to do so, asked for a pencil and paper and wrote his defence and denial… Judge Cohalan was profusely grateful when I read him what I had written…. Mr John T Ryan of Buffalo…too approved of the defence.’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
During this period, Rev. Peter Magennis, then Superior General of the Carmelite Order wrote: ‘To be Irish, or to be of Irish sympathies in those days was to be alone...and more, it was to be despised...’
Rev. Magennis. Catholic Bulletin. January 1920.
Judge Cohalan ‘ from September 21st 1917 until after the armistice…took no part publicly in the fight for Irish Freedom, except to appear at the convention of the Friends of Irish Freedom in the spring of 1918, to deliver a careful defence of his Americanism…’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
To avoid the press, Dr Maloney laid low in rural New York for a few weeks.
To a large extent, for the duration of the war, there was the wholesale destruction of German ethnic culture in the United States. Germans were pressured to stop playing German music, to stop going to German plays and to stop reading German language newspapers. The anti-German hysteria extended to the Federal Government. All Germans living in the US were now required to register as an enemy alien. Almost 500,000 men and women were photographed, fingerprinted and interrogated as to their loyalty to the United States. The program was administered by a 22 year old member of the Department of Justice, J. Edgar Hoover. A new series of camps capable of housing thousands sprung up in Utah and Georgia - not to train new recruits but to imprison any person the government considered to be a threat to national security. There was tremendous pressure on new emigrants to conform, have American flags, to sing American songs and to prove their loyalty.
22
Meetings were held throughout the country in support of the Republican Hunger Strikers in Mountjoy.
At a meeting addressed by De Valera in Dublin, a resolution was passed:
‘Calling the attention of the European Powers and the United States to the fact that Irishmen are being arrested and tried by English courts martial and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment for declaring the words of President Wilson’s message - ‘that no people shall be forced to live under a sovereignty under which it does not desire to live’’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.228
The Lord Mayor of Dublin, Lawrence O’Neill visited the prisoners and found Thomas Ashe lying on the bar boards, with insufficient clothing and suffering from the cold.
Arklow: An explosion at a cordite factory in Arklow claimed the lives of 28 people and injured many more. The single blast occurred at one of the most dangerous sections of the facility, which was isolated from the main building. The majority of those who lost their lives in the factory – which has been operating since the 1890s – were killed instantly. 10 workers were found alive at the site and taken to the local hospital but two subsequently died there. One of these men was the only locally-born employee among the victims; the rest came from various parts of Ireland. One of the first to visit the scene was the local Roman Catholic curate; he found bodies around the factory, many of them charred and several without limbs. The force of the blast was felt far beyond the site itself: two nearby houses were completely destroyed and four or five were seriously damaged. The local coroner heard the explosion from his home two miles outside the town; he told reporters that one of his bedroom windows was thrown open and the whole house was ‘lit up brilliantly by the great flashes of light’.
Once notified of the incident, fire brigade and ambulance services were immediately dispatched from Dublin, offering support to the military who had already arrived on the scene. An inquiry is to be held into the causes of the blast.
Dublin: The city's Lord Mayor on a second visit found that Ashe was being forcibly fed. He attempted to persuade him to end the hunger strike, but was refused saying that if he died, he died in a good cause.
New York: The New York World and other newspapers broke the story of Judge Cohalan alleged collusion with German officals in Berlin.
“Justice Cohalan Named as Kaiser’s Adviser” yelled the New York Herald and called for his immediate impeachment.
Of particular interest was the Von Igel copy of the German Embassy cable to Berlin on April 18th that paraphrased:
‘Cohalan requests me to send on the following: the Irish revolt can only succeed if assisted by Germany, otherwise England will be able to crush it, although after a severe struggle. Assistance required. There should be an air-raid on England and a naval attack times to coincide with the Rising, followed by a landing of troops and munitions and also of some officers, perhaps from an airstrip. It might then be possible to close the Irish harbours against England, set up bases for submarines and cut off food exports to England. A successful Rising may decide the war’
The same day, Judge Cohalan released a statement to the press denying that he had sent this message to Germany:
‘I never sent or requested the sending of remarks attributed to me’ and stating ‘ in May 1916, very shortly after the revolution in Ireland, I was warned by one, who had the entree of the British Embassy, that the British authorities were determined, if possible, to destroy me as they would like to destroy every well wisher of Ireland. I was later informed that about May 6, 1917, it was stated in the British Embassy in the presence of Shane Leslie, Lord Eustace Percy, Captain William J Maloney and one or two others, that what they had in mind to do against me would prove to be a boomerang and injure their interests in this country...How much England has had to do with the publication of the unsigned statement of an unnamed third party of my alleged views I do not know. But I do not know, and I cannot understand, how my name was connected with any papers of Mr von Igel, as I never met or knew him and never heard of his existence until the time of his arrest. I never sent or requested the sending of the remarks which are attributed to me. There is little necesssity of my saying that I heartily sympathise with those who fought for liberty in Ireland, and I hope that one of the results of the war may be that Ireland may be helped by America to take her place among the republics of the world. In my opinion as an American who yields to no man in devotion to this country of ours, a grave error of judgement is being made by those who attack the loyalty of citizens of Irish blood. This is a time for unity and not for disruption...’ This defence…was substantially as I had written it for him.
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
John Devoy felt that the message to Berlin had been ‘surreptitiously added to the Von Igel papers to furnish a pretext for attacks upon Judge Cohalan. It was later used for that purpose and the attacks were intensified a year later when the US entered the World War. A crusade was started against Cohalan though which it was sought to have him removed from the bench, arrested and impeached; the Administration in Washington made every effort to secure evidence that would incriminate or place him in a false light. But these tactics failed because no such evidence existed’
John Devoy. Recollections of an Irish rebel. New York 1929. p463.
A key factor in the documents controversy was that Judge Cohalan had never signed any documents and the reference to him was in the third person. ‘It had been Lansing’s expectation that this exposure in the press on September 23 would ruin Judge Cohalan and lead to his removal from the New York Bench. This expectation was not only doomed to disappointment but the opponents of Cohalan were soon placed on the defensive’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.237
Four years later, Maloney released a statement to the press on July 9th, 1921, on the meeting in the British Embassy on May 3, 1917. ‘He had gone to the embassy to see an old friend, Lord Eustace Percy and during the conference, Shane Leslie, who was present, made some interesting remarks about evidence that could ‘silence Cohalan’. It is very likely that Leslie’s remark had reference to the data that had been seized in the office of the German Consulate in New York...( however the details were of ) a decidely dubious nature. Depositions of Judge Cohalan and John Devoy, July 14, 1921...clearly demonstrate the falsity of many of Maloney’s statements’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. P.236-237 and Dr. W.J.Maloney - Press Statement July 9th, 1921. Lynch Family Archives. Folder 6/2
Maloney alleged that Cohalan had ‘secretly…fostered the belief among Irish Americans that for his loyalty to Ireland, the British had incited the American Government to destroy him; and that he single handed had met and defeated the combined forces of both governments. The myth of the Plot grew and spread among Irish Americans, and Judge Cohalan was beatified as an Irish martyr’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
Added to this was a belief that Cohalan had a ‘counter-espionage system at work among the British, who were said to be worried lest he made further revelations. He revealed nothing more, neither then or since, for he had nothing to reveal except what I had written in his defence. But he was not again molested by the authorities.’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
23
The Sunday papers nationwide carried the dramatic news of a German spy network operating in the United States and the involvement of Irish-American leaders Judge Cohalan and John Devoy.
Meetings were held throughout the country in support of the Republican Hunger Strikers in Mountjoy.
At a meeting addressed by De Valera in Dublin, a resolution was passed:
‘Calling the attention of the European Powers and the United States to the fact that Irishmen are being arrested and tried by English courts martial and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment for declaring the words of President Wilson’s message - ‘that no people shall be forced to live under a sovereignty under which it does not desire to live’’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.228
The Lord Mayor of Dublin, Lawrence O’Neill visited the prisoners and found Thomas Ashe lying on the bar boards, with insufficient clothing and suffering from the cold.
Arklow: An explosion at a cordite factory in Arklow claimed the lives of 28 people and injured many more. The single blast occurred at one of the most dangerous sections of the facility, which was isolated from the main building. The majority of those who lost their lives in the factory – which has been operating since the 1890s – were killed instantly. 10 workers were found alive at the site and taken to the local hospital but two subsequently died there. One of these men was the only locally-born employee among the victims; the rest came from various parts of Ireland. One of the first to visit the scene was the local Roman Catholic curate; he found bodies around the factory, many of them charred and several without limbs. The force of the blast was felt far beyond the site itself: two nearby houses were completely destroyed and four or five were seriously damaged. The local coroner heard the explosion from his home two miles outside the town; he told reporters that one of his bedroom windows was thrown open and the whole house was ‘lit up brilliantly by the great flashes of light’.
Once notified of the incident, fire brigade and ambulance services were immediately dispatched from Dublin, offering support to the military who had already arrived on the scene. An inquiry is to be held into the causes of the blast.
Dublin: The city's Lord Mayor on a second visit found that Ashe was being forcibly fed. He attempted to persuade him to end the hunger strike, but was refused saying that if he died, he died in a good cause.
New York: The New York World and other newspapers broke the story of Judge Cohalan alleged collusion with German officals in Berlin.
“Justice Cohalan Named as Kaiser’s Adviser” yelled the New York Herald and called for his immediate impeachment.
Of particular interest was the Von Igel copy of the German Embassy cable to Berlin on April 18th that paraphrased:
‘Cohalan requests me to send on the following: the Irish revolt can only succeed if assisted by Germany, otherwise England will be able to crush it, although after a severe struggle. Assistance required. There should be an air-raid on England and a naval attack times to coincide with the Rising, followed by a landing of troops and munitions and also of some officers, perhaps from an airstrip. It might then be possible to close the Irish harbours against England, set up bases for submarines and cut off food exports to England. A successful Rising may decide the war’
The same day, Judge Cohalan released a statement to the press denying that he had sent this message to Germany:
‘I never sent or requested the sending of remarks attributed to me’ and stating ‘ in May 1916, very shortly after the revolution in Ireland, I was warned by one, who had the entree of the British Embassy, that the British authorities were determined, if possible, to destroy me as they would like to destroy every well wisher of Ireland. I was later informed that about May 6, 1917, it was stated in the British Embassy in the presence of Shane Leslie, Lord Eustace Percy, Captain William J Maloney and one or two others, that what they had in mind to do against me would prove to be a boomerang and injure their interests in this country...How much England has had to do with the publication of the unsigned statement of an unnamed third party of my alleged views I do not know. But I do not know, and I cannot understand, how my name was connected with any papers of Mr von Igel, as I never met or knew him and never heard of his existence until the time of his arrest. I never sent or requested the sending of the remarks which are attributed to me. There is little necesssity of my saying that I heartily sympathise with those who fought for liberty in Ireland, and I hope that one of the results of the war may be that Ireland may be helped by America to take her place among the republics of the world. In my opinion as an American who yields to no man in devotion to this country of ours, a grave error of judgement is being made by those who attack the loyalty of citizens of Irish blood. This is a time for unity and not for disruption...’ This defence…was substantially as I had written it for him.
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
John Devoy felt that the message to Berlin had been ‘surreptitiously added to the Von Igel papers to furnish a pretext for attacks upon Judge Cohalan. It was later used for that purpose and the attacks were intensified a year later when the US entered the World War. A crusade was started against Cohalan though which it was sought to have him removed from the bench, arrested and impeached; the Administration in Washington made every effort to secure evidence that would incriminate or place him in a false light. But these tactics failed because no such evidence existed’
John Devoy. Recollections of an Irish rebel. New York 1929. p463.
A key factor in the documents controversy was that Judge Cohalan had never signed any documents and the reference to him was in the third person. ‘It had been Lansing’s expectation that this exposure in the press on September 23 would ruin Judge Cohalan and lead to his removal from the New York Bench. This expectation was not only doomed to disappointment but the opponents of Cohalan were soon placed on the defensive’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.237
Four years later, Maloney released a statement to the press on July 9th, 1921, on the meeting in the British Embassy on May 3, 1917. ‘He had gone to the embassy to see an old friend, Lord Eustace Percy and during the conference, Shane Leslie, who was present, made some interesting remarks about evidence that could ‘silence Cohalan’. It is very likely that Leslie’s remark had reference to the data that had been seized in the office of the German Consulate in New York...( however the details were of ) a decidely dubious nature. Depositions of Judge Cohalan and John Devoy, July 14, 1921...clearly demonstrate the falsity of many of Maloney’s statements’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. P.236-237 and Dr. W.J.Maloney - Press Statement July 9th, 1921. Lynch Family Archives. Folder 6/2
Maloney alleged that Cohalan had ‘secretly…fostered the belief among Irish Americans that for his loyalty to Ireland, the British had incited the American Government to destroy him; and that he single handed had met and defeated the combined forces of both governments. The myth of the Plot grew and spread among Irish Americans, and Judge Cohalan was beatified as an Irish martyr’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
Added to this was a belief that Cohalan had a ‘counter-espionage system at work among the British, who were said to be worried lest he made further revelations. He revealed nothing more, neither then or since, for he had nothing to reveal except what I had written in his defence. But he was not again molested by the authorities.’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
23
The Sunday papers nationwide carried the dramatic news of a German spy network operating in the United States and the involvement of Irish-American leaders Judge Cohalan and John Devoy.
Leon Trotsky is elected Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet.
Dublin: A conference held in Dublin’s Gresham Hotel discussed the various challenges confronting the commercial laundry industry in Ireland. Over 90 per cent of the industry was said to have been represented at the conference, which heard how changes in industrial conditions resulting from the war had transformed the sector. Industry representatives also pointed to the impact on workers’ wages arising from the activities of laundries run by charitable institutions. Many speakers urged that it was in the interest of their business to have their employees adequately paid as their working capacity improved accordingly. It was decided to form a committee to approach the authorities responsible for these institutional laundries to arrange for a conference to discuss a ‘friendly working arrangement to apply to all Ireland’.
24
Rathfarnham, Dublin: Éamon de Valera demanded that Ireland’s interests be properly put forward at the Peace Conference at the end of the war. The alternative, he claimed, was that the people of Ireland would be ‘misrepresented by ambassadors of England’, namely members of the Irish Parliamentary Party. Ireland, he said, could best present their case by proclaiming themselves as Irish republicans – a term that would be understood in America, Russia and France. Furthermore, he asserted that if Ireland had a law of her own, she would be the most law-abiding, and perhaps best governed nation, in the world. The only thing that could prevent Ireland’s participation, de Valera concluded, was if the people were willing to accept something less than their rights.
The entire Von Igel incident continued to be an embarrassment to the Friends of Irish Freedom organisation:
Rathfarnham, Dublin: Éamon de Valera demanded that Ireland’s interests be properly put forward at the Peace Conference at the end of the war. The alternative, he claimed, was that the people of Ireland would be ‘misrepresented by ambassadors of England’, namely members of the Irish Parliamentary Party. Ireland, he said, could best present their case by proclaiming themselves as Irish republicans – a term that would be understood in America, Russia and France. Furthermore, he asserted that if Ireland had a law of her own, she would be the most law-abiding, and perhaps best governed nation, in the world. The only thing that could prevent Ireland’s participation, de Valera concluded, was if the people were willing to accept something less than their rights.
The entire Von Igel incident continued to be an embarrassment to the Friends of Irish Freedom organisation:
25
Thomas Ashe collapsed in the surgeon’s chair under forcible feeding, was moved to the Mater Hospital.
The 1916 rebel leader, who was serving a one year prison sentence in Mountjoy Jail, died at 10.30pm in the Mater Misericordiae Hospital, where he had been admitted five hours earlier in a very weak condition. Diminished by hunger strike, the damage to his system was exacerbated by forcible feeding by the prison authorities. The deceased had been taken by cab to the hospital at 3pm and was attended to by the hospital staff, alongside the Sisters of Mercy and the hospital chaplain, Rev. T.J. Murray, who administered the last rites to Ashe before his death. Ashe’s death was certain to further inflame an already volatile political atmosphere.
An Irish Independent editorial was adamant that should ‘more ill-feeling’ arise as a result of the shock death, ‘the authorities... will, to a great extent, be responsible’. The ‘forcible method’ by which Mr Ashe had been fed was ‘revolting’, the editorial claimed:
‘It is obvious that long before his removal to hospital he was in a critical condition. So much is clear from the fact that he survived only five hours after his admission to the hospital. By their negligence in not removing him sooner to a place where he would have been humanely treated the authorities have incurred a grave responsibility.’
The 35 year-old Ashe was the son of a farmer from Lispole in Dingle, Co. Kerry, but has been teaching in Lusk, Co. Dublin, for several years. A member of the Coiste Gnótha of the Gaelic League, he was an accomplished piper and singer who possessed a deep knowledge of folk songs and airs. He was also central to the development of Irish separatist politics in recent years. Most notably, he commanded the Volunteer forces at Ashbourne during the 1916 rebellion, for which he was tried by court-martial and condemned to death – a sentence that was subsequently commuted to penal servitude for life.
After spending time as a prisoner in Dartmoor, Lewes and Portland, Thomas Ashe was released in the general amnesty on 17 June. He was re-arrested in August for delivering a seditious speech at Ballinalee, Co. Longford on 25 July and at his subsequent court-martial on 4 September, he declined to recognise the authority of the court. The police gave evidence to the effect that he encouraged his friends at a Sinn Féin meeting to ‘train, arm, and equip themselves’. Despite contesting the evidence, Mr Ashe was taken to Mountjoy Prison, where he began a hunger strike.
His last words were ‘Let me carry your cross for Ireland, Lord! For the cause of Rosin Dubh’. Collins organised the funeral arrangements. The official cause of death w as given as ‘heart failure and congestion of the lungs caused by the punishment of taking away from his cell in Mountjoy Jail the bed, bedding and boots and being left to lie on the cold stone floor for fifty hours and then subjected to forcible feeding in his weak condition after a hunger strike of five or six days’ but the later inquest into his death indicted the British Government and it’s cruel and inhumane treatment of Ashe.
Irish Convention: The attendees agreed to submit further negotiations to a new sub-committee, a senior ‘Committee of Nine’ (close to O’Brien's proposal). By the end of this first phase Plunkett believed that ‘the discussion had been really fruitful in hardening the heart of the south and softening the head of the north’. Before adjournment of the Presentation Stage the Grand Committee was restructured to contain the most important and capable figures, Plunkett as an ex officio member, its secretary Lord Southborough, with the members falling into the following categories:
Ulster Unionists: H. T. Barrie MP, Lord Londonderry (secretary of the Ulster delegation), H. McD. Pollock, Sir Alexander McDowell, Rev. John Irvin, Moderator of the General Assembly
Southern Unionists: Lord Midleton, Lord MacDonnell, John Powell, Most Rev. John H. Bernard, Protestant Archbishop of Dublin
Nationalists: John Redmond MP, J. J. Clancy MP, Joseph Devlin MP, Stephen Gwynn MP, Most Rev. Patrick O'Donnell, Catholic Bishop of Raphoe, Most Rev. Denis Kelly, Catholic Bishop of Ross
Independent Nationalists: William Martin Murphy, Edward E. Lysaght, George W. Russell ('AE')
Labour: James McCarron, Robert Waugh
During the first phase, divisions within the Convention became exposed. The need for some measure of local control over Ulster affairs to be offered to the Ulstermen had been resisted from the outset by the bishops. A proposal made during the presentation phase, a scheme modelled on the federal system of Switzerland by Lord Londonderry was equally rejected by the bishops. The fundamental cause of alarm for the Northern bishops was the danger of a Protestant dominated Ulster administration, even in the case where Ulster had some measure of autonomy in an all-Ireland settlement.
Differences over whether Ireland should have complete fiscal autonomy or the customs and excise duties to be retained by the Imperial Parliament then came to the fore and threatened to completely disrupt the Convention. The bishops held rigidly to full fiscal autonomy for an Irish parliament. Bishop O'Donnell proposed a plan for Ulster Unionist of an additional twelve nominated representatives in an Irish parliament, and a further twelve for the Southern Unionists, limited to ten years and a joint British-Irish Commission to negotiate a customs union between the two countries. From the moment the "O'Donnell scheme" became the basis of discussion, provincial federalism ceased to be one of the possible options before the Convention.
Ulster Unionists: H. T. Barrie MP, Lord Londonderry (secretary of the Ulster delegation), H. McD. Pollock, Sir Alexander McDowell, Rev. John Irvin, Moderator of the General Assembly
Southern Unionists: Lord Midleton, Lord MacDonnell, John Powell, Most Rev. John H. Bernard, Protestant Archbishop of Dublin
Nationalists: John Redmond MP, J. J. Clancy MP, Joseph Devlin MP, Stephen Gwynn MP, Most Rev. Patrick O'Donnell, Catholic Bishop of Raphoe, Most Rev. Denis Kelly, Catholic Bishop of Ross
Independent Nationalists: William Martin Murphy, Edward E. Lysaght, George W. Russell ('AE')
Labour: James McCarron, Robert Waugh
During the first phase, divisions within the Convention became exposed. The need for some measure of local control over Ulster affairs to be offered to the Ulstermen had been resisted from the outset by the bishops. A proposal made during the presentation phase, a scheme modelled on the federal system of Switzerland by Lord Londonderry was equally rejected by the bishops. The fundamental cause of alarm for the Northern bishops was the danger of a Protestant dominated Ulster administration, even in the case where Ulster had some measure of autonomy in an all-Ireland settlement.
Differences over whether Ireland should have complete fiscal autonomy or the customs and excise duties to be retained by the Imperial Parliament then came to the fore and threatened to completely disrupt the Convention. The bishops held rigidly to full fiscal autonomy for an Irish parliament. Bishop O'Donnell proposed a plan for Ulster Unionist of an additional twelve nominated representatives in an Irish parliament, and a further twelve for the Southern Unionists, limited to ten years and a joint British-Irish Commission to negotiate a customs union between the two countries. From the moment the "O'Donnell scheme" became the basis of discussion, provincial federalism ceased to be one of the possible options before the Convention.
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26
Dressed in the Irish Volunteers uniform, Thomas Ashe’s body lay in state with a guard of honour in the City Hall where thousands queued to pay their respects.
Zonnebeke, Polygon Wood and Tower Hamlets, east of Ypres, taken by British
Cork: The 20th sitting of the Irish Convention – and the first to be held outside Dublin – met in Cork. As well as conducting its business, the members of the Convention were treated to local entertainment and to a showcasing of local industrial developments. Special attention was paid to Cork harbour which, the Cork Examiner believes, will impress the northern members.
The newspaper editorialised:
‘They will realise that such developments will be of real service to Ulster, that the Northern farmer will be ready to appreciate and to utilise the Ford Tractor, and that Cork shipyards will offer increased employment to Ulster shipwrights and designers. In these matters the interests of north and south are identical; are they not identical also in all those matters that go to make up the sum total of our national life?’
Sir Horace Plunkett, Chairman of the Convention, confirmed that the main reason Cork was chosen to host a sitting was to give northern delegates an opportunity to see the south of the country. It was as important, he felt, for them to understand the peoples of the agricultural parts of the island, as it was for those in the south to appreciate the achievements of industry and commerce in the north-east corner. He made these statements at a luncheon in the city’s Imperial Hotel, hosted by the Cork Harbour Board. Mr Plunkett spoke of his optimism for the process in which they were all engaged and defended the secrecy that surrounded some of their deliberations. He claimed that this was the first time in over 100 years that all the parties of Ireland were coming together to consider how the country may be improved. For that to work, absolute frankness was necessary. ‘Just imagine’, he stated ‘if their deliberations were made public! Over and over again men, anxious to come to an agreement withheld views they did not command the majority of opinion, and expressed views with the object of hearing them answered...They expressed themselves quite willing to change their opinions, if only they could be convinced they were in error... If this process of expressing unpopular opnions in the hope of being able to revise them were made public all he could say was that the process would be stayed and the opinions would not be expressed.’
Irish Parliamentary Party MP, Joseph Devlin was mobbed when stepping off a steamer with fellow members of the Irish Convention. Those alighting the steamer endured a hostile crowd shouting threats and slogans such as ‘Up De Valera’, ‘Who cheered the executions?’ and ‘Up Dublin’. The appearance of Mr Devlin added to the anger of the crowd who yelled ‘Murderer’ in his direction and engaged in the hurling of stones, cinders and mud. Scuffles erupted and the police were called upon to draw their batons to protect Mr Devlin.
Some of the convention delegates in Cork. Clockwise from top left: Dr Kelly (the Bishop of Ross) and the Right Rev. Dr Bernard; Sir Francis Hopwood, Sir Horace Plunkett, Sir Bertram Windle and Lord McDonnell; Mr Powell, Mr A. Jameson and the Earl of Mayo; the Lord Mayor of Cork greeting John Redmond, leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party (Image: Irish Life, 5 Oct 1917. Full collection available at the National Library of Ireland)
27
Washington: Documents seized in the April 1916 raid on the German Consul-General, Von Igel, were published in the Official Bulletin.
Dublin: An inquest was ordered and convened within two days of Thomas Ashe's death by the City Coroner, Dr. Louis A. Byrne. The jury consisted of a foreman and 16 men from the area chosen by the police, on the instructions of the Coroner. The Ashe family was represented by Mr. Tim Healy MP KC and the prison authorities by Henry Hanna KC.
Both Diarmuid Lynch and Michael Collins were appointed to the funeral committee for Thomas Ashe with Collins chosen to deliver the oration. This caused some degree of difficulty for a number of others on the committee but supported by Lynch and other IRB members, Collins retained the honour.
Washington: Documents seized in the April 1916 raid on the German Consul-General, Von Igel, were published in the Official Bulletin.
Dublin: An inquest was ordered and convened within two days of Thomas Ashe's death by the City Coroner, Dr. Louis A. Byrne. The jury consisted of a foreman and 16 men from the area chosen by the police, on the instructions of the Coroner. The Ashe family was represented by Mr. Tim Healy MP KC and the prison authorities by Henry Hanna KC.
Both Diarmuid Lynch and Michael Collins were appointed to the funeral committee for Thomas Ashe with Collins chosen to deliver the oration. This caused some degree of difficulty for a number of others on the committee but supported by Lynch and other IRB members, Collins retained the honour.
Cork: Trouble flared on the streets of Cork City when groups of young Sinn Féiners attacked police with stones and broken slates. Police responded by making repeated charges at the young protesters and several injuries were reported, one of which was serious. Shops also had their windows smashed in the disturbances. This was the latest in a series of incidents in Cork that had been a cause of concern for authorities.
Below: Confidential police report on arrests in Cork due to breaches of the Defence of the Realm Act in September and October 1917
(Image: National Archive, UK)
Below: Confidential police report on arrests in Cork due to breaches of the Defence of the Realm Act in September and October 1917
(Image: National Archive, UK)
28
Dublin: The Irish National Volunteers has held its first convention since Easter 1915. The gathering took place at the Mansion House in Dublin and was chaired by the acting Inspector General, Major Crean.
A report submitted to the convention noted the very significant changes that had taken place since the occasion of the previous convention when 25,000 men, many of them drilled and equipped, marched through the streets of the capital and took part in a great review in the Phoenix Park. Since then, the war and the Rising have taken a toll on the Volunteers. ‘The war depleted our ranks’, the report stated, ‘and the military restrictions which followed on the Rising compelled us to suspend drilling and training.’
Consequently it has been a matter of great difficulty to hold the organisation together in even a semblance of its former strength and condition.’
The secretary’s report set out the reasons for the shrunken character of the Volunteer movement, but it also exposed some of the internal divisions that have beset it. The recent efforts of Col. Moore to establish a breakaway organisation by seizing the Volunteer headquarters and holding an ‘irregular’ convention was described as a ‘disloyal’ act that had led to the seizure of Volunteer arms by the military authorities. Subsequently, steps were taken to re-secure the headquarters and other property.
Despite these very public divisions, the Irish National Volunteers clearly had no intention of fading away. The organisation demanded the end of martial law and the restoration to Irishmen of their ‘ordinary rights as citizens’. It is determined to maintain its organisation as a ‘disciplined body to maintain the right of public meeting, freedom of discussion, and observance of a spirit of self-respect and self-reliance’.
The Irish Convention passed a resolution regretting the retirement of John Redmond as President of the Irish National Volunteers, and thanking him for his contribution to the organisation.
29
The Privy Council of Ireland ordered that prisoners committed under the Defence of the Realm Act would be allowed to associate in prison, kept apart from other categories of prisoners, occupy a suitably furnished cell, receive parcels, writing and receiving letters and receiving visits.
Turkish Mesopotamian army, under Ahmed Bey, captured by British.
30
Thomas Ashes funeral on the 30th of September 1917 was a focal point for a massive demonstration of support for Sinn Féin. The funeral arrangements surpassed those of Parnell in 1891 and O’Donovan Rossa in 1915.The IRB under the guise of the Wolf Tone Memorial Committee got permission from the Estates Committee of Dublin Corporation for Ashes body to lie in state in City Hall which had been under military guard since being recaptured during the Rising. In preparation for the funeral Thomas Ashe's remains were escorted by his comrades from the 5th Battalion to City Hall where he was to be watched over by an honour guard of Irish Volunteers and Fianna Scouts as mourners filed past. Behind the scenes in order to avert a potential clash the British troops in City hall had been withdrawn on the orders of Lieutenant General Mahon, thereafter tens of thousands of people filed past Thomas Ashes coffin to pay their respects.
On Sunday the 30th at 2pm, Ashe’s cortege left city hall escorted by contingents of Irish Citizen Army and Irish Volunteers who marching in their formations through the city for the first time since the Rising. Included in their ranks were 200 Irish Volunteers from Kerry who had traveled for days to reach the funeral. Those in attendance included amongst others the Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, members of Catholic fraternities, trade and business associations and over 18,000 trades unionists.
The Cortege proceeded slowly through the city past respectful crowds to Glasnevin Cemetery where 30,000 ticket holding mourners attended the burial, close to the grave of O'Donovan Rossa. At the graveside uniformed Volunteers fired three volleys and then Michael Collins stepped forward to make a short speech. He declared “Nothing additional remains to be said. That volley which we have just heard is the only speech which it is proper to make above the grave of a dead Fenian,”
Speaking of the funeral later John Dillon of the Irish Parliamentary Party repeated a statement attributed to a Sinn Fein spokesman saying ‘’ Ashe by his death had done more for Sinn Fein, and brought more recruits to its ranks then if he had lived a thousand years.
Further reading:
"One Day in Glasnevin Cemetery, 30 September 1917' by John Gibney and Georgina Laragy explores the other recorded burials in Glasnevin Cemetery on that date. Thanks to Century Ireland. Click here.
"Carrying a cross for Ireland: Thomas Ashe in profile" by Dr Mary McAuliffe Click here
Dublin: The Irish National Volunteers has held its first convention since Easter 1915. The gathering took place at the Mansion House in Dublin and was chaired by the acting Inspector General, Major Crean.
A report submitted to the convention noted the very significant changes that had taken place since the occasion of the previous convention when 25,000 men, many of them drilled and equipped, marched through the streets of the capital and took part in a great review in the Phoenix Park. Since then, the war and the Rising have taken a toll on the Volunteers. ‘The war depleted our ranks’, the report stated, ‘and the military restrictions which followed on the Rising compelled us to suspend drilling and training.’
Consequently it has been a matter of great difficulty to hold the organisation together in even a semblance of its former strength and condition.’
The secretary’s report set out the reasons for the shrunken character of the Volunteer movement, but it also exposed some of the internal divisions that have beset it. The recent efforts of Col. Moore to establish a breakaway organisation by seizing the Volunteer headquarters and holding an ‘irregular’ convention was described as a ‘disloyal’ act that had led to the seizure of Volunteer arms by the military authorities. Subsequently, steps were taken to re-secure the headquarters and other property.
Despite these very public divisions, the Irish National Volunteers clearly had no intention of fading away. The organisation demanded the end of martial law and the restoration to Irishmen of their ‘ordinary rights as citizens’. It is determined to maintain its organisation as a ‘disciplined body to maintain the right of public meeting, freedom of discussion, and observance of a spirit of self-respect and self-reliance’.
The Irish Convention passed a resolution regretting the retirement of John Redmond as President of the Irish National Volunteers, and thanking him for his contribution to the organisation.
29
The Privy Council of Ireland ordered that prisoners committed under the Defence of the Realm Act would be allowed to associate in prison, kept apart from other categories of prisoners, occupy a suitably furnished cell, receive parcels, writing and receiving letters and receiving visits.
Turkish Mesopotamian army, under Ahmed Bey, captured by British.
30
Thomas Ashes funeral on the 30th of September 1917 was a focal point for a massive demonstration of support for Sinn Féin. The funeral arrangements surpassed those of Parnell in 1891 and O’Donovan Rossa in 1915.The IRB under the guise of the Wolf Tone Memorial Committee got permission from the Estates Committee of Dublin Corporation for Ashes body to lie in state in City Hall which had been under military guard since being recaptured during the Rising. In preparation for the funeral Thomas Ashe's remains were escorted by his comrades from the 5th Battalion to City Hall where he was to be watched over by an honour guard of Irish Volunteers and Fianna Scouts as mourners filed past. Behind the scenes in order to avert a potential clash the British troops in City hall had been withdrawn on the orders of Lieutenant General Mahon, thereafter tens of thousands of people filed past Thomas Ashes coffin to pay their respects.
On Sunday the 30th at 2pm, Ashe’s cortege left city hall escorted by contingents of Irish Citizen Army and Irish Volunteers who marching in their formations through the city for the first time since the Rising. Included in their ranks were 200 Irish Volunteers from Kerry who had traveled for days to reach the funeral. Those in attendance included amongst others the Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, members of Catholic fraternities, trade and business associations and over 18,000 trades unionists.
The Cortege proceeded slowly through the city past respectful crowds to Glasnevin Cemetery where 30,000 ticket holding mourners attended the burial, close to the grave of O'Donovan Rossa. At the graveside uniformed Volunteers fired three volleys and then Michael Collins stepped forward to make a short speech. He declared “Nothing additional remains to be said. That volley which we have just heard is the only speech which it is proper to make above the grave of a dead Fenian,”
Speaking of the funeral later John Dillon of the Irish Parliamentary Party repeated a statement attributed to a Sinn Fein spokesman saying ‘’ Ashe by his death had done more for Sinn Fein, and brought more recruits to its ranks then if he had lived a thousand years.
Further reading:
"One Day in Glasnevin Cemetery, 30 September 1917' by John Gibney and Georgina Laragy explores the other recorded burials in Glasnevin Cemetery on that date. Thanks to Century Ireland. Click here.
"Carrying a cross for Ireland: Thomas Ashe in profile" by Dr Mary McAuliffe Click here
October 1917
1
The Daily Mail reported that the funeral of ‘Sinn Fein’s New Martyr’ had ‘set the eddy of unrest and emotion spinning again in Ireland’
Tim Carey. ‘Mountjoy – The Story of a Prison’ The Collins Press, Dublin 2000.p184
Irish-American groups in the US sent an open letter to the press reciting the fact in Judge Cohalan’s communication to the New York World on September 23. It made particular reference to the threats made against the Judge in the British Embassy and that journalists from the papers interviewed all those named as being in the Embassy conference..’ is there a leak in the British Embassy? Do the leaders of the Irish movement know what is going on within the British Ambassador’s official residence?...why have not replies made to the press by the witnesses named been published? Each and every one of them would instantly have denied the charges were it not true.’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.238
During this period, Collins continued his public face as Secretary and Accountant for the National Aid Association. Privately and secretivly he began organising arms shipments with IRB members in London, Manchester and Liverpool. Meanwhile, the detectives within the G-Division based at Great Brunswick Street Police Station (now Pearse Street Station) continued their undercover work, following those suspected of disloyalty to the crown, meeting informants and taking notes. At the end of each working shift, all the G-Men would transfer their notes and reports into a large ledger kept in each police station so that all members of the division would have access to the same information. This provided a crude form of cross-referencing and also avoided unintentional encroachment on the work of a colleague which could very well jepoardise months of inteligence gathering. All the important reports were sent to Dublin Castle for sifting and analysis. Among the G-Men was a clerk in the Great Brunswick Street station, Edward ‘Ned’ Broy…. Soon to play a vital role within the growing Collins counter-espionage actions in Ireland.
1
The Daily Mail reported that the funeral of ‘Sinn Fein’s New Martyr’ had ‘set the eddy of unrest and emotion spinning again in Ireland’
Tim Carey. ‘Mountjoy – The Story of a Prison’ The Collins Press, Dublin 2000.p184
Irish-American groups in the US sent an open letter to the press reciting the fact in Judge Cohalan’s communication to the New York World on September 23. It made particular reference to the threats made against the Judge in the British Embassy and that journalists from the papers interviewed all those named as being in the Embassy conference..’ is there a leak in the British Embassy? Do the leaders of the Irish movement know what is going on within the British Ambassador’s official residence?...why have not replies made to the press by the witnesses named been published? Each and every one of them would instantly have denied the charges were it not true.’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.238
During this period, Collins continued his public face as Secretary and Accountant for the National Aid Association. Privately and secretivly he began organising arms shipments with IRB members in London, Manchester and Liverpool. Meanwhile, the detectives within the G-Division based at Great Brunswick Street Police Station (now Pearse Street Station) continued their undercover work, following those suspected of disloyalty to the crown, meeting informants and taking notes. At the end of each working shift, all the G-Men would transfer their notes and reports into a large ledger kept in each police station so that all members of the division would have access to the same information. This provided a crude form of cross-referencing and also avoided unintentional encroachment on the work of a colleague which could very well jepoardise months of inteligence gathering. All the important reports were sent to Dublin Castle for sifting and analysis. Among the G-Men was a clerk in the Great Brunswick Street station, Edward ‘Ned’ Broy…. Soon to play a vital role within the growing Collins counter-espionage actions in Ireland.
Cahal Daly, Cardinal & former Archbishop of Armagh born.
2
Royal Navy armoured cruiser HMS Drake (1901) is torpedoed by U-79 off Rathlin Island with the loss of 18 crew, capsizing later
3
Dublin: The Irish Times has editorially lamented the impact the war is having on Irish mealtimes.
‘The character of all our meals has been affected by the increase of food prices, but of them all breakfast has been the chief sufferer...This suffering is brought about specifically by the shortage of bacon and eggs. In regard to lunch, dinner, and supper the housewife has opportunities of modification and improvisation’ but with regard to breakfast, ‘Englishmen and Irishmen are rigidly conservative’.
‘Bacon and eggs are still the sheet-anchor of the British breakfast-table. Fish and sausages are welcome visitors, but, without bacon and eggs, breakfast is no breakfast at all’.
The article is a response to the recent announcement, by the Ministry of Food, that owing to unavoidable causes, the supply of bacon will be severely curtailed. One section of society that was not about to be going short, however, was the military. Army requirements will take preference and the Army Council has stated that they will maintain bacon supplies for the troops even if it means requisition civilian stocks.
The Irish Times concludes: ‘No patriot will care to grumble when his wife invites him to ‘do his bit’ by dispensing with bacon, so that the soldiers may have their rashers before the go ‘over the top’. We should welcome, indeed, this new opportunity of showing our children that we are doing something in ‘the great war.’
2
Royal Navy armoured cruiser HMS Drake (1901) is torpedoed by U-79 off Rathlin Island with the loss of 18 crew, capsizing later
3
Dublin: The Irish Times has editorially lamented the impact the war is having on Irish mealtimes.
‘The character of all our meals has been affected by the increase of food prices, but of them all breakfast has been the chief sufferer...This suffering is brought about specifically by the shortage of bacon and eggs. In regard to lunch, dinner, and supper the housewife has opportunities of modification and improvisation’ but with regard to breakfast, ‘Englishmen and Irishmen are rigidly conservative’.
‘Bacon and eggs are still the sheet-anchor of the British breakfast-table. Fish and sausages are welcome visitors, but, without bacon and eggs, breakfast is no breakfast at all’.
The article is a response to the recent announcement, by the Ministry of Food, that owing to unavoidable causes, the supply of bacon will be severely curtailed. One section of society that was not about to be going short, however, was the military. Army requirements will take preference and the Army Council has stated that they will maintain bacon supplies for the troops even if it means requisition civilian stocks.
The Irish Times concludes: ‘No patriot will care to grumble when his wife invites him to ‘do his bit’ by dispensing with bacon, so that the soldiers may have their rashers before the go ‘over the top’. We should welcome, indeed, this new opportunity of showing our children that we are doing something in ‘the great war.’
4
Dublin: The Irish Independent reported on a letter that appeared in the Times of London, on the subject of Captain Bowen-Colthurst, the man responsible for the murders of Francis Sheehy Skeffington, Patrick McIntyre and Thomas Dickson.
The writer, who identifies themselves only as M.D. refers to the case as a ‘cruel injustice’, pointing to the physical and psychological damage inflicted on the captain at the front. His actions in Dublin were the ‘natural consequence’ of these injuries, combined with the increased stress of the Easter rebellion: ‘In his over-zeal to serve his country, he committed the illegal act of having three of the Dublin rebels shot without a trial.’
In point of fact, however, there is no evidence that any of the three men were involved in the violence of Easter week. The letter concludes with what the writer seems to view as the height of the injustice, that despite the fact the the captain’s wits have long since returned, ‘he is kept in prison while the men who instigated the rebellion and murdered the loyal citizens and soldiers of Dublin are set free!’
New York: Further revelations from the Count Von Bernstorff affair were reported in the United Press - Assistant Bishop Daniel Cohalan (1858-1952) appointment as Bishop of Cork in 1916 came under scrutiny.
'In what appears to have been a co-ordinated move, the British government released to the New York World a copy of a message that it's intelligence services had intercepted between the German Ambassador Count von Bernstorff and the German Foreign Office. Again, the message was dated 23 August 1916, well before the United States entered the war. In his message, von Bernstorff enclosed a request from the Clan leadership in New York that Germany should use it's influence at the Vatican to support the appointment of Assistant Bishop Daniel Cohalan to the vacant bishopric of Cork following the death of Bishop Thomas O'Callaghan. A portion of the message read 'Assistant-Bishop Cohalan is a cousin of Judge Cohalan and strongly Nationalist and pro-German...it would have a great moral effect in Ireland if Cohalan were appointed. If Germany can exert any influence to bring about this result it would defeat English intrigue aimed against it's interests'.
Doorley. 'Justice Daniel Cohalan 1865-1946, American patriot and Irish-American nationalist'. Cork University Press 2019. p101
Assistant Bishop Daniel 'Danny Boy' Cohalan was appointed as Bishop on 29 August 1916 and remained, controversially so, for the next 36 years. There remains no evidence that this clerical appointment was due to Imperial German influence at the Vatican but in some quarters, it was viewed as a 'reward' for Judge Cohalan's 'services to the Kaiser during the Easter Rising'.
Dublin: The Irish Independent reported on a letter that appeared in the Times of London, on the subject of Captain Bowen-Colthurst, the man responsible for the murders of Francis Sheehy Skeffington, Patrick McIntyre and Thomas Dickson.
The writer, who identifies themselves only as M.D. refers to the case as a ‘cruel injustice’, pointing to the physical and psychological damage inflicted on the captain at the front. His actions in Dublin were the ‘natural consequence’ of these injuries, combined with the increased stress of the Easter rebellion: ‘In his over-zeal to serve his country, he committed the illegal act of having three of the Dublin rebels shot without a trial.’
In point of fact, however, there is no evidence that any of the three men were involved in the violence of Easter week. The letter concludes with what the writer seems to view as the height of the injustice, that despite the fact the the captain’s wits have long since returned, ‘he is kept in prison while the men who instigated the rebellion and murdered the loyal citizens and soldiers of Dublin are set free!’
New York: Further revelations from the Count Von Bernstorff affair were reported in the United Press - Assistant Bishop Daniel Cohalan (1858-1952) appointment as Bishop of Cork in 1916 came under scrutiny.
'In what appears to have been a co-ordinated move, the British government released to the New York World a copy of a message that it's intelligence services had intercepted between the German Ambassador Count von Bernstorff and the German Foreign Office. Again, the message was dated 23 August 1916, well before the United States entered the war. In his message, von Bernstorff enclosed a request from the Clan leadership in New York that Germany should use it's influence at the Vatican to support the appointment of Assistant Bishop Daniel Cohalan to the vacant bishopric of Cork following the death of Bishop Thomas O'Callaghan. A portion of the message read 'Assistant-Bishop Cohalan is a cousin of Judge Cohalan and strongly Nationalist and pro-German...it would have a great moral effect in Ireland if Cohalan were appointed. If Germany can exert any influence to bring about this result it would defeat English intrigue aimed against it's interests'.
Doorley. 'Justice Daniel Cohalan 1865-1946, American patriot and Irish-American nationalist'. Cork University Press 2019. p101
Assistant Bishop Daniel 'Danny Boy' Cohalan was appointed as Bishop on 29 August 1916 and remained, controversially so, for the next 36 years. There remains no evidence that this clerical appointment was due to Imperial German influence at the Vatican but in some quarters, it was viewed as a 'reward' for Judge Cohalan's 'services to the Kaiser during the Easter Rising'.
As for the New York Clann na Gael leadership's opinion that Bishop 'Danny Boy' Cohalan was 'Strongly Nationalist and pro-German' it appears that the opposite was the case. Here's an excerpt from an article on the Bishop in the Southern Star, 1 Feb 2021 by 'Archon': His clear loyalty to the Crown quickly earned him some notoriety in Cork for which he’s still remembered. Very much pro-British, Coughlan – at the height of the War of Independence – warned the faithful that any person taking part in an ambush in which British soldiers were injured, held as hostages, or murdered would be promptly excommunicated by the Catholic Church. Indeed, his hostility towards the IRA was such that some of the ‘hardy’ boys had to be restrained from ‘plugging’ the reviled cleric. Worse was to follow in the Civil War (1922-23): Unable to conceal his contempt of the anti-Treaty ‘men of no property,’ he refused to allow the body of IRA hunger striker, Denis Barry, to lie in a Cork church. Nor would he permit a Catholic burial for those killed in action. |
Historian CJ Woods comments that it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the bishop’s moral judgements were influenced by his politics. He also points out that, at Maynooth, the bishop was remembered as ‘a splendid horseman, always well mounted who hunted with the Ward Union during his time as professor of moral and dogmatic theology.’ But today, among the ordinary people of Cork, he is remembered for something much darker: the disinterest he showed in the scandalously-high death rate at the Bessborough orphanage in Cork city.
And it was not that he didn’t know what was going on. Indeed, he personally was responsible for having a child ‘interned’ in the place. She was a Mary Bowles who was arrested on January 13th, 1921 near Clogheen for having concealed an automatic pistol and ammunition under her large coat. (Her brother was Mick Bowles, the IRA Quartermaster of the Clogheen Company of the IRA in Cork). Mary was caught moving part of an arsenal hidden next to her home to a safer place and, for her efforts, she was sentenced to imprisonment in a Catholic Church-run Magdalene Laundry until she reached the age of 19. Which is interesting, as it shows that British authorities saw Magdalene Laundries as penitentiary workhouses and suitable places for dumping children with ‘a criminal disposition’! (Interesting too that the only Irish newspaper at that time to condemn the exploitation of children in Magdalene Laundries and Catholic asylums was the republican ‘An Poblacht’).
In the Mary Bowles case, the IRA secured her transfer to Bessborough and her eventual release .
Arch-conservative
Conditions within the Magdalene Laundries didn’t much concern the Cork bishop, but when the State asked for details relating to the care of infants in Bessborough, he complained that it was trying to compel a religious order to behave in a manner contrary to Canon Law. In fact, whenever the State became uneasy at conditions in Bessborough, the bishop argued that Canon Law did not permit the nuns to reveal the identity of the women who were resident, nor their home or current addresses. Such information had to be kept a secret, he ordered.
He also opposed Department of Health inspections on the grounds that the State did not have the power to make decisions and judgements regarding the religious community which ran the place, the Congregation of the Sacred Heart of Jesus and Mary. An arch-conservative and fearful of the advance of socialism in this country, he warned the government that it could not make demands on hospitals as that would be contrary to the Canon Law of the Catholic Church. And, he declared, since Bessborough was not a state-run institution ‘any inspection should not encroach on its independence as a religious community.’
In the meantime, between the years 1922 and 1946, and in spite of Coholan’s Canon Law nonsense, 674 infants died at the home. About which the Bishop showed no interest! Nor did confidential reports concern him, even when they disclosed that ‘the greater number (of babies) were miserable scraps of humanity... Fact is that the Department of Local Government and Public Health did not properly monitor or inspect the place, even when alarm was growing in Cork city at the number of infant deaths, and civil servants were warning of ‘a public scandal.’ Nonetheless, it’s a fact that a chief medical adviser, who examined the infants, wanted to close the place, reporting that deaths had been going on for years and nothing had been done.
His damning report alarmed Bishop Cohalan who complained to the Papal Nuncio of the dangers of a public scandal. The Nuncio put pressure on Taoiseach Eamon de Valera who agreed with the report’s critical findings but added that ‘a public scandal’ was to be avoided at all costs. Needless to say, the religious order at the centre of the controversy was of the same opinion, especially with regard to any investigation that might lead to the withdrawal of State funding. There had to be no rumours or malicious gossip that would discredit the nuns.
Result? Bessborough was disinfected, painted and a new doctor and matron were appointed. Things rumbled on until 1947 when the State’s chief medical adviser had enough. He temporarily closed the place and sacked the Sacred Heart nun in charge. But, to Cork’s (and Bishop Cohalan's) lasting shame, there never was a proper investigation into the 674 infant deaths, nor an explanation as to why the place had an 82 per cent infant-mortality rate at a time when Ireland’s infant-mortality rate was about 7 per cent.
https://www.southernstar.ie/archon/bishop-was-a-man-of-many-manuals-4217652
6
John Devoy, through his newspaper fired another broadside against the British Government. He published a facsimile of the original letter written by the British Minister in Christiania, Norway, in 1914 to Adler Christensen offering him £5,000 for the betrayal of Roger Casement. In his editorial comments, he ‘savagely criticised the impudence of Anglophiles in America who were constantly repeating the refrain that ‘working for the independence of Ireland is treason or disloyalty to the United States...every act they charge against Irishmen was committed, if at all, before America entered the war’.
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.238
7
The controversial death of hunger striker Thomas Ashe, filled the news and editorial pages of the local press across Ireland.
Many of newspapers disposed to the cause of Irish nationalism agree that Mr Ashe’s death, and the circumstances surrounding it, have further damaged the standing of the Irish Parliamentary Party, which has already been defeated in a series of by-election results this year. Some put it more vehemently than that:
Westmeath Independent: ‘The death of Thomas Ashe, and the circumstances attending it, has practically removed the last remnant of Redmondism from Irish life. Nothing could be more extraordinary than the manner in which the existence of the Redmondite Party has come to be ignored by the man in the street in the last ten days… It is fully realised that the politicians whom Mr. Redmond has so earnestly beseeched the Irish people to trust, are not in a position to effect any improvement, and that lesson has been driven home by the death of Thomas Ashe.’
Ulster Herald: ‘How shocking it is to think that men of the type of Thomas Ashe were held in execration during life by those who accept as the true gospel the fulminations of the Castle Journal [Freeman’s Journal] and to know that it is only in death his greatness of heart and soul is recognised by friend as well as foe… It is not Dublin Castle that Ireland is up against – it is the English government of Ireland...’
Roscommon Journal: ‘The Chairman of the Irish Prisons’ Board is Mr. Max Green, son-in-law of Mr Redmond. He was approached in the matter, but did not move. Indeed, he stated that forcible feeding is harmless! Mr. Green and many other…Castle jobholders would never have reached their posts but for the forcible political feeding imposed upon Ireland by the Redmond Party for the last ten years while public opinion was throttled and gagged by the Party machine…’
The Irish Times: ‘The circumstances of Ashe’s death were peculiarly unfortunate. Nobody who saw his funeral in Dublin yesterday can doubt that they have given a new stimulus to the Sinn Féin movement. That movement was beginning to suffer from the country’s gradual discovery that it is without a rational policy. Today it is reinforced by the wave of political feeling that will flow from the gates of Mountjoy Prison throughout Ireland and into the United States.’
Petrograd: Finland was set to become an independent state, according to reports from Petrograd in Russia.
Having previously been a duchy within the Russian Empire, the status of Finland has been unclear in the aftermath of Russia’s revolution earlier in the year.
8
Dublin: The role of the Irish press censor came under scrutiny after the department was criticised by the Irish Independent.
The newspaper has accused Dublin Castle of being biased in favour of certain titles, most notably the Redmondite Freeman’s Journal. The Independent states as the ‘plain truth’ that ‘for more than a month the [Irish Parliamentary] Party and Government organs in Dublin, relying on the good offices of their numerous friends in high places, have been deliberately disregarding and ignoring the Censorship’. The charge relates to the recent publication of a letter from the Bishop of Killaloe, Most Rev. Dr Fogarty, the text of which was telegraphed to all Dublin newspapers on the night of 26 September. The letter concerns the death of Thomas Ashe, and was a strong condemnation of the British authorities in Ireland. The press censor instructed that it was not to be published.
However, the Freeman’s Journal did eventually publish it, slightly altering text that referred to Ashe’s death as ‘murder’. The Irish Independent on the other hand claim that they received ‘no fewer than half a dozen messages’ warning of the penalties they would incur under DORA should they follow suit. The Independent argued that the example of the bishop’s letter is part of a pattern whereby the Freeman’s Journal has been permitted to print matter that has been prohibited by the censor elsewhere.
London: The head of a major bicycle manufacturing firm has suggested that the Government should consider the introduction of licenses for every bicycle. Stressing that this would not be a tax, but a deterrent against theft, the manufacturer proposed stamping a license number on the handlebars of every bike. This number would correspond to a copy of the license carried by every cyclist, which would enable police to easily identify thieves and trace stolen bicycles. The reaction from cycling enthusiasts has been muted. The Irish Cyclist magazine has opposed the idea. While not doubting the efficacy of such a system, they claimed that it was unlikely the government would do the work for free, meaning that it would invariably end with an additional tax.
New York: Jeremiah O’Leary’s satirical newspaper ‘Bull’ was supressed.
9
Poelcapelle and other German positions captured in Franco- British attack.
10
In reponse to the Gaelic American article and John Devoy’d editorial on October 6th, the Wilson Government published documents dated January 1916, which were alleged to be copies of cables that the German Ambassador, Count Bernstorff sent to Berlin indicating Irish-Americans who were prepared to do sabotage work in the United States...Joseph McGarrity, John T Keating & Jeremiah O’Leary (the American born editor of the satirical weekly, Bull and founder of the American Truth Society.
‘Keating had died on June 24, 1915, some 6 months before the date of these alleged cablegrams. Both McGarrity and O’Leary challenged Lansing to produce a scrap of evidence connecting them with any act of sabotage’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.238-239
However, O’Leary was already on the run following attemtps to obstruct recruiting and was captured in California. He was returned to New York for charging, pleaded not guilty and remanded to the prison complex named ‘The Tombs’ for trial where he remained for six months until released on his aquittal in March 1918. Another Clan leader and member of the Revolutionary Directory, John T. Ryan of Buffalo, New York became a fugitive in Mexico and Germany. Despite an exemplary military record in the Spanish-American war, he was indicted in his absence and remained in exile until c. 1925.
11
London: "Moving pictures have a profound mental and moral effect on young people, but that ‘under wise guidance’ cinemas could be used as a positive influence" according to "The Cinema: Its Present Position and Future Possibilities" published on this date.
It contained the report of the principal evidence taken by the Cinema Commission of Inquiry instituted by the National Council of Public Morals and warned that if left unchecked, cinemas have the potential to be used for ‘evil’ purposes.
The report found that there was a slight connection between cinema and juvenile crime. "This is not only caused by films with overt references to sex and crime, but also by excessive sensationalism and frightfulness." The commissioners called for stricter censorship, not only of films, but also of posters advertising them.
The figures relating to the industry are described as ‘bewildering in their immensity’. Using returns for Britain as a whole, the report states that there are almost 1.1 billion attendances at picture shows in the course of a single year. Across the British Isles, it reported that there are 4,500 theatres with a seating capacity that affords accommodation for one in every 37 of the population. According to these figures it is estimated that the entire population of the United Kingdom (including Ireland) goes to the picture house once every two weeks.
Irish Convention:
By early October 1917, various issues including Nationalists posturing and Ulster Unionist intransigence were already threatening the future existence of the Grand Committee. At the opening of the second phase, it was proposed by Sir Alexander McDowell that an even smaller sub-committee be formed, the "Committee of Nine", composed of Redmond, Devlin, O'Donnell (Nationalists), Murphy, Russell (Independents), Barrie, Londonderry, McDowell (Ulster Unionists), and Midleton (Southern Unionists). This sub-committee should convene to negotiate, formulate and draft proposals for an agreed scheme for the government of Ireland and to discuss the Bishop's scheme and the formation of other sub-committees to deal with matters such as land purchase, police and electoral systems.
Plunkett felt that Ulster Unionists were beginning to engage after the new sub-committee was formed to concentrate on the two major obstacles, fiscal policy and Ulster. McDowell was an expert negotiator and had the confidence of both the Ulster Unionist Council and was on good terms with Redmond. Unfortunately his sudden death ended his good work.
But by the end of October, with the exception of fiscal powers, the sub-committee arrived at provisional agreement on nearly every vital point, with Redmond in the belief that a final agreement was in sight. However, this too would also reach a point of deadlock.
London: "Moving pictures have a profound mental and moral effect on young people, but that ‘under wise guidance’ cinemas could be used as a positive influence" according to "The Cinema: Its Present Position and Future Possibilities" published on this date.
It contained the report of the principal evidence taken by the Cinema Commission of Inquiry instituted by the National Council of Public Morals and warned that if left unchecked, cinemas have the potential to be used for ‘evil’ purposes.
The report found that there was a slight connection between cinema and juvenile crime. "This is not only caused by films with overt references to sex and crime, but also by excessive sensationalism and frightfulness." The commissioners called for stricter censorship, not only of films, but also of posters advertising them.
The figures relating to the industry are described as ‘bewildering in their immensity’. Using returns for Britain as a whole, the report states that there are almost 1.1 billion attendances at picture shows in the course of a single year. Across the British Isles, it reported that there are 4,500 theatres with a seating capacity that affords accommodation for one in every 37 of the population. According to these figures it is estimated that the entire population of the United Kingdom (including Ireland) goes to the picture house once every two weeks.
Irish Convention:
By early October 1917, various issues including Nationalists posturing and Ulster Unionist intransigence were already threatening the future existence of the Grand Committee. At the opening of the second phase, it was proposed by Sir Alexander McDowell that an even smaller sub-committee be formed, the "Committee of Nine", composed of Redmond, Devlin, O'Donnell (Nationalists), Murphy, Russell (Independents), Barrie, Londonderry, McDowell (Ulster Unionists), and Midleton (Southern Unionists). This sub-committee should convene to negotiate, formulate and draft proposals for an agreed scheme for the government of Ireland and to discuss the Bishop's scheme and the formation of other sub-committees to deal with matters such as land purchase, police and electoral systems.
Plunkett felt that Ulster Unionists were beginning to engage after the new sub-committee was formed to concentrate on the two major obstacles, fiscal policy and Ulster. McDowell was an expert negotiator and had the confidence of both the Ulster Unionist Council and was on good terms with Redmond. Unfortunately his sudden death ended his good work.
But by the end of October, with the exception of fiscal powers, the sub-committee arrived at provisional agreement on nearly every vital point, with Redmond in the belief that a final agreement was in sight. However, this too would also reach a point of deadlock.
12
First Battle of Passchendaele: Allies fail to take a German defensive position with the biggest loss of life in a single day for New Zealand, over 800 of whose men and 45 officers are killed, roughly 1 in 1000 of the nation's population at this time.
First Battle of Passchendaele: Allies fail to take a German defensive position with the biggest loss of life in a single day for New Zealand, over 800 of whose men and 45 officers are killed, roughly 1 in 1000 of the nation's population at this time.
13
The Irish Progressive League was founded in New York.
Amongst the emerging leaders was Peter Golden. Poet and journalist, Golden was also on the staff of the Gaelic American and active in the Irish Relief Fund organisation. Both the Clan and the IPL later worked together reasonably well, but there was to be some friction with Devoy considering them as little more than another ‘butter-in’ on matters that should have been exclusively Clan na Gael responsibility.
"The Progressive League attracted those members of the Friends who were disenchanted with the ultra-Americanism and inactivity of Devoy and Cohalan. It also gained the active support of many nationalists from Ireland. These included Nora Connolly and Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington. Liam Mellows also lent his support despite his employment on the staff of the Gaelic American, a paper closely identified with Devoy. The social radicalism of the League was very different from that of the Friends. Many of its members were American radicals and liberals who might not otherwise have involved themselves in the Irish cause'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p71
According to C. Desmond Greaves, the socialist republican writer, the IPL was founded to support Morris Hillquit (1869-1933), the socialist candidate for mayor of New York. In the summer of 1917, with nationalism and pro-war sentiment sweeping the nation, Hillquit ran for Mayor of New York City. Hillquit's campaign was based on an anti-war platform and commitment to economical public services and drew the diverse support both of committed socialists, pacifists and other anti-war activists, and pro-war liberals endorsing his campaign as a protest against the government's "sedition" policy, which effectively served to curb freedoms of speech and press. While Hillquit failed to win election, he collected an impressive 22% of the citywide vote.
14:
Artist Nathaniel Hone dies aged 86. His widow later presented 500 of his oils and some 900 water colours to the National Gallery
Dublin: The City Architect for Dublin, C.J. McCarthy, published a first progress report on the rebuilding of the city since the Dublin Reconstruction Act became law nine months previously. Plans for the rebuilding of 87 premises in the areas destroyed by the Easter Rising had been submitted. A large number of these were considered unsuitable as they did not take the character of the street and surrounding buildings into account. However, the city architect reported with satisfaction that both property owners and architects were content to work with his requirements with the result that 70 of the submitted designs had since been approved. The greatest progress has been achieved, not on the main thoroughfare of Sackville Street, but on the adjoining Henry Street, where two buildings have already been completed and a further 15 are in the course of construction. Progress, too, was been reported in respect of buildings on Upper and Lower Earl Street, Lower Abbey Street and Eden Quay.
The Irish Progressive League was founded in New York.
Amongst the emerging leaders was Peter Golden. Poet and journalist, Golden was also on the staff of the Gaelic American and active in the Irish Relief Fund organisation. Both the Clan and the IPL later worked together reasonably well, but there was to be some friction with Devoy considering them as little more than another ‘butter-in’ on matters that should have been exclusively Clan na Gael responsibility.
"The Progressive League attracted those members of the Friends who were disenchanted with the ultra-Americanism and inactivity of Devoy and Cohalan. It also gained the active support of many nationalists from Ireland. These included Nora Connolly and Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington. Liam Mellows also lent his support despite his employment on the staff of the Gaelic American, a paper closely identified with Devoy. The social radicalism of the League was very different from that of the Friends. Many of its members were American radicals and liberals who might not otherwise have involved themselves in the Irish cause'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p71
According to C. Desmond Greaves, the socialist republican writer, the IPL was founded to support Morris Hillquit (1869-1933), the socialist candidate for mayor of New York. In the summer of 1917, with nationalism and pro-war sentiment sweeping the nation, Hillquit ran for Mayor of New York City. Hillquit's campaign was based on an anti-war platform and commitment to economical public services and drew the diverse support both of committed socialists, pacifists and other anti-war activists, and pro-war liberals endorsing his campaign as a protest against the government's "sedition" policy, which effectively served to curb freedoms of speech and press. While Hillquit failed to win election, he collected an impressive 22% of the citywide vote.
14:
Artist Nathaniel Hone dies aged 86. His widow later presented 500 of his oils and some 900 water colours to the National Gallery
Dublin: The City Architect for Dublin, C.J. McCarthy, published a first progress report on the rebuilding of the city since the Dublin Reconstruction Act became law nine months previously. Plans for the rebuilding of 87 premises in the areas destroyed by the Easter Rising had been submitted. A large number of these were considered unsuitable as they did not take the character of the street and surrounding buildings into account. However, the city architect reported with satisfaction that both property owners and architects were content to work with his requirements with the result that 70 of the submitted designs had since been approved. The greatest progress has been achieved, not on the main thoroughfare of Sackville Street, but on the adjoining Henry Street, where two buildings have already been completed and a further 15 are in the course of construction. Progress, too, was been reported in respect of buildings on Upper and Lower Earl Street, Lower Abbey Street and Eden Quay.
Lord Percy wrote to Dr Maloney from the British Embassy in Washington in reply to his May 5th letter ‘denouncing the British Government for it's conduct towards Ireland, and it's selfish purposes in the war, dissociating him from these things, and stating my determination to fight them..’
Lord Percy wrote ‘I know too much about the inner workings of governments to believe in the suspicions about deliberate sordid Machiavellianisms. The world is goverend by very human and very ordinary people, and they are no more astute and no more wicked than you or I. To my knowledge you have made statements in the Evening Post about the designs of these people which are sheer inventions – not your inventions but those of that well marked breed of international gossips who do more harm than all the diplomats in the world…indeed friendship had nothing to do with politics..half the international gossips in the United States regard it as an established fact that I forged a lettr from Cohalan and was taxed with it by Cohalan at a midnight conferences at the Embasy last may! Believe me, the only thing that gets one anywhere in politics or in other things is ‘charity’…’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.2. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives Folder 6/2
15
De Valera speaking in Athy said ‘We are not doctrinare Republicans’
Dublin: There were many victims of the previous year’s Easter Rising. They include the dead and the injured and their families and dependants. They include the property owners and business people whose premises were destroyed or damaged amidst the fighting. Less obviously, they also include a number of civil servants in various departments who were either dismissed or otherwise punished on the grounds that they were complicit in the outbreak of the Rising. However, the evidence on which these charges of collusion were levelled is not known. The civil servants concerned had been penalised on the basis of secret reportage, which may have been motivated by malice or vindictiveness.
An editorial in the Irish Independent questioned the process, which, it says, sets aside the ‘broad principle that everybody is assumed to be innocent until he is proved guilty’. Moreover, it was ‘highly discreditable to the departments and officials who have, on purely ex parte statements, victimised public servants’. The newspaper’s editorial followed a discussion at Dublin Corporation where, on the motion of Ald. Byrne MP, it was demanded that the evidence should be produced in all cases where there have been wrongful dismissals.
Kevin Boland, Fianna Fail TD served as Minister for Defence, Social Welfare and Local Government, born.
Mata Hari is executed by firing squad in Vincennes.
17
Antilles, American transport, westbound from France, sunk by submarine; 67 lost
There was great excitement in the last weeks leading up to the Convention. The republican women hoped the event would provide them with an opportunity to meet like-minded individuals from all over the country so that their Dublin-based group could be extended and put onto a more formal footing. However, while they were planning a social event and an inaugural meeting to launch this new organisation they were dismayed to discover that only twelve women had been selected as delegates to a convention which would have more than one thousand participants.
The ordinary Sinn Féin member was not ready to have women represent his interests in this important meeting in Dublin. Rosamund Jacob from Waterford was possibly the only woman from outside the capital to have crossed the gender barrier at this time. Despite this set-back, they met at the home of Countess Plunkett on the Thursday evening before the start of the weekend proceedings. Winifred Carney and a number of other women from Belfast were amongst the gathering. They realised that it was premature to launch an all-Ireland organisation but they agreed to continue in their task of promoting women’s interests in as many spheres as possible. They decided to Gaelicise their name to Cumann na Teachtaire and to work to ensure that women would be elected onto public boards and onto all institutions within the Sinn Féin organisation. Reluctantly, they had to drop the idea of producing a women’s newspaper, but they agreed to produce leaflets and to try to link up with other women’s societies.
18
Dublin: 1,600 volunteers took to the streets of Dublin with half a million flags to raise funds for the Red Cross, whose ‘Our Day’ pageant took over the principal streets of the capital.
"The pageant followed a route from St Stephen’s Green, along Grafton Street and Westmoreland Road, to the Rotunda, before returning to the southside of the River Liffey where it moved up Nassau Street before concluding at the Mansion House. The streets were festooned with a large display of Union Jack flags. The procession involved military bands and was headed by a tramcar decorated with red, white and blue flags, as well as the stars and stripes. This was followed by two corporation ambulances and two horse ambulances, and then by the pipers of the Highland Light Infantry and a wagon representing a battlefield from the days when surgery was primitive and as dangerous as war itself.
On and on the pageant went as collectors, women mostly, worked their way through the crowds soliciting donations.
The atmosphere around the events was exemplary and there were no reports of dissent or unpleasant incidents along the route.
‘Our Day’ events were not confined to Dublin, nor indeed to Ireland. To kick-start the fund, King George V announced that he was contributing £10,000 as a mark of appreciation to what the British Red Cross Society and the Order of St John had contributed in the past."
The American Red Cross subscribed £200,000 to the ‘Our Day’ fund, which had been earmarked for a variety of purposes – £50,000 for the relief and comfort of sick and wounded in hospitals; £50,000 for the maintenance of Red Cross auxiliary hospitals and convalescent homes in England; and £100,000 for institutions in Great Britain that specialise in orthopaedic, facial, and general restorative work for disabled British soldiers.
Antilles, American transport, westbound from France, sunk by submarine; 67 lost
There was great excitement in the last weeks leading up to the Convention. The republican women hoped the event would provide them with an opportunity to meet like-minded individuals from all over the country so that their Dublin-based group could be extended and put onto a more formal footing. However, while they were planning a social event and an inaugural meeting to launch this new organisation they were dismayed to discover that only twelve women had been selected as delegates to a convention which would have more than one thousand participants.
The ordinary Sinn Féin member was not ready to have women represent his interests in this important meeting in Dublin. Rosamund Jacob from Waterford was possibly the only woman from outside the capital to have crossed the gender barrier at this time. Despite this set-back, they met at the home of Countess Plunkett on the Thursday evening before the start of the weekend proceedings. Winifred Carney and a number of other women from Belfast were amongst the gathering. They realised that it was premature to launch an all-Ireland organisation but they agreed to continue in their task of promoting women’s interests in as many spheres as possible. They decided to Gaelicise their name to Cumann na Teachtaire and to work to ensure that women would be elected onto public boards and onto all institutions within the Sinn Féin organisation. Reluctantly, they had to drop the idea of producing a women’s newspaper, but they agreed to produce leaflets and to try to link up with other women’s societies.
18
Dublin: 1,600 volunteers took to the streets of Dublin with half a million flags to raise funds for the Red Cross, whose ‘Our Day’ pageant took over the principal streets of the capital.
"The pageant followed a route from St Stephen’s Green, along Grafton Street and Westmoreland Road, to the Rotunda, before returning to the southside of the River Liffey where it moved up Nassau Street before concluding at the Mansion House. The streets were festooned with a large display of Union Jack flags. The procession involved military bands and was headed by a tramcar decorated with red, white and blue flags, as well as the stars and stripes. This was followed by two corporation ambulances and two horse ambulances, and then by the pipers of the Highland Light Infantry and a wagon representing a battlefield from the days when surgery was primitive and as dangerous as war itself.
On and on the pageant went as collectors, women mostly, worked their way through the crowds soliciting donations.
The atmosphere around the events was exemplary and there were no reports of dissent or unpleasant incidents along the route.
‘Our Day’ events were not confined to Dublin, nor indeed to Ireland. To kick-start the fund, King George V announced that he was contributing £10,000 as a mark of appreciation to what the British Red Cross Society and the Order of St John had contributed in the past."
The American Red Cross subscribed £200,000 to the ‘Our Day’ fund, which had been earmarked for a variety of purposes – £50,000 for the relief and comfort of sick and wounded in hospitals; £50,000 for the maintenance of Red Cross auxiliary hospitals and convalescent homes in England; and £100,000 for institutions in Great Britain that specialise in orthopaedic, facial, and general restorative work for disabled British soldiers.
20
Prior to the Sinn Fein Convention or Ard Fheis, a committee was formed to prepare a draft constitution for Sinn Fein. This proved to be a difficult and sensitive undertaking as Arthur Griffith would not become involved with a Republican form of Government and Cathal Brugha would settle for nothing less. De Valera attempted to avoid a possible split by suggesting this definition of the aims of Sinn Fein:
‘Sinn Fein aims at securing the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish Republic. Having achieved that status, the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of Government.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.232
Another visitor to Kathleen Clarke’s home in Dundrum was Countess Markievicz who came to disucss the matter of MacNeill. She thought that he would be nominated for a position on the Executive in the upcoming Ard Fheis and that the proper person to protest would be Mrs. Clarke. ‘I told her that members of the Irish Volunteers had come to me and advised me against it and that I had agreed to act on their advice. ‘Well’ she said ‘if you won't do it, I will’. I tried to reason with her but it was no use; she was determined on attacking him. I told her I would not support her.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P148
It was accepted unanimously by the Provisional Executive Committee and formed the preamble of the draft Constitution.
The Gaelic revivalist and TD for Cork City, Liam De Roiste in Cork wrote in his diaries: ‘…the military side of the movement is now actively and agressively working to dominate the civil side and to take all control and direction of civil as well as military affairs…every man who is not a Volunteer or in the good graces of the chiefs of the Volunteers is to be pushed aside from responsible positions in Sinn Fein’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p17
Prior to the Sinn Fein Convention or Ard Fheis, a committee was formed to prepare a draft constitution for Sinn Fein. This proved to be a difficult and sensitive undertaking as Arthur Griffith would not become involved with a Republican form of Government and Cathal Brugha would settle for nothing less. De Valera attempted to avoid a possible split by suggesting this definition of the aims of Sinn Fein:
‘Sinn Fein aims at securing the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish Republic. Having achieved that status, the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of Government.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.232
Another visitor to Kathleen Clarke’s home in Dundrum was Countess Markievicz who came to disucss the matter of MacNeill. She thought that he would be nominated for a position on the Executive in the upcoming Ard Fheis and that the proper person to protest would be Mrs. Clarke. ‘I told her that members of the Irish Volunteers had come to me and advised me against it and that I had agreed to act on their advice. ‘Well’ she said ‘if you won't do it, I will’. I tried to reason with her but it was no use; she was determined on attacking him. I told her I would not support her.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revolutionary Woman’. O’Brien Press 1991. P148
It was accepted unanimously by the Provisional Executive Committee and formed the preamble of the draft Constitution.
The Gaelic revivalist and TD for Cork City, Liam De Roiste in Cork wrote in his diaries: ‘…the military side of the movement is now actively and agressively working to dominate the civil side and to take all control and direction of civil as well as military affairs…every man who is not a Volunteer or in the good graces of the chiefs of the Volunteers is to be pushed aside from responsible positions in Sinn Fein’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p17
21
Public parades of the Irish Volunteers were held throughout the country in direct contravention of the British Administration’s banning of drilling, wearing uniforms and carrying arms. In Cork over 1,000 men mobilised and marched from the closed Headquarters to Blarney, most wearing uniforms but no arms.
The Austrian-Hungarian with German aid inflicted a huge defeat on the Italians, but it wasn’t enough. The Italians held on.
22
In New York, Shane Leslie issued a disclaimer to the Editor of the New York Evening Post and was published on 24th. ‘ it is not my custom to join in the periodical man hunts to which Irishmen are invited with a view to saving their country. To me it would be as distasteful to hound Parnell or Redmond out of Ireland as to raise a hue and cry against Judge Cohalan in America, intensely as I regret his attitude to Germany previous to America’s entry into the war…the only Irish plots I have shared in connection with the British Embassy have been to save and not to destroy fellow Irishmen.’
Quoted in press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.8. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives. Folder 6/2
Dr Maloney commented that ‘No notice was taken of it by the Gaelic American or other newspapers, and the rank and file of the Irish Americans continued to believe in Judge Cohalan’s martyrdom.’
Quoted in press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.9. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives. Folder 6/2
Public parades of the Irish Volunteers were held throughout the country in direct contravention of the British Administration’s banning of drilling, wearing uniforms and carrying arms. In Cork over 1,000 men mobilised and marched from the closed Headquarters to Blarney, most wearing uniforms but no arms.
The Austrian-Hungarian with German aid inflicted a huge defeat on the Italians, but it wasn’t enough. The Italians held on.
22
In New York, Shane Leslie issued a disclaimer to the Editor of the New York Evening Post and was published on 24th. ‘ it is not my custom to join in the periodical man hunts to which Irishmen are invited with a view to saving their country. To me it would be as distasteful to hound Parnell or Redmond out of Ireland as to raise a hue and cry against Judge Cohalan in America, intensely as I regret his attitude to Germany previous to America’s entry into the war…the only Irish plots I have shared in connection with the British Embassy have been to save and not to destroy fellow Irishmen.’
Quoted in press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.8. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives. Folder 6/2
Dr Maloney commented that ‘No notice was taken of it by the Gaelic American or other newspapers, and the rank and file of the Irish Americans continued to believe in Judge Cohalan’s martyrdom.’
Quoted in press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.9. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives. Folder 6/2
23
Westminster: Speaking to a packed House of Commons, John Redmond moved a motion deploring the policies of both the Irish Executive Government and the Irish military authorities. Redmond also demanded, in the interest of both Ireland and the Empire, that a ‘favourable atmosphere’ be created to allow the Irish Convention successfully conclude its business.
The motion was comfortably defeated by 211 votes to 78, but the speech put on record the concern of the country’s largest constitutional party that the government’s conduct in Ireland posed the ‘gravest danger of a destruction of the Convention’.
Redmond accused the authorities of repeatedly going out of their way to challenge Sinn Féin, and by doing so they had irritated the public with ‘tactless, unnecessary, and perfectly silly measures of aggression’. He added that they had ‘succeeded in inflaming passions in Ireland to probably a worse pitch than at any time since the Rising in 1916’.
In a cryptic response to Mr Redmond, Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr Duke, commented that the question was not so much about whether the Government was safeguarding the Convention, but whether there was ‘some sinister design to break down the Convention, some hidden hand, some silly and unconscious instrument which might be used for its destruction’.
Little of what has been occurring in Ireland appeared to have registered with British people. Coverage of Ireland in the main London newspaper had been conspicuous by its absence. In a forthcoming article for The English Review, Austin Harrison argues that a ‘curious ban on Irish information’ prevails in the English press, a point which, he says, is borne out by the reporting on the death of Thomas Ashe. As far as the readers in Britain were aware, this was no more than the death of a Sinn Féin prisoner which was reported in a single paragraph. There was nothing on the fact that Ashe had died from the effects of forcible feeding.
‘Not one Englishman in a million probably bothering about the tragedy enacted in Ireland for the good reason that for some unexplained reason he was not permitted to know anything about it, and across the Channel all Ireland in a state of suppressed emotion and bitterness.’
An amendment proposed to the forthcoming Electoral Bill would see unionists gain seats in Ireland. The amendment, put forward by Sir John Lonsdale, the Unionist MP for Mid-Armagh, envisaged 101 Irish representatives in Westminster, with Ulster gaining four extra seats at the expense of the other provinces. The Lonsdale plan would see Belfast increase from four MPs to 10; Dublin from four to eight. The plan is based, Lonsdale said, on the standard one member for every 40,000 inhabitants as compared to 70,000 in Great Britain.
However, under the proposal, the boroughs of Newry, Galway, Derry, Limerick, Waterford and Kilkenny would lose their separate representation. The proposals quickly gave rise to accusations of unionist gerrymandering. The Representation of the People Bill, was one of the most significant pieces of legislation under consideration of the Westminster Parliament at the time. The Bill proposed several major democratic reforms, including the extension of the franchise to women. In total, it would enlarge the electorate by more than 6 million voters. A consequence of the expanded electorate was the necessity to examine the distribution of seats in the House of Commons. The matter remained an open one, although the Home Secretary stated for Ireland to be included in the Representation of the People Bill, a measure of redistribution would be necessary.
John Redmond objected to redistribution in Ireland as the matter was under consideration at the Irish Convention. However, he did not feel that this provided sufficient justification to block Parliament applying the scheme of electoral reform equally for all parts of the UK.
Meanwhile, Lloyd George and the Liberal-Conservative Administration were more concerned by the speeches of the non-sitting members for South Longford , North Roscommon and in particular the Honourable Member for East Clare, De Valera:
‘I have read the speeches of the honourable Member for East Clare’ Lloyd George said in the House of Commons on October 23rd, ‘they are not excited and so far as language is concerned they are not violent. They are plain, deliberate, and I might also say, cold blooded incitements to rebellion....and he delivered them not merely on one occasion. He has repeated them at meeting after meeting almost in the same studied terms...urging the people to train, to master their rifles, to study the mechanism in order that whenever they are supplied with rifles, they should be able to use them efficiently...that is not a case of violent, abusive and excitable language. It is the case of a man with great ability, of considerable influence, deliberately going down to the district....to stir people up to rebellion against the authorities....how can the Government treat speeches of that kind as if they were the sort of excitable speeches delivered by people of no consequence which would end in nothing?...there is a great deal of talk among the Sinn Feiners which does not mean Home Rule. It does not mean self Government. It means complete separation...it means secession. The words which are used are ‘sovereign independence’. This country could not possible accept that under any conditions’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.236
Westminster: Speaking to a packed House of Commons, John Redmond moved a motion deploring the policies of both the Irish Executive Government and the Irish military authorities. Redmond also demanded, in the interest of both Ireland and the Empire, that a ‘favourable atmosphere’ be created to allow the Irish Convention successfully conclude its business.
The motion was comfortably defeated by 211 votes to 78, but the speech put on record the concern of the country’s largest constitutional party that the government’s conduct in Ireland posed the ‘gravest danger of a destruction of the Convention’.
Redmond accused the authorities of repeatedly going out of their way to challenge Sinn Féin, and by doing so they had irritated the public with ‘tactless, unnecessary, and perfectly silly measures of aggression’. He added that they had ‘succeeded in inflaming passions in Ireland to probably a worse pitch than at any time since the Rising in 1916’.
In a cryptic response to Mr Redmond, Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr Duke, commented that the question was not so much about whether the Government was safeguarding the Convention, but whether there was ‘some sinister design to break down the Convention, some hidden hand, some silly and unconscious instrument which might be used for its destruction’.
Little of what has been occurring in Ireland appeared to have registered with British people. Coverage of Ireland in the main London newspaper had been conspicuous by its absence. In a forthcoming article for The English Review, Austin Harrison argues that a ‘curious ban on Irish information’ prevails in the English press, a point which, he says, is borne out by the reporting on the death of Thomas Ashe. As far as the readers in Britain were aware, this was no more than the death of a Sinn Féin prisoner which was reported in a single paragraph. There was nothing on the fact that Ashe had died from the effects of forcible feeding.
‘Not one Englishman in a million probably bothering about the tragedy enacted in Ireland for the good reason that for some unexplained reason he was not permitted to know anything about it, and across the Channel all Ireland in a state of suppressed emotion and bitterness.’
An amendment proposed to the forthcoming Electoral Bill would see unionists gain seats in Ireland. The amendment, put forward by Sir John Lonsdale, the Unionist MP for Mid-Armagh, envisaged 101 Irish representatives in Westminster, with Ulster gaining four extra seats at the expense of the other provinces. The Lonsdale plan would see Belfast increase from four MPs to 10; Dublin from four to eight. The plan is based, Lonsdale said, on the standard one member for every 40,000 inhabitants as compared to 70,000 in Great Britain.
However, under the proposal, the boroughs of Newry, Galway, Derry, Limerick, Waterford and Kilkenny would lose their separate representation. The proposals quickly gave rise to accusations of unionist gerrymandering. The Representation of the People Bill, was one of the most significant pieces of legislation under consideration of the Westminster Parliament at the time. The Bill proposed several major democratic reforms, including the extension of the franchise to women. In total, it would enlarge the electorate by more than 6 million voters. A consequence of the expanded electorate was the necessity to examine the distribution of seats in the House of Commons. The matter remained an open one, although the Home Secretary stated for Ireland to be included in the Representation of the People Bill, a measure of redistribution would be necessary.
John Redmond objected to redistribution in Ireland as the matter was under consideration at the Irish Convention. However, he did not feel that this provided sufficient justification to block Parliament applying the scheme of electoral reform equally for all parts of the UK.
Meanwhile, Lloyd George and the Liberal-Conservative Administration were more concerned by the speeches of the non-sitting members for South Longford , North Roscommon and in particular the Honourable Member for East Clare, De Valera:
‘I have read the speeches of the honourable Member for East Clare’ Lloyd George said in the House of Commons on October 23rd, ‘they are not excited and so far as language is concerned they are not violent. They are plain, deliberate, and I might also say, cold blooded incitements to rebellion....and he delivered them not merely on one occasion. He has repeated them at meeting after meeting almost in the same studied terms...urging the people to train, to master their rifles, to study the mechanism in order that whenever they are supplied with rifles, they should be able to use them efficiently...that is not a case of violent, abusive and excitable language. It is the case of a man with great ability, of considerable influence, deliberately going down to the district....to stir people up to rebellion against the authorities....how can the Government treat speeches of that kind as if they were the sort of excitable speeches delivered by people of no consequence which would end in nothing?...there is a great deal of talk among the Sinn Feiners which does not mean Home Rule. It does not mean self Government. It means complete separation...it means secession. The words which are used are ‘sovereign independence’. This country could not possible accept that under any conditions’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.236
New York: Dr Patrick McCartan and Liam Mellows attempted to arrange a passage to Russia where they intended to promote the cause of Ireland to the Provisional Russian Government headed by Kerensky. Using faked identification papers, McCartan got as far as Halifax, Canada, where he was picked up by secret service operatives, arrested and brought back to New York.
Mellows had been arrested before he left New York. According to John Devoy, an attempt was made to source a ‘confession’ from Liam Mellows implicating Judge Cohalan, Devoy and Jeremiah O’Leary in a ‘plot’ to begin another insurrection in Ireland during the spring of 1918.
Bail was initially denied to both McCartan and Mellows but there is some evidence that Mellows was unable to come up with the $7,500 bail fees levied and that Devoy and Cohalan appeared reticient to assist. The New York Times capitalised on the fact which led to Devoy’s response on November 1st.
Mellows was interogated by William J. Flynn, Chief of the Secret Service who ‘inquired into the Irishman’s movement in America and his associates’ Mellows later commented in a letter (March 1920 ) that the ‘patriotic pretences of Cohalan and even Devoy at the time had soured him. He said the pair had tried to coerce him nto getting out his ‘first papers’ for citizenship to ‘save myself’ after America entered the war. ‘How dare the old man talk of the young men at home in view of the treatment meted out to the young men who came over since 1916 and who were not a bit different to those they left behind. He spoke caustically of ‘the structure that battens on the work and sacrifices of the people at home.’
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P70
Text of the Mellows ‘confession’ was publshed in the New York Times on October 27th.
While in jail in New York, McCartan was told that the Wilson Administration may permit the British Government to conscript for military service, any Irish citizens that were resident in the US.
The failed diplomatic journey to Russia would have been pointless, as within a month, the Provisional Government had been overthrown and the Bolsheviks were consolidating power.
American troops in France fire their first shots against the Germans. By winter of 1917, there were over 100,000 American troops in France with more pouring in daily.
French advance northeast of Soissons.
Mellows had been arrested before he left New York. According to John Devoy, an attempt was made to source a ‘confession’ from Liam Mellows implicating Judge Cohalan, Devoy and Jeremiah O’Leary in a ‘plot’ to begin another insurrection in Ireland during the spring of 1918.
Bail was initially denied to both McCartan and Mellows but there is some evidence that Mellows was unable to come up with the $7,500 bail fees levied and that Devoy and Cohalan appeared reticient to assist. The New York Times capitalised on the fact which led to Devoy’s response on November 1st.
Mellows was interogated by William J. Flynn, Chief of the Secret Service who ‘inquired into the Irishman’s movement in America and his associates’ Mellows later commented in a letter (March 1920 ) that the ‘patriotic pretences of Cohalan and even Devoy at the time had soured him. He said the pair had tried to coerce him nto getting out his ‘first papers’ for citizenship to ‘save myself’ after America entered the war. ‘How dare the old man talk of the young men at home in view of the treatment meted out to the young men who came over since 1916 and who were not a bit different to those they left behind. He spoke caustically of ‘the structure that battens on the work and sacrifices of the people at home.’
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P70
Text of the Mellows ‘confession’ was publshed in the New York Times on October 27th.
While in jail in New York, McCartan was told that the Wilson Administration may permit the British Government to conscript for military service, any Irish citizens that were resident in the US.
The failed diplomatic journey to Russia would have been pointless, as within a month, the Provisional Government had been overthrown and the Bolsheviks were consolidating power.
American troops in France fire their first shots against the Germans. By winter of 1917, there were over 100,000 American troops in France with more pouring in daily.
French advance northeast of Soissons.
Letter from John D. Moore (Secretary of Friends of Irish Freedom) to Joseph McGarrity congratulating him on his reply to "Secretary Lansing's publication of a telegram to Bernstorff which may or may not be genuine",
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Austria-Hungarian & German forces began a large scale offensive on Italian positions at Carporetto. The Italian line crumbled and in three weeks, found themselves pushed back as far as Venice, some 50 miles. 40,000 Italians were killed and 275,000 taken prisoner. This defeat almost put Italy out of the war but the advance slowed and stoped due to lack of supplies.
Dublin: The Theatre Royal in Dublin staged a performance of Ghosts by Henrik Ibsen, a play that had, up until recently, been banned as a ‘work unfit for presentation in a public theatre’. It was unclear why the ban had been removed, but the promoters of the play in Dublin were delighted in advertising it as Ibsen’s ‘forbidden play’. Posters also mention, in prominent type, that adults only would be admitted. Written in 1881 and first staged in Chicago in 1882, like many of Ibsen's plays, Ghosts is a scathing commentary on 19th-century morality. Because of its subject matter includes religion, venereal disease, incest and euthanasia, it immediately generated strong controversy and negative criticism.
The promoter received an added boost from the unwitting Catholic Truth Society, which had condemned the production of the play in Dublin. In doing so, however, they have only served to add to the publicity and public interest. The Theatre Royal performance was well-received by the audience, who were predominantly women, but not by Jacques, the reviewer in the Irish Independent, who questioned the qualities of the drama. He wrote that the characters presented by Ibsen in Ghosts did not ‘express life, but only an abnormal mental and physical decadence. There is not a decent man or woman in the play. They are a hideous lot.’ He concluded: ‘The theatre is a place for the clean things of life, not for the ghastly ghosts of diseased imaginations.’
Over time the play has fared better, and is considered a century after it's Dublin premiere, Ghosts is considered a “great play” that historically holds a position of “immense importance”.
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Sinn Fein Ard Fheis
Ignoring the Lloyd George inspired Irish Convention, the Tenth Sinn Fein Ard-Fheis convention was held at the Mansion House, Dublin. Attending were some 1,700 delegates from 1,200 Sinn Fein clubs and a wide representation of groups..ranging from ultra right-wing nationalists, socialists, Marxists, Women's Rights and groups that wanted Britain out of Ireland, irrespective of cost or what would replace them.
Attending as a delegate from Cork, was Michael Lynch.
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
Delegates attending included quite the mix of nationalist organisations: ‘old’ Sinn Féin members, IRB members, Volunteers, former UIL and AFIL members, Hibernians, and people who two years previously had belonged to no nationalist organisation. They were all fired with the new separatist spirit, and they all – or nearly all – went into the Ard-Fheis in a spirit of unity to adopt a constitution, elect a president and executive, and get on with the business of securing Irish independence.
'That the biggest news of the day was the issue of whether or not MacNeill ought to be censured for his actions in Holy Week illustrates how uncontroversial the constitution was seen to be. Even Tom Dillon admitted that, apart from the ‘Kings, Lords and Commons’ clause, there was nothing in the Sinn Féin constitution that his party could find fault with. P.S. O’Hegarty wrote in 1919 that ‘The policy of Sinn Fein today is the old Sinn Fein policy…with two alterations. In the first place it is frankly based on separation, with no mention of the Constitution of 1782; and in the second place its immediate objective is the Peace Conference.’
Brown. 'Advanced Nationalist Political Activity in Ireland 1910 – 1917' PhD TCD 2023
Arthur Griffith chaired the Ard Fheis when it opened and gave a report on the state of the organisation. There were 3,300 clubs representing more than 250,000 members. There were 1,700 delegates present from 1,000 clubs. Sinn Féin was also financially sound, with £1,272 to its credit. The objectives were ‘that Sinn Fein aims at securing the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish Republic. Having achieved that status the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of Government’
There were a number of calls to exclude the press from the proceedings before the Ard Fheis began. A swift show of hands confirmed that the press be allowed remain.
Diarmuid Lynch raised a procedural issue at the start of the conference:
Various motions including those of equality were proposed and carried.
The "Women's Resolution", originally drawn up by the League of Women, was proposed by Kathleen Lynn and seconded by Jenny Wyse-Power: ‘that the equality of men and women in this organisation be emphasised in all speeches and leaflets’. It was passed, by general agreement. The women’s tactic in getting executive backing had paid off. Another resolution, proposed by Lawrence Ginnell, urging that women form half of all co-optees onto the executive, was ruled out of order.
Arthur Griffith addressed the delegates, saying that: ‘fundamentally the position for which they had striven for had been gained: Ireland had renounced the British Parliament. Their need now was a Constituent Assembly able to speak for the nation.
Cathal Brugha proposed the new constitution...on one point they were united; they stood henceforth, for an Irish Republic....the constitution was accepted unanimously. The name Sinn Fein was retained and it was declared in the Preamble that the organisation:
‘shall, in the name of the Sovereign Irish people:
(a) deny the right and oppose the will of the British Parliament and British Crown or any other foreign Government to legislate for Ireland.
(B) Make use of any and every means available to render impotent the power of England to hold Ireland in subjection by military force or otherwise’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.232-233
The next item on the Clár was the election of the position of President of Sinn Fein with Griffith, De Valera and Count Plunkett nominated. Plunkett announced his withdrawal from the Presidency in favour of De Valera.
With Plunkett's announcement, Griffith rose and announced that he was also withdrawing his nomination in favour of De Valera.
In the course of his address, Griffith claimed that a fundamental principle upon which the party had been founded – the renouncement of the British parliament – had already been delivered and with that, the moral sanction of English authority in the country had been destroyed.
In the course of his address, Griffith claimed that a fundamental principle upon which the party had been founded – the renouncement of the British parliament – had already been delivered and with that, the moral sanction of English authority in the country had been destroyed.
As both Griffith and Plunkett had stood down in favour of Eamonn de Valera in the presidential race, De Valera was duly elected unopposed. Griffith did not, however, lose his prestige in the process. He was elected Sinn Féin vice president (at the expense of Plunkett); and was nominated as an electoral candidate in the East Cavan by-election in June 1918 – the first candidate apart from Plunkett who was not directly involved in the Rising – and which he won.
The Dublin Castle authorities had considered suppressing the Ard Fheis, but allowed it to go ahead in the belief that with three candidates for the presidency the organisation would in all probability, split.
“As if by magic” was how a sycophantic biographer of De Valera later described it. But Cathal Brugha knew better. He said that Griffith had just one choice, to “walk the plank” or accept change. De Valera later used an ugly word to explain his ascent in 1917, and used it more than once. He said Griffith had “surrendered at the Convention his chairmanship of the Sinn Féin organisation, surrendered it to me...” De Valera added that, likewise, Brugha “surrendered” to him the top position in the Irish Volunteers.
Griffith, in fact had been outgunned behind the scenes. Records of the Bureau of Military History and personal recollections show that the most militant elements of Sinn Féin in 1917, including those “out” in 1916, met privately to determine its convention’s result. Griffith had more political experience than De Valera. But Griffith had not been “out” in 1916, perhaps fearing that a rising would be counterproductive or because rebel leaders wished him to live to argue their cause as Ireland’s best-known campaigning journalist (or both). Either way, the young bloods wanted a more militant man now.
In an effort to emulate the IRB's takeover of the Gaelic League in 1915, an attempt was made, principally by Michael Collins and Diarmuid Lynch, to have members of the IRB elected onto the Sinn Féin executive. The plan failed because the majority of the meeting protested after the conspiracy became known; Collins himself came joint last of the 24 members voted onto the executive.
Diarmuid Lynch writing to Florence O'Donoghue years later, recalled the reason why Griffith was opposed by both the Volunteers and the IRB:
The Dublin Castle authorities had considered suppressing the Ard Fheis, but allowed it to go ahead in the belief that with three candidates for the presidency the organisation would in all probability, split.
“As if by magic” was how a sycophantic biographer of De Valera later described it. But Cathal Brugha knew better. He said that Griffith had just one choice, to “walk the plank” or accept change. De Valera later used an ugly word to explain his ascent in 1917, and used it more than once. He said Griffith had “surrendered at the Convention his chairmanship of the Sinn Féin organisation, surrendered it to me...” De Valera added that, likewise, Brugha “surrendered” to him the top position in the Irish Volunteers.
Griffith, in fact had been outgunned behind the scenes. Records of the Bureau of Military History and personal recollections show that the most militant elements of Sinn Féin in 1917, including those “out” in 1916, met privately to determine its convention’s result. Griffith had more political experience than De Valera. But Griffith had not been “out” in 1916, perhaps fearing that a rising would be counterproductive or because rebel leaders wished him to live to argue their cause as Ireland’s best-known campaigning journalist (or both). Either way, the young bloods wanted a more militant man now.
In an effort to emulate the IRB's takeover of the Gaelic League in 1915, an attempt was made, principally by Michael Collins and Diarmuid Lynch, to have members of the IRB elected onto the Sinn Féin executive. The plan failed because the majority of the meeting protested after the conspiracy became known; Collins himself came joint last of the 24 members voted onto the executive.
Diarmuid Lynch writing to Florence O'Donoghue years later, recalled the reason why Griffith was opposed by both the Volunteers and the IRB:
‘the attempted whittling down of the Easter Week position was strenously opposed in the executive by Collins, Count Plunkett and others. It was the real reason why we of the I.R.B. organised opposition to the election of Griffith as President of Sinn Fein.
A caucus was held in the National Aid Building to deal with the situation. Plunkett, Beaslai ( I think ), McGuinness (who was not an I.R.B. man, but a very close friend of mine), myself and a few others... I, as an official representative of the I.R.B. (after a consultation with Collins) had a personal talk with De Valera, urging him to oppose that reactionary effort and I informed him that the I.R.B. would fight it to the limit.
The fact that a number of prominent men of pre-Easter Sinn Fein group entertained such a preposterous idea subsequent to Easter Week and to the events between then and October 1917, and the further possibilities that what had happened at this stage may recur later, are in themselves sufficient justification for the continunce of the I.R.B. as a live organisation.
Most assuredly, it had not then ‘outlived it’s usefullness’.
Diarmuid Lynch to Florence O'Donoghue. 20 November 1945.National Library of Ireland MS 31-409(1)
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The second and final day of the tenth Ard Fheis continued in the Mansion House, Dublin.
That morning's Irish Times carried details of the previous day's events:
The first day's proceedings (25 October) at the Convention of the Sinn Fein Party in Dublin have not illuminated the party's policy, but they throw some new light on its quality and strength. They show that Sinn Fein is a powerful and popular movement; that all classes of Nationalists, including large numbers of the Roman Catholic clergy, have joined its ranks; that it is well organised; and that it is still free, and hopes to remain free, from those meaner political vices which have helped to wreck the Nationalist Parliamentary Party. There were signs yesterday of the existence of the personal jealousies and suspicions which have always infected Irish politics; but we do not advise the enemies of the movement to set much store on them.
Sinn Fein's ruling passion is hatred of England, and it is likely to abstain, for the present at least, from the minor luxury of 'witch-hunting' at home. It is perfectly open in its aims: yesterday's proceedings were a public challenge to British authority. The Convention represents, we are told, 250,000 affiliated members throughout the country, and it would be foolish to deny that these 250,000 men and women share among them a large measure of the brains, education, and character of Nationalist Ireland. Yesterday the Convention adopted a constitution - which is, of course, a very different thing from a policy.
The main article of this constitution is the establishment in Ireland of 'an independent Irish Republic,' with international recognition. Sinn Fein proposes to 'make use of any and every means available to render impotent the power of England to hold Ireland in subjection by military force or otherwise.' Yesterday a couple of clergy-men were frightened by this large commitment, but Mr de Valera, with a dramatic gesture, swept their scruples out of court. Mr Arthur Griffith has resigned the presidency of the organisation in favour of this young man who believes in the efficacy of 'ten-foot pikes' against British machine guns. The constitution, and the speeches which supported it, confirm absolutely the Prime Minister's and Mr Duke's descriptions of the intentions of Sinn Fein. It proposes to arm and drill its members in defiance of the law. It proposes to kill the Irish Convention. Its dream is the erection of some sort of new Ireland on the smoking ruins of the Ireland of today.
Madness does not cease to be madness when it exists on a large scale and disguises itself in the vesture of careful and competent organisation. The Sinn Fein Party is advancing with the utmost deliberation towards the destruction of its own hopes and the infliction of untold calamity on Ireland. It recognises - this gleam of sanity survives - that it cannot dethrone England in Ireland without the help of the great nations, yet in the last few months it has been wonderfully successful in estranging the sympathy of every one of them except the nation which is now the pariah of humanity. Sinn Fein has boasted that its sheet-anchor at the Peace Conference will be the United States. The recent arrests in that country prove that, if America had her way, she would show far less mercy to Sinn Fein than it is receiving today from the British Government. Whatever harm Sinn Fein may continue to do, however frightful the bill which Ireland may have to pay for its folly, its programme is doomed to failure. Posterity will regard it as one of the most incomprehensible aberrations in history ...
Accepting the presidency, Mr de Valera’s spoke about Sinn Féin’s new constitution and its focus on international recognition of Ireland as an independent republic:
‘That is what I stand for, and it is because I stand for that that I was elected unanimously here. I said I regarded that election as a monument to the brave dead, and I believed that what they fought for – complete and absolute freedom – was the pious wish of every Irish heart.’
Next was the election results for the positions of elected Vice Presidents, Honorary Secretaries & Treasurers:
Vice Presidents: Arthur Griffith and Fr. Flanagan.
Honorary Secretaries: Austin Stack and Darrel Figgis.
Honorary Treasurers: William Cosgrave and Lawrence Ginnell.
The elections of 24 members to the Executive Committee proved to be far more difficult. Countess Markievicz objected to the candidacy of Eoin MacNeill as a member of the party's Executive on account of his actions in the days leading up to the 1916 Rising, but was overruled by De Valera, saying that while MacNeill may have made an error of judgement, ‘I am convinced that Eoin MacNeill did not act otherwise than as a good Irishman’ .
Kathleen Clarke recalled the event ‘Madame Markievicz stood up and attacked him on the question of the secret countermanding orders. Her attack got such a bitterly hostile reception that despite my decision not to support her, I got up and did so… I came to the conclusion that the demonstration was not so much against Madame as anger at her for ignoring the wishes of the Irish Volunteers; they had reasons for not wanting MacNeill attacked at that meeting’
As it turned out, Prof. Mac Neill received the highest number of votes in the election of members to the 24 member council.
Elected to the Member Council were:
Eoin MacNeill Cathal Brugha Dr. Richard Hayes Diarmuid Lynch
Fionan Lynch Sean Milroy Countess Markievicz Count Plunkett
Piaras Beaslai Harry Boland Dr Kathleen Lynn Fr. Wall
J J Walsh Fr. Matt Ryan Joseph McDonagh Joseph McGuinness
Mrs T Clarke David Kent Sean T.O’Kelly Dr. T Dillon
Mrs J Plunkett Sean MacEntee Michael Collins Ernest Blythe
An Irish Independent editorial admitted that the support of Sinn Féin should not be underestimated:
‘It may be said that Sinn Féin now represents by far the largest body of Irish Nationalists... It would be idle to deny the force of numbers behind Sinn Féin.’ It speculates, however, that some converts to the new party might not wholeheartedly adhere to its doctrines. Rather, they are sick of the ‘empty tricks and sorry stage-play of the Irish Party and their leaders’.
The term "Dail Eireann" first appeared as the name of the proposed constituent assembly and in effect, had now become the Provisional Government of an independent Irish State. Consistent with the intention of this new Sinn Féin administration to effectively by-pass the British government and administration of Ireland, various departments, ministries or directorates were now established.
Diarmuid Lynch was appointed as Director of Communications & also as Food Director, with specific responsibilities to prevent the widespread export of foodstuffs to Britain and to contain what was threatening to be, another famine. He was also elected to the Supreme Executive Council of Sinn Féin.
Michael Collins was appointed Director of Organisation and Richard Mulcahy Director of Training. Paudee O’Keefe became Secretary of Sinn Fein. (known more famously for his answer to the question what Sinn Fein stood for ‘Revenge, by Jaysus, revenge!’ )
Four women were elected to the new twenty-four member executive, while considerable numbers of women were later co-opted onto the various organisations set up by Sinn Féin as it refined its machinery of civil resistance to British rule in Ireland.
A unified declaration of purpose was agreed at the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis... The elected delegates viewed themselves as ‘representatives of the Irish people’ a type of assembly that foreshadowed the Dail itself.
Inspired by the Proclamation of 1916, they declared
"that the aim of the new Sinn Fein was to secure ‘the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish Republic’ and having achieved that status’, the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of government.’
This clause was an indication that all issues had not been absolutely resolved. It was reported that ‘de Valera had found a formula to satisfy Brugha (who wanted a clear cut declaration for the Republic) and Griffith (who had been insisting on the old Sinn Fein programme)’.
De Valera closed the Tenth Sinn Fein Ard Fheis with a rousing flourish:
digitalcollections.tcd.ie/concern/works/w0892c41t?locale=enReport of the proceedings of the Sinn Fein convention held in the round room mansion house, Dublin on Thursday and Friday 25th and 26th October 1917 by Samuels, Arthur Warren, 1852-1925.
Department:Early Printed Books, Trinity College Library, Dublin
Samuels Collection of Printed Ephemera
Contents: Eighty-four sheets of typescript: the proceedings of the tenth annual convention of Sinn Féin. Includes Appendices: (A) The Sinn Féin League. Constitution, 1906; (B) The Constitution of Sinn Féin [1916]; Scheme of organisation, rules, &c. (To be proposed by Éamon de Valera).
Abstract: The Samuels Collection consists of printed ephemera of the 1916 Rebellion, World War I, the War of Independence and the Civil War. It was gathered in part by the Royal Irish Constabulary, and collected by Arthur Warren Samuels, Solicitor General for Ireland (1917-1918) and Attorney General (1918-1919). It was presented to the Library in the 1960's.
Dimensions: 33 x 21 cm, paper
Courtesy of The Board of Trinity College Dublin.
Click here to access file.
Department:Early Printed Books, Trinity College Library, Dublin
Samuels Collection of Printed Ephemera
Contents: Eighty-four sheets of typescript: the proceedings of the tenth annual convention of Sinn Féin. Includes Appendices: (A) The Sinn Féin League. Constitution, 1906; (B) The Constitution of Sinn Féin [1916]; Scheme of organisation, rules, &c. (To be proposed by Éamon de Valera).
Abstract: The Samuels Collection consists of printed ephemera of the 1916 Rebellion, World War I, the War of Independence and the Civil War. It was gathered in part by the Royal Irish Constabulary, and collected by Arthur Warren Samuels, Solicitor General for Ireland (1917-1918) and Attorney General (1918-1919). It was presented to the Library in the 1960's.
Dimensions: 33 x 21 cm, paper
Courtesy of The Board of Trinity College Dublin.
Click here to access file.
By now, the revitalised IRB recognised a divergence of opinion as to strategy between the organisation and de Valera. Always a reluctant secret society member on religious grounds, de Valera began to distance himself from the IRB, arguing that the organisation was no longer needed in the campaign for national independence.
'In contrast, Lynch was adamant, as was Michael Collins, that the IRB campaign had to continue and that it was only through IRB methods that independence could be achieved'
Eileen McGough. 'Diarmuid Lynch - A Forgotten Irish Patriot' Mercier Press, 2013. P86
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Western Front; US Troops fire their first shots of the war.
The Kentucky Irish American newspaper commented on the apparent death of the proposed Irish Race Convention which was due to be held later that year:
Western Front; US Troops fire their first shots of the war.
The Kentucky Irish American newspaper commented on the apparent death of the proposed Irish Race Convention which was due to be held later that year:
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Dealing with allegations of favouring the Germans, De Valera at a meeting in Bailieborough, Co. Cavan said:
‘if the Germans came to Ireland to hold it, those who are now resisting English power would be the first to resist the Germans.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.226
Belfast engineers went on strike to gain a 12.5% bonus which had been conceeded by the Government to all other skilled time workers after a Moulder’s Union strike in Scotland the previous month.
30
MacCurtain and a number of the Cork Irish Volunteers Officers were arrested. When brought before the military court, all the men spoke in Irish: ‘Nil meas madra agam ar an gCuirt seo..’ translated ‘I don’t have dog’s respect for your court because it is a foreign court. I will obey no Government but the Government of the Irish Republic’. One of the military men present declared in outraged tones ‘I will not have this Hottentot language here’. Each was sentenced to 6 months imprisonment.
Dealing with allegations of favouring the Germans, De Valera at a meeting in Bailieborough, Co. Cavan said:
‘if the Germans came to Ireland to hold it, those who are now resisting English power would be the first to resist the Germans.’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.226
Belfast engineers went on strike to gain a 12.5% bonus which had been conceeded by the Government to all other skilled time workers after a Moulder’s Union strike in Scotland the previous month.
30
MacCurtain and a number of the Cork Irish Volunteers Officers were arrested. When brought before the military court, all the men spoke in Irish: ‘Nil meas madra agam ar an gCuirt seo..’ translated ‘I don’t have dog’s respect for your court because it is a foreign court. I will obey no Government but the Government of the Irish Republic’. One of the military men present declared in outraged tones ‘I will not have this Hottentot language here’. Each was sentenced to 6 months imprisonment.
November 1917
1:
The Coroners Jury on the death of Thomas Ashe declared:
‘..in accordance with the medical evidence, his death had been caused by the treatment which he suffered in jail. They censured the Castle authorities, condemning forcible feeding as an inhuman and dangerous operation, censured the Deputy Governor of the prison and recorded the refusal of the Prisons Board to give evidence and documents for which they had been asked’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.228
The jury found that “the deceased Thomas Ashe, according to the medical evidence of Professor McWeeney, Sir Arthur Chance, and Sir Thomas Myles, died from heart failure and congestion of the lungs on the 25th September, 1917; that his death was caused by the punishment of taking away from his cell his bed, bedding and boots and being left to lie on the cold floor for fifty hours, and then being subjected to forcible feeding in his weak condition after a hunger-strike of five or six days”. ‘We censure the Castle authorities’, the verdict ran, ‘for not acting more promptly, especially when the grave condition of the deceased and other prisoners was brought under their notice…We condemn forcible or mechanical feeding as an inhuman and dangerous operation, which should be discontinued.' The inquest also found that 'the assistant doctor called in, having no previous practice in such operations, administered forcible feeding unskillfully’. The verdict also describes the taking away of Ashe’s bed, bedding and boots, leaving him to lie on the cold floor for 50 hours as ‘an unfeeling and barbarous act’.
When delivered, the verdict of the coroner’s jury – arrived at unanimously – was met with clapping and cheers from the public gallery, before the police moved to suppress it. However, there had been no suppressing the wider reaction.
The Freeman’s Journal, seen as the organ of Redmond’s IPP, objected to the means adopted by Ashe to further his political aims but conceded that it was impossible not to recognise ‘the courage, sincerity, generosity and readiness for sacrifice to an ideal which the blundering malignity of Castle officialism quenched in Mountjoy prison when it extinguished the life of Thomas Ashe’.
By contrast, the unionist Irish Times has displayed little sympathy for Ashe. The prison authorities, it has editorialised, were ‘bound to enforce the prison rules’ and had Thomas Ashe obeyed them, he would be alive today. ‘The charges of deliberate malignity and cold-blooded cruelty against the Government seem to us to be wholly fantastic.’
In Dundalk Jail, Republican prisoners were not receiving political prisoner status unlike Mountjoy Prison and so started an immediate hunger strike.
John Devoy in the Gaelic American responded to accusations by the New York Times that both Devoy and Cohalan had abandoned Mellows in Jail. ‘They wanted him released on bail so as to use him as bait to entrap others, in the desperate hope that they coue frame up a conspiracy case.’
Sean Cronin. ‘The McGarrity Papers’ Anvil Press 1972. P65
Coincidentally, running for Mayor of New York at this time was the pro-Wilson, pro-War current Mayor of the city, John Purroy Mitchel. Initially he was facing imminent defeat at the hands of Tamanany Hall and Irish Americans activists, all of whom were supporting the challenger, Judge John Hylan. Mitchel, sensing defeat publicly attacked Devoy, Cohalan and O’Leary by name saying ‘behind Judge Hylan…you will find…every force of enemy intrigue, of sedition and disloyalty that today curses our country…Cohalan, Jeremiah O’Leary…Devoy [are] all fighting for the election of Judge Hylan’
Devoy fought back with a Gaelic American headline that read ‘Mitchel a Shameless Liar’. Hylan won.
Germans abandon position on Chemin des Dames.
2
The British Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour makes the Balfour Declaration proclaiming British support for the "establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people..., it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities".
Dublin: The Lord Mayor of Dublin, Laurence O’Neill, has said that he viewed with ‘alarm’ the prospect of ‘serious disputes’ between employers and employees after strike notices were issued to several city businesses on behalf of up to 3,000 workers.
The Lord Mayor, in a letter to the editor of the Irish Independent, appealed to both sides to ‘stay their hands and refrain from taking action that may precipitate trouble, until an opportunity has been given of having the points at issue considered’. In offering his own services towards any efforts at arbitration, the Lord Mayor reminded the two parties of the wider circumstances that need to be borne in mind. ‘We are passing through times of great stress and trial, and I sincerely hope that wise counsels will prevail and prevent an extension of the misery and poverty with which we are surrounded.’
3
The Republican prisoners in Cork Jail now numbered over 50. They announced that in solidarity with the Republican prisoners in Dundalk Jail, they too would go on hunger strike unless all political prisoners were given political treatment by 19th November.
First Americans losses with 20 casualties in German attacks.
Conor Cruise O'Brien, newspaper editor, author, diplomat, Labour Party TD and Cabinet Minister, MEP, born.
London: A newly published book shed fresh light on the role of Lord Northcliffe's newspapers in undermining the government of Herbert Asquith, who was replaced as Prime Minister in December 1916 by David Lloyd George. n the book Lloyd George and the War, published by Hutchinson and Co., the author, an unapologetic champion of Lloyd George, tells of how the Northcliffe newspapers, including the Times, and the Daily Mail, engaged in a campaign to misrepresent one minister after another throughout 1915 and 1916. He added, crucially, that Lloyd George ‘never discouraged the onslaught on the Government or rebuked the attackers’. This has led to the widely held view that ‘Mr. Asquith was betrayed, and that the Judas was Mr. Lloyd George’.
For Irish readers, the book provided interesting details on the relationship between Lloyd George and Unionist leader, Edward Carson. In October and November 1916, when Lloyd George was known to be unhappy with the conduct of the government, the author claims he was in ‘friendly communications’ and ‘soothing companionship’ with Carson. Carson resigned from the cabinet in December 1915 after a disagreement over how the war was being prosecuted and since then had become an outspoken critic of Asquith. The author maintained that despite all the seeming intrigue and treachery, the fact that his man ended up in Downing Street proves that the ‘end justified the means’.
Below: Asquith, Lord Northcliffe, Lloyd George & Edward Carson.
Conor Cruise O'Brien, newspaper editor, author, diplomat, Labour Party TD and Cabinet Minister, MEP, born.
London: A newly published book shed fresh light on the role of Lord Northcliffe's newspapers in undermining the government of Herbert Asquith, who was replaced as Prime Minister in December 1916 by David Lloyd George. n the book Lloyd George and the War, published by Hutchinson and Co., the author, an unapologetic champion of Lloyd George, tells of how the Northcliffe newspapers, including the Times, and the Daily Mail, engaged in a campaign to misrepresent one minister after another throughout 1915 and 1916. He added, crucially, that Lloyd George ‘never discouraged the onslaught on the Government or rebuked the attackers’. This has led to the widely held view that ‘Mr. Asquith was betrayed, and that the Judas was Mr. Lloyd George’.
For Irish readers, the book provided interesting details on the relationship between Lloyd George and Unionist leader, Edward Carson. In October and November 1916, when Lloyd George was known to be unhappy with the conduct of the government, the author claims he was in ‘friendly communications’ and ‘soothing companionship’ with Carson. Carson resigned from the cabinet in December 1915 after a disagreement over how the war was being prosecuted and since then had become an outspoken critic of Asquith. The author maintained that despite all the seeming intrigue and treachery, the fact that his man ended up in Downing Street proves that the ‘end justified the means’.
Below: Asquith, Lord Northcliffe, Lloyd George & Edward Carson.
4
Liam Mellows, a prominent member of the Irish Volunteers who had led the 1916 insurgents in Galway, was also frustrated by the attitude of the FOIF. Mellows had been sent to the USA by the IRB as a mouthpiece for its nationalist cause after months spent in hiding in Ireland following the Rising, he arrived in New York in December 1916, Devoy had given him a job on the staff of The Gaelic American. Mellows was well aware that the propaganda war in the US by British Intelligence was a menacing threat to the cause of Irish nationalists. He wrote to his brother Barney in November 1917 and complained of the propaganda directed at IrishAmerican activists. ‘English “airgead” [money] is like water here. Press largely owned or controlled by Northcliffe, hence violently pro-E [English] and bitterly anti-Irish.’
Eileen McGough. 'Diarmuid Lynch - A Forgotten Irish Patriot' Mercier Press, 2013. P101
5
Dr. Maloney claimed that he ‘became Judge Cohalan unpaid physician and received other marks of his regard’
Dr. W.J.Maloney - Press Statement July 9th, 1921 p10. Lynch Family Archives.
The War Office agrees to supply troops in France with Christmas Puddings.
Berlin: Germany appointed its first non-Prussian Chancellor. 75 year old Count Hertling had served as the Prime Minister of Bavaria since 1912, before which he was the leader of the Centre or Catholic Party in the Reichstag. Hertling’s elevation follows the resignation of Dr Michaelis who, in turn, had only replaced Dr Bethmann-Hollweg on his resignation as Imperial Chancellor in mid-July
6
Second Battle of Passchendaele: After 3 months of fierce fighting, Canadian forces take Passchendaele in Belgium. The battle concludes on November 10
7
October Revolution in Russia: The workers of the Petrograd Soviet in Russia, led by the Bolshevik Party and leader Vladimir Lenin, storm the Winter Palace and successfully destroy the Kerensky Provisional Government after less than eight months of rule. This immediately, triggers the Russian Civil War.
On the Alpine Front between Italy and Austria-Hungary, the 12th, and final Battle of Isonzo ends in terminal failure for the Italian army. Austria-German forces (among them a young Erwin Rommel) breakthrough at Caporetto. Italian losses total more than 300,000. At least 60,000 soldiers from both sides were killed by avalanches.
Irish Convention: With the Committee having reached agreement on most points, Ulster delegates conferred with their "Advisory Committee" of the Ulster Unionist Committee.
Liam Mellows, a prominent member of the Irish Volunteers who had led the 1916 insurgents in Galway, was also frustrated by the attitude of the FOIF. Mellows had been sent to the USA by the IRB as a mouthpiece for its nationalist cause after months spent in hiding in Ireland following the Rising, he arrived in New York in December 1916, Devoy had given him a job on the staff of The Gaelic American. Mellows was well aware that the propaganda war in the US by British Intelligence was a menacing threat to the cause of Irish nationalists. He wrote to his brother Barney in November 1917 and complained of the propaganda directed at IrishAmerican activists. ‘English “airgead” [money] is like water here. Press largely owned or controlled by Northcliffe, hence violently pro-E [English] and bitterly anti-Irish.’
Eileen McGough. 'Diarmuid Lynch - A Forgotten Irish Patriot' Mercier Press, 2013. P101
5
Dr. Maloney claimed that he ‘became Judge Cohalan unpaid physician and received other marks of his regard’
Dr. W.J.Maloney - Press Statement July 9th, 1921 p10. Lynch Family Archives.
The War Office agrees to supply troops in France with Christmas Puddings.
Berlin: Germany appointed its first non-Prussian Chancellor. 75 year old Count Hertling had served as the Prime Minister of Bavaria since 1912, before which he was the leader of the Centre or Catholic Party in the Reichstag. Hertling’s elevation follows the resignation of Dr Michaelis who, in turn, had only replaced Dr Bethmann-Hollweg on his resignation as Imperial Chancellor in mid-July
6
Second Battle of Passchendaele: After 3 months of fierce fighting, Canadian forces take Passchendaele in Belgium. The battle concludes on November 10
7
October Revolution in Russia: The workers of the Petrograd Soviet in Russia, led by the Bolshevik Party and leader Vladimir Lenin, storm the Winter Palace and successfully destroy the Kerensky Provisional Government after less than eight months of rule. This immediately, triggers the Russian Civil War.
On the Alpine Front between Italy and Austria-Hungary, the 12th, and final Battle of Isonzo ends in terminal failure for the Italian army. Austria-German forces (among them a young Erwin Rommel) breakthrough at Caporetto. Italian losses total more than 300,000. At least 60,000 soldiers from both sides were killed by avalanches.
Irish Convention: With the Committee having reached agreement on most points, Ulster delegates conferred with their "Advisory Committee" of the Ulster Unionist Committee.
8
New York: John Hylan, whose father emigrated from Co. Cavan, was elected Mayor of New York City.
A Democrat backed by Tammany Hall, Hylan won over 154,000 votes more than the outgoing Mayor, John Purroy Mitchell. These two candidates were trailed by Hillquit, a Socialist, in third place; and Bennett, a Republican, who finished a distant fourth.
Hylan issued a statement on his election, declaring it a victory for honesty, efficiency and economy, and reiterating his fidelity to the American flag and the Government’s war effort. Hylan's campaign enjoyed the support of the Hearst newspapers including the New York Journal. He was also backed by German-Americans and Irish-Americans. Meanwhile, the defeated Mr Mitchel, a grandson of Irish nationalist John Mitchell, had enjoyed the support of Mr Roosevelt, Senator Root, senior members of the judiciary and New York Englishmen.
New York: John Hylan, whose father emigrated from Co. Cavan, was elected Mayor of New York City.
A Democrat backed by Tammany Hall, Hylan won over 154,000 votes more than the outgoing Mayor, John Purroy Mitchell. These two candidates were trailed by Hillquit, a Socialist, in third place; and Bennett, a Republican, who finished a distant fourth.
Hylan issued a statement on his election, declaring it a victory for honesty, efficiency and economy, and reiterating his fidelity to the American flag and the Government’s war effort. Hylan's campaign enjoyed the support of the Hearst newspapers including the New York Journal. He was also backed by German-Americans and Irish-Americans. Meanwhile, the defeated Mr Mitchel, a grandson of Irish nationalist John Mitchell, had enjoyed the support of Mr Roosevelt, Senator Root, senior members of the judiciary and New York Englishmen.
10
Lenin becomes Premier of Russia, succeeding Kerensky. Trotsky appointed Foreign Minister and in charge of Minorities was Josef Dzhugashvili, later to show his hand strongly against minorities and millions more as Joseph Stalin. The Communists nationalised everything that could be nationalised. Church property was confiscated and the national debt was repudiated as having been incurred by the Tsar and not the people. Rationing was introduced and from January, the Gregorian calendar was in use throughout Russia. The capital was moved from Petrograd/St Petersburg to Moscow. The Russian Empire, or what was left of it, was falling apart. Lithuania, Latvia, Finland, Estonia, Poland, Ukraine and Bessarabia all declared their independence. This suited Germany perfectly as not only would these new nations form a buffer zone between itself and Russia, but these new nations would effectively be German sattelites
11
Michael O'Riordan, veteran of the Spanish Civil war and founder of the Communist Party of Ireland born.
Lenin becomes Premier of Russia, succeeding Kerensky. Trotsky appointed Foreign Minister and in charge of Minorities was Josef Dzhugashvili, later to show his hand strongly against minorities and millions more as Joseph Stalin. The Communists nationalised everything that could be nationalised. Church property was confiscated and the national debt was repudiated as having been incurred by the Tsar and not the people. Rationing was introduced and from January, the Gregorian calendar was in use throughout Russia. The capital was moved from Petrograd/St Petersburg to Moscow. The Russian Empire, or what was left of it, was falling apart. Lithuania, Latvia, Finland, Estonia, Poland, Ukraine and Bessarabia all declared their independence. This suited Germany perfectly as not only would these new nations form a buffer zone between itself and Russia, but these new nations would effectively be German sattelites
11
Michael O'Riordan, veteran of the Spanish Civil war and founder of the Communist Party of Ireland born.
13
Bankers and Chambers of Commerce call for decimalisation of the British Currency (it would take 74 years before instigated)
John Redmond wrote to Lloyd George on his fears of the success that Sinn Fein was having both in the polls and throughout the country and the failure of the Irish Convention ‘will mean governing Ireland by the point of a bayonet... Sinn Fein will be omnipotent, and you will be forced to appoint a military governor....you should speak quite plainly to these Ulstermen’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.237
Moves began in the US to supress Devoy’s Gaelic American following weeks of comment and speculation by American newspapers:
“Devoy’s actions have shamed millions of American’s of Irish ancestry who are honest men. His paper…should have been closed long ago’ The Providence Journal, Rhode Island.
‘Justice Department Preparing to bring Devoy to Dock for conspiring with Germans’ New York Sun
‘Federal Grand Jury is preparing to complete investigations into Devoy’s activities and officials are examining contents of the Gaelic American.’ New York Times.
‘Devoy will probably be indicted’ Evening Sun
John Devoy was also interviewed by Federal Investigators at length on the activities of the German spy, Hans Bohm. (Devoy knew nothing of the German )
Bankers and Chambers of Commerce call for decimalisation of the British Currency (it would take 74 years before instigated)
John Redmond wrote to Lloyd George on his fears of the success that Sinn Fein was having both in the polls and throughout the country and the failure of the Irish Convention ‘will mean governing Ireland by the point of a bayonet... Sinn Fein will be omnipotent, and you will be forced to appoint a military governor....you should speak quite plainly to these Ulstermen’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.237
Moves began in the US to supress Devoy’s Gaelic American following weeks of comment and speculation by American newspapers:
“Devoy’s actions have shamed millions of American’s of Irish ancestry who are honest men. His paper…should have been closed long ago’ The Providence Journal, Rhode Island.
‘Justice Department Preparing to bring Devoy to Dock for conspiring with Germans’ New York Sun
‘Federal Grand Jury is preparing to complete investigations into Devoy’s activities and officials are examining contents of the Gaelic American.’ New York Times.
‘Devoy will probably be indicted’ Evening Sun
John Devoy was also interviewed by Federal Investigators at length on the activities of the German spy, Hans Bohm. (Devoy knew nothing of the German )
Paris: David Lloyd George admitted that the Allies had been guilty of ‘incredible blunders’ in their conduct of the war.
The British Prime Minister was speaking in Paris at a luncheon hosted by the French Premier, where he made reference to the new allied Supreme War Council, the necessity for which was underlined by the absence of a coherent strategy for the first three years of the war. According to Lloyd George, the unity of the Allies had been ‘pure make-believe’ up this point and the huge error of not ‘guarding the gates of the Balkans’ was attributed to the fact that it was ‘no one’s business in particular’.
As a result, The Supreme War Council was set up by the governments of France, Italy and Great Britain, to ensure a united direction in the conduct of efforts on the western front. The council consisted of the leading ministers of the allied countries, and will be advised by senior and distinguished soldiers. Russia and the United States are absent from the council as there had been no time to consult them in advance.
In an editorial the Cork Examiner noted that Lloyd George's ‘somewhat depressing’ speech ‘makes clear that the Allies do not any longer anticipate an early termination of the war’.
The British Prime Minister was speaking in Paris at a luncheon hosted by the French Premier, where he made reference to the new allied Supreme War Council, the necessity for which was underlined by the absence of a coherent strategy for the first three years of the war. According to Lloyd George, the unity of the Allies had been ‘pure make-believe’ up this point and the huge error of not ‘guarding the gates of the Balkans’ was attributed to the fact that it was ‘no one’s business in particular’.
As a result, The Supreme War Council was set up by the governments of France, Italy and Great Britain, to ensure a united direction in the conduct of efforts on the western front. The council consisted of the leading ministers of the allied countries, and will be advised by senior and distinguished soldiers. Russia and the United States are absent from the council as there had been no time to consult them in advance.
In an editorial the Cork Examiner noted that Lloyd George's ‘somewhat depressing’ speech ‘makes clear that the Allies do not any longer anticipate an early termination of the war’.
15
British Government announces censorship of all ‘pacifist’ publications.
Westminster: The Irish Parliamentary Commission issued its first recommendations regarding changes to be made to electoral districts under the Redistribution Scheme. The proposals would see the creation of 11 new constituencies, while the same number would be abolished. In terms of representation, the new scheme envisaged five new MPs for Dublin, increasing the number of seats from six to 11, and raising of representation for Belfast from four MPs to nine.
The constituencies that will lose a seat include, most controversially, Tyrone, which has been at the focus of many debates around possible partition in recent years.
In a letter to the Freeman’s Journal, John Skeffington from Dungannon, Co. Tyrone, argues that redistribution in the county will significantly alter the nationalist-unionist balance of representation.
Skeffington states that the loss of a seat was only part of the problem the proposals posed for Nationalists. He suggested that the redrawing of the constituency boundaries meant that instead of returning three Nationalists and one Unionist, all three new divisions in Co. Tyrone would be held by Unionists. This, he claims is evidence of a ‘hidden hand’ at work against nationalist Ireland. The Freeman’s Journal itself refers to it as gerrymandering ‘of the grossest kind’.
The paper also claimed that this new plan showed that the government wanted the Convention to fail and that the question of an Irish settlement must be hung up until after a general election. If in that election the unionists, as a result of the redistribution arrangement, could show a substantial majority in the North, it would serve to strengthen their demand to be left out of the Home Rule scheme. Even in constituencies where representation levels will remain unchanged, proposed alterations to existing boundaries were likely to cause confusion.
16
Russia: Bolshevik troops capture Moscow.
France: Georges Clemenceau became PM as well as Minister for War. 76 and notoriously anti-German and anti-clerical, he began a hard drive for victory and arguing for a unified command.
In a Mallow pub, a farmer refused to shake hands with an RIC constable in a pub. ‘The policeman, later summoned for assault, tried to force him, exclaiming ‘I’m just as good an Irishman as you’’
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p55
17
United States Navy destroyers USS Fanning and USS Nicholson capture Imperial German Navy U-boat SM U-58 off the south-west coast of Ireland, the first combat action in which U.S. ships take a submarine. The U-58 was scuttled off Kinsale.
Based in Queenstown (Cobh), USS Fanning and her sister destroyer USS Nicholson patrolled the eastern waters of the Atlantic Ocean. Their mission was to escort convoys and rescue survivors of sunken merchant ships as well as to seek out and destroy German U-boats. While escorting the eight vessel convoy OQ-20 eastbound, the two destroyers made contact with an enemy submarine.
With Arthur S. Carpender commanding, at 4:110 on 17 November 1917, Coxswain Daniel David Loomis of the Fanning sighted U-58, commanded by Kapitänleutnant Gustav Amberger, when the U-boat had surfaced to extend her periscope. With 21 kills, the German submarine had lined up for a shot at the British merchant steamer SS Welshman and almost immediately the destroyer began to make circles and engage.
At 4:00 Fanning dropped three depth charges, scoring a hit which shook up the U-boat. Then USS Nicholson joined in the fighting, commanded by Frank Berrien, and dropped another depth charge herself. The Americans spotted U-58 when it surfaced, and Fanning fired three shots with her stern gun. Nicholson struck the U-boat with at least one shot from her bow gun. The Germans unsuccessfully returned fire and surrendered at around 4:30. American fire had hit the submarine near its diving planes, making the ship maneuverable.
Kapitänleutnant Amberger ordered the ballast tanks blown and the submarine was scuttled. 2 German sailors died and the remainder became prisoners of war in the United States. The Commandant of the Fanning, Frank Berrien, was later to become the first commander of the aircraft carrier USS Lexington. Arthur Carpender commanded the Fanning, later promoted to Admiral and commanded the Allied Naval Forces in the Southwest Pacific Area during World War II.
Irish Convention: The Ulster delegates having conferred with their Advisory Committee reported back that they disapproved of nominated representatives to a Lower House as a safeguard (whereby it was agreed that Unionists were to get forty per cent of the seats in an Irish House of Commons), "but they undertook to bring forward their own proposals for safeguarding Ulster's interests by means other than extra representation". At this point a major blunder was made by Plunkett, who, instead of waiting eagerly for the Ulster proposals, diverted the discussion on to fiscal policies, where major disagreement resulted between Ulster and Nationalists.
New York: John Devoy responded to attempts by the Wilson Administration to supress his Gaelic American newspaper by running one of his by now famous editiorials:
‘..we are not asking for immunity or special favours, but standing on our rights and demanding only justice. We make no promises and will continue to insist on Ireland’s right to independence as we have been doing all along. If the paper is to go down, it will be with its colours nailed to the mast...confident the Irish cause will eventually triump whether the paper lives or dies..’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.240
Devoy was making his stand.
Dr Maloney commenting in his press statement of July 1921 that ‘till almost the last days of the war, Judge Cohalan firmly believed that Germany would triumph. I often endeavoured to prove to him that he was wrong but he as often invented new arguments to sustain his belief, and consequently, took no steps to identify the Irish issue woth America’s war aims. During this period I was also much impressed by his starnge blindness to the nature of the Irish movement in Ireland. He did not seem to realise that Sinn Fein was national and not factional; that the anti-Dillon campaign was merely incidental, and that the issue was squarely joined not between two Irish factions but between an Irish nation and the British nation. The significance of the Sinn Fein successes against England seemed not to penetrate his conciousness…’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.10. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives.
British Government announces censorship of all ‘pacifist’ publications.
Westminster: The Irish Parliamentary Commission issued its first recommendations regarding changes to be made to electoral districts under the Redistribution Scheme. The proposals would see the creation of 11 new constituencies, while the same number would be abolished. In terms of representation, the new scheme envisaged five new MPs for Dublin, increasing the number of seats from six to 11, and raising of representation for Belfast from four MPs to nine.
The constituencies that will lose a seat include, most controversially, Tyrone, which has been at the focus of many debates around possible partition in recent years.
In a letter to the Freeman’s Journal, John Skeffington from Dungannon, Co. Tyrone, argues that redistribution in the county will significantly alter the nationalist-unionist balance of representation.
Skeffington states that the loss of a seat was only part of the problem the proposals posed for Nationalists. He suggested that the redrawing of the constituency boundaries meant that instead of returning three Nationalists and one Unionist, all three new divisions in Co. Tyrone would be held by Unionists. This, he claims is evidence of a ‘hidden hand’ at work against nationalist Ireland. The Freeman’s Journal itself refers to it as gerrymandering ‘of the grossest kind’.
The paper also claimed that this new plan showed that the government wanted the Convention to fail and that the question of an Irish settlement must be hung up until after a general election. If in that election the unionists, as a result of the redistribution arrangement, could show a substantial majority in the North, it would serve to strengthen their demand to be left out of the Home Rule scheme. Even in constituencies where representation levels will remain unchanged, proposed alterations to existing boundaries were likely to cause confusion.
16
Russia: Bolshevik troops capture Moscow.
France: Georges Clemenceau became PM as well as Minister for War. 76 and notoriously anti-German and anti-clerical, he began a hard drive for victory and arguing for a unified command.
In a Mallow pub, a farmer refused to shake hands with an RIC constable in a pub. ‘The policeman, later summoned for assault, tried to force him, exclaiming ‘I’m just as good an Irishman as you’’
Peter Hart ‘The IRA & It's Enemies – Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ Oxford University Press 1998. p55
17
United States Navy destroyers USS Fanning and USS Nicholson capture Imperial German Navy U-boat SM U-58 off the south-west coast of Ireland, the first combat action in which U.S. ships take a submarine. The U-58 was scuttled off Kinsale.
Based in Queenstown (Cobh), USS Fanning and her sister destroyer USS Nicholson patrolled the eastern waters of the Atlantic Ocean. Their mission was to escort convoys and rescue survivors of sunken merchant ships as well as to seek out and destroy German U-boats. While escorting the eight vessel convoy OQ-20 eastbound, the two destroyers made contact with an enemy submarine.
With Arthur S. Carpender commanding, at 4:110 on 17 November 1917, Coxswain Daniel David Loomis of the Fanning sighted U-58, commanded by Kapitänleutnant Gustav Amberger, when the U-boat had surfaced to extend her periscope. With 21 kills, the German submarine had lined up for a shot at the British merchant steamer SS Welshman and almost immediately the destroyer began to make circles and engage.
At 4:00 Fanning dropped three depth charges, scoring a hit which shook up the U-boat. Then USS Nicholson joined in the fighting, commanded by Frank Berrien, and dropped another depth charge herself. The Americans spotted U-58 when it surfaced, and Fanning fired three shots with her stern gun. Nicholson struck the U-boat with at least one shot from her bow gun. The Germans unsuccessfully returned fire and surrendered at around 4:30. American fire had hit the submarine near its diving planes, making the ship maneuverable.
Kapitänleutnant Amberger ordered the ballast tanks blown and the submarine was scuttled. 2 German sailors died and the remainder became prisoners of war in the United States. The Commandant of the Fanning, Frank Berrien, was later to become the first commander of the aircraft carrier USS Lexington. Arthur Carpender commanded the Fanning, later promoted to Admiral and commanded the Allied Naval Forces in the Southwest Pacific Area during World War II.
Irish Convention: The Ulster delegates having conferred with their Advisory Committee reported back that they disapproved of nominated representatives to a Lower House as a safeguard (whereby it was agreed that Unionists were to get forty per cent of the seats in an Irish House of Commons), "but they undertook to bring forward their own proposals for safeguarding Ulster's interests by means other than extra representation". At this point a major blunder was made by Plunkett, who, instead of waiting eagerly for the Ulster proposals, diverted the discussion on to fiscal policies, where major disagreement resulted between Ulster and Nationalists.
New York: John Devoy responded to attempts by the Wilson Administration to supress his Gaelic American newspaper by running one of his by now famous editiorials:
‘..we are not asking for immunity or special favours, but standing on our rights and demanding only justice. We make no promises and will continue to insist on Ireland’s right to independence as we have been doing all along. If the paper is to go down, it will be with its colours nailed to the mast...confident the Irish cause will eventually triump whether the paper lives or dies..’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Independence 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. 1957. p.240
Devoy was making his stand.
Dr Maloney commenting in his press statement of July 1921 that ‘till almost the last days of the war, Judge Cohalan firmly believed that Germany would triumph. I often endeavoured to prove to him that he was wrong but he as often invented new arguments to sustain his belief, and consequently, took no steps to identify the Irish issue woth America’s war aims. During this period I was also much impressed by his starnge blindness to the nature of the Irish movement in Ireland. He did not seem to realise that Sinn Fein was national and not factional; that the anti-Dillon campaign was merely incidental, and that the issue was squarely joined not between two Irish factions but between an Irish nation and the British nation. The significance of the Sinn Fein successes against England seemed not to penetrate his conciousness…’
Press Statement by William J Maloney – July 1921 p.10. Diarmuid Lynch papers – Lynch Family Archives.
19
The Irish Volunteers held it’s Third Convention at Croke Park. Elected to the Executive of the organisation were:
President: Eamon De Valera
Chief of Staff: Cathal Brugha
General Secretary: Sean McGarry (I.R.B.)
Directors ofOrganisation: Michael Collins ( I.R.B.)
Communications: Diarmuid Lynch (I.R.B.)
‘the Director of Communications and General Secretary - two key posts - were in the hands of I.R.B. men’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.263
No mention is made of the IRB men Lynch & McGarry elected in de Valera’s officicial biography by the Earl of Longford and T.P.O’Neill.
The I.R.B. continued to exert influence on the Irish Volunteers policy. The objectives of 1914 remained unchanged:
1) To secure and maintain the rights and liberties common to all the people of Ireland.
2) To train, discipline and equip for this purpose an Irish Volunteer Force
3) To unite in the service of Ireland, Irishmen of every creed and every party and every class.
‘De Valera was trying to achieve a balance by uttering extremist doctrine in a moderate camp and moderate doctrine among the extremists. He was a stern Republican; but he was, at this stage of his career, developing a flexibility of manoeuvre which made him unique among the Irish leaders.’
George Dangerfield “The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish Relations” Constable London. 1977. P.263
The end result of both Sinn Fein and the Irish Volunteer conventions was a regrouping of Nationalist forces with both the military and political wings under the control of de Valera.
Diarmuid Lynch recalled some opinions amongst the leadership at the time:
“...as for ‘the I.R.B. outlived it’s usefulness after 1916’, Cathal Brugha held such opinions; this I am aware of...it just occurs to me that the re-organisation may have marked the begining of his antagonism towards Collins..”
Diarmuid Lynch to Florence O'Donoghue. 20 November 1945.National Library of Ireland MS 31-409(1)
Meanwhile in Cork Jail, the deadline for the prison authorities to grant political prisoner status passed. McCurtain and 49 other prisoners went on hunger strike.
Dundalk: 73 prisoners involved in hunger strikes at jails around Ireland have been released by prison authorities in recent days.
65 of these prisoners, arrested mostly on charges relating to military drilling, were released from Dundalk Gaol, with a further eight from Mountjoy. All were released under the Cat and Mouse Act, originally enacted in 1913 to allow for the temporary release due to ill health of hunger striking suffragists.
On their release from Dundalk, the ex-prisoners were treated to light refreshments in a local hotel before being taken by car to the train station for return to Dublin. Crowds gathered outside the hotel and cheered and sang for the prisoners as they were leaving. A particular favourite of the crowd was Austin Stack, who played a leading role in representing the prisoners’ interests in a dispute, which arose after they were moved from Mountjoy to Dundalk Gaol on 14 November. On arrival at Dundalk, the prisoners went on hunger strike, stating that the food offered to them was given to untried prisoners, demanding instead food similar to that supplied in Mountjoy.
Stack subsequently put the prisoners’ claims in writing, and, speaking on his release stated that all of the prisoners pledged that, in the event of their rearrest, they would again go on hunger strike unless new rules relating to political prisoners were implemented.
The Freeman’s Journal, in an editorial published today, commended the wisdom of the government in releasing the prisoners. The men themselves, the article stated, had not asked to be released, only that they not be treated as common criminals. Historically, this has been a standard Irish demand. It was made by John Mitchel in 1843, by O’Donovan Rossa, Michael Davitt and other Fenians in 1867, and subsequently by members of the Land League during the days of the Plan of Campaign. The claims of the Irish prisoners were therefore consistent with established tradition, and are, the Freeman’s Journal insists, ‘just’.
Reporting on Lenin, The Daily Express says: ‘Lenin is the popular idol, and he is a creature of Berlin. It is natural he should place an immediate peace in the front of his programme. An immediate peace must be a German peace, and that cannot be forced on the world either by Russian anarchists or Prussian Junkers.’
The Daily Mail: ‘At the head of the Revolution is apparently Lenin (alias Zederblum), who not long since was wanted by the Russian police as a German paid agent. His right hand man, is Trotsky (alias Braunstein), an anarchist, who has made most countries too hot for him. It is very suggestive that the news of the upheaval is accompanied by reports that the German fleet is off Helsingfors. It would be an excellent stroke of Potsdam policy for the seamen of the Russian fleet to be fighting the Government in Petrograd when the German pincers closed north and south of Petrograd.’
In the Irish newspapers, accounts of the Russian revolution had been no more complimentary. The Irish Independent, did not mention Lenin by name in its editorial of 9 November but it did accuse Maximalists of pandering to the ‘worst passions of the mob. It is against the war because it wants immediately to realise the Social Revolution. Ownership of the land and of all the means of production is the promise dangled before the eyes of the people...Instead of economic reconstruction, theirs will be the hands to destroy utterly the already shattered fabric of the State’.
The Freeman’s Journal has expressed scepticism at the prospects of Lenin, who it describes as the ‘spokesman of the new regime’, settling quickly either the land question or the economic crisis: ‘With regard to the first of these questions he proposes to hand over the land to the peasants, but a change of ownership as we in Ireland known from our own experience, is not a matter which can be settled by a scrape of the pen. The economic crisis is a still more formidable problem. Russia is suffering from a complete disorganisation of its social system.’
Though the consensus is that Lenin’s Bolsheviks are currently in the ascendancy, the situation is not stable, and commentators are predicting that the country is sliding towards civil war.
The Daily Mail: ‘At the head of the Revolution is apparently Lenin (alias Zederblum), who not long since was wanted by the Russian police as a German paid agent. His right hand man, is Trotsky (alias Braunstein), an anarchist, who has made most countries too hot for him. It is very suggestive that the news of the upheaval is accompanied by reports that the German fleet is off Helsingfors. It would be an excellent stroke of Potsdam policy for the seamen of the Russian fleet to be fighting the Government in Petrograd when the German pincers closed north and south of Petrograd.’
In the Irish newspapers, accounts of the Russian revolution had been no more complimentary. The Irish Independent, did not mention Lenin by name in its editorial of 9 November but it did accuse Maximalists of pandering to the ‘worst passions of the mob. It is against the war because it wants immediately to realise the Social Revolution. Ownership of the land and of all the means of production is the promise dangled before the eyes of the people...Instead of economic reconstruction, theirs will be the hands to destroy utterly the already shattered fabric of the State’.
The Freeman’s Journal has expressed scepticism at the prospects of Lenin, who it describes as the ‘spokesman of the new regime’, settling quickly either the land question or the economic crisis: ‘With regard to the first of these questions he proposes to hand over the land to the peasants, but a change of ownership as we in Ireland known from our own experience, is not a matter which can be settled by a scrape of the pen. The economic crisis is a still more formidable problem. Russia is suffering from a complete disorganisation of its social system.’
Though the consensus is that Lenin’s Bolsheviks are currently in the ascendancy, the situation is not stable, and commentators are predicting that the country is sliding towards civil war.
20
Battle of Cambrai begins with a surprise mass tank attack by the British. This demonstrated for the first time that the impenetrable German Hindenburg Line could in fact be breached
Battle of Cambrai begins with a surprise mass tank attack by the British. This demonstrated for the first time that the impenetrable German Hindenburg Line could in fact be breached
21
Ribecourt, Flesquieres, Havrincourt, Marcoing and other German positions captured by British.
Irish Convention:The Committee of Nine reported to the Grand Committee "that...a basis for agreement proved unsuccessful". With that the opportunity was lost to have Ulster Unionists fulfil their earlier undertaking to submit a scheme for their safeguard.
22
In Dundalk and Cork Jail, all Republican prisoners were released under the ‘Cat and Mouse’ Act. Each was served with an order requiring them to return to prison on December 12th.
Irish Convention: It became apparent that a fleeting breakthrough could yet be attained when Lord Midleton, the moderate leader of the Southern Unionists, alarmed by the rise of militant separatism in Ireland and the high losses on the war front, in an effort to break the deadlock on the fiscal question, proposed on this date of a Home Rule settlement without partition, in which an Irish parliament, with minority safeguards for Ulster, would have full control of internal taxes, administration, legislation, judicature and the police, but not of customs and excise.
Opposition to the "Midleton Plan" came not only from the Ulster delegates but from a majority of the nationalists led by Bishop O'Donnell who still held out for full fiscal autonomy. Actually Lord Midleton and his colleagues, unlike the other two parties, said that the Southern Unionists were genuinely working for a settlement within the Convention avoiding pressures from the outside, were trying to take a middle position, to allow reasonable members of the Nationalists and Ulster Unionist to join them, to meet the government's "substantial agreement" formula. Redmond and Devlin were leaning toward aligning themselves with Midleton.
23
Italians repulse Germans on the whole front from the Asiago Plateau to the Brenta River.
The Bolsheviks release the full text of the previously secret Sykes–Picot Agreement of 1916 in Izvestia and Pravda; it is printed in the Manchester Guardian on November 26
24
Nine members of the Milwaukee Police Department are killed by a bomb, the most deaths in a single event in U.S. police history until the September 11 attacks in 2001.
Dublin: Ireland was set to become a major hub for commercial aviation in the aftermath of the war.
Inquiries by the Freeman’s Journal revealed plans to acquire lands suitable for the development of aerodromes at several locations in comparatively close proximity to each other. Development of the stations would require a major investment of money on labour, albeit with the benefit of increased employment. It was understood that the ambition for the stations is not based on short-term or temporary war purposes, but on the long-term commercial development of aviation in the post-war era.
Ireland’s suitability to aviation had already been acknowledged. Previously, in the House of Commons, the government stressed the country’s geographical advantages as regards the development of a trans-Atlantic aerial service following the conclusion of the war.
25
Southern Unionists proposed a compromise to the Convention deadlock.
26
Cardinal Logue speaking to the clergy in his diocese attacked Sinn Fein and described the demand of an Irish Republic as ‘ill considered and utopian…a dream no man in his sober senses can hope to see realised’
28
Russia: Lenin offers an armistice to Germany & Austria.
Dublin:
By the end of November, the Government had ignored all warnings from both the Irish Parliamentary Party and the Southern Unionists on the failure of the Irish Convention and that the Ulster Unionists were perceived as receiving preferential treatment. The British Government introduced a measure for the re-distribution of Parliamentary representation in Ireland. The new plan would give the Ulster Unionists, seven or eight new seats. Not surprisingly, both Southern Irish Unionists and Nationalists protested strongly.
As the Earl of Arran writing 2 years later commented that a ‘debating society would have as much right to decide the policy of the British Empire as the Irish Convention had the right to decide the future of Ireland…the Convention served its chief object, which was to gain time…’
Irish National Bureau Newsletter, Washington DC. No.14 October 3, 1919. Lynch Family Archives.
The Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, accused the government of ‘killing’ the Irish Convention in a lengthy letter to The Times of London, which was reproduced in many of the Irish newspapers. Dr John Pentland Mahaffy claims that Ireland is in a precarious position in part, as a result of the ‘feebleness and blindness of the government.’
The picture presented by Mahaffy is one of government passivity in the face of Sinn Féin’s advance:
‘The crowd of young men who are not ready to enlist or allowed to emigrate are loafing about, ready for any mischief, with the Sinn Féin organisation ready to embrace them in its net. Illegal drilling and carrying of arms are only faintly repressed by the Government, whose principal alarm is lest another criminal should chance to die in jail. A second Thomas Ashe would cause a complete official collapse.’
The government’s approach has been designed to facilitate the work of the Convention, but it is, Mahaffy contends, having the opposite effect. It is a cause of ‘anxiety and alarm among the local minority, and of insolence and jubilation among the herd of disloyal and rebellious people who openly advocate the setting up of an Irish Republic’...What use’, he asked, was there in framing a ‘new Constitution when the first step in enforcing that, or any system of law and order, must be to employ coercion?’
Responding to Dr Mahaffy in a letter published in the Irish Independent, Fr T. Brett, the parish priest in Killererin, Co Galway, queried why the Provost never raised his voice against incidents in the Curragh camp or on Bachelors Walk some years ago? Or against the actions of Captain Bowen-Colthurst at Easter 1916? Or against the ongoing plight of the ‘houseless and foodless in Dublin slums and other places in Ireland’? The letter, asks whether all of Dr Mahaffy’s hard words were reserved for the ‘mere Irishry’ and concludes that, were he to engage at all, ‘he will find even the loafers, even the corner-boys who stand all the day idle because no one employs them, even the wild Irishmen, as his class calls us, he will find us eminently reasonable’
As the Irish Convention deliberated on the future government of Ireland and Sinn Féin awaiting a post-war Peace Conference to make their claims for an Irish Republic, the writer George Bernard Shaw pitched in with his own views on how to settle the Irish question. His thoughts, detailed and set out with typical artistic style and argumentative punch, came in a lengthy article that had been reprinted by the Irish Independent newspaper. Mr Shaw launched his series of articles by denouncing Sinn Féin and what he termed the ‘Ulster Impossibilists’, characterising both as ‘idiots’.
The very use of the term Sinn Féin – ‘We Ourselves’ – was criticised by the writer for being ‘a disgraceful and obsolete sentiment, horribly anti-Catholic, and acutely ridiculous in the presence of a crisis which has shown that not even the richest and most powerful countries ... have been able to stand by themselves’. But it was more than the name that was the problem: he accused Sinn Féin of feeding their supporters on ‘dreams and Irish air’, of being hopelessly ignorant of the size of the military forces the British empire could muster against them, and of being ridiculously naive in thinking that Ireland would matter a jot to anyone at a future Peace Conference: ‘Sinn Féin really does think that the world consists of Ireland and a few subordinate continents.’ The folly of Sinn Féin, he argues, was matched by that of many Ulster Unionists, whose opposition to an Irish parliament was rooted in exaggerated fears and was perhaps not as united as it liked to present itself. He suggests the ‘Ulster variety of Sinn Féin, like the southern one, has not a leg to stand on’. Mr Shaw suggests that no separation is likely between Ireland and England and there is likely to be ‘more union than ever’. Just what that means he intends to set out in a further article.
Ribecourt, Flesquieres, Havrincourt, Marcoing and other German positions captured by British.
Irish Convention:The Committee of Nine reported to the Grand Committee "that...a basis for agreement proved unsuccessful". With that the opportunity was lost to have Ulster Unionists fulfil their earlier undertaking to submit a scheme for their safeguard.
22
In Dundalk and Cork Jail, all Republican prisoners were released under the ‘Cat and Mouse’ Act. Each was served with an order requiring them to return to prison on December 12th.
Irish Convention: It became apparent that a fleeting breakthrough could yet be attained when Lord Midleton, the moderate leader of the Southern Unionists, alarmed by the rise of militant separatism in Ireland and the high losses on the war front, in an effort to break the deadlock on the fiscal question, proposed on this date of a Home Rule settlement without partition, in which an Irish parliament, with minority safeguards for Ulster, would have full control of internal taxes, administration, legislation, judicature and the police, but not of customs and excise.
Opposition to the "Midleton Plan" came not only from the Ulster delegates but from a majority of the nationalists led by Bishop O'Donnell who still held out for full fiscal autonomy. Actually Lord Midleton and his colleagues, unlike the other two parties, said that the Southern Unionists were genuinely working for a settlement within the Convention avoiding pressures from the outside, were trying to take a middle position, to allow reasonable members of the Nationalists and Ulster Unionist to join them, to meet the government's "substantial agreement" formula. Redmond and Devlin were leaning toward aligning themselves with Midleton.
23
Italians repulse Germans on the whole front from the Asiago Plateau to the Brenta River.
The Bolsheviks release the full text of the previously secret Sykes–Picot Agreement of 1916 in Izvestia and Pravda; it is printed in the Manchester Guardian on November 26
24
Nine members of the Milwaukee Police Department are killed by a bomb, the most deaths in a single event in U.S. police history until the September 11 attacks in 2001.
Dublin: Ireland was set to become a major hub for commercial aviation in the aftermath of the war.
Inquiries by the Freeman’s Journal revealed plans to acquire lands suitable for the development of aerodromes at several locations in comparatively close proximity to each other. Development of the stations would require a major investment of money on labour, albeit with the benefit of increased employment. It was understood that the ambition for the stations is not based on short-term or temporary war purposes, but on the long-term commercial development of aviation in the post-war era.
Ireland’s suitability to aviation had already been acknowledged. Previously, in the House of Commons, the government stressed the country’s geographical advantages as regards the development of a trans-Atlantic aerial service following the conclusion of the war.
25
Southern Unionists proposed a compromise to the Convention deadlock.
26
Cardinal Logue speaking to the clergy in his diocese attacked Sinn Fein and described the demand of an Irish Republic as ‘ill considered and utopian…a dream no man in his sober senses can hope to see realised’
28
Russia: Lenin offers an armistice to Germany & Austria.
Dublin:
By the end of November, the Government had ignored all warnings from both the Irish Parliamentary Party and the Southern Unionists on the failure of the Irish Convention and that the Ulster Unionists were perceived as receiving preferential treatment. The British Government introduced a measure for the re-distribution of Parliamentary representation in Ireland. The new plan would give the Ulster Unionists, seven or eight new seats. Not surprisingly, both Southern Irish Unionists and Nationalists protested strongly.
As the Earl of Arran writing 2 years later commented that a ‘debating society would have as much right to decide the policy of the British Empire as the Irish Convention had the right to decide the future of Ireland…the Convention served its chief object, which was to gain time…’
Irish National Bureau Newsletter, Washington DC. No.14 October 3, 1919. Lynch Family Archives.
The Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, accused the government of ‘killing’ the Irish Convention in a lengthy letter to The Times of London, which was reproduced in many of the Irish newspapers. Dr John Pentland Mahaffy claims that Ireland is in a precarious position in part, as a result of the ‘feebleness and blindness of the government.’
The picture presented by Mahaffy is one of government passivity in the face of Sinn Féin’s advance:
‘The crowd of young men who are not ready to enlist or allowed to emigrate are loafing about, ready for any mischief, with the Sinn Féin organisation ready to embrace them in its net. Illegal drilling and carrying of arms are only faintly repressed by the Government, whose principal alarm is lest another criminal should chance to die in jail. A second Thomas Ashe would cause a complete official collapse.’
The government’s approach has been designed to facilitate the work of the Convention, but it is, Mahaffy contends, having the opposite effect. It is a cause of ‘anxiety and alarm among the local minority, and of insolence and jubilation among the herd of disloyal and rebellious people who openly advocate the setting up of an Irish Republic’...What use’, he asked, was there in framing a ‘new Constitution when the first step in enforcing that, or any system of law and order, must be to employ coercion?’
Responding to Dr Mahaffy in a letter published in the Irish Independent, Fr T. Brett, the parish priest in Killererin, Co Galway, queried why the Provost never raised his voice against incidents in the Curragh camp or on Bachelors Walk some years ago? Or against the actions of Captain Bowen-Colthurst at Easter 1916? Or against the ongoing plight of the ‘houseless and foodless in Dublin slums and other places in Ireland’? The letter, asks whether all of Dr Mahaffy’s hard words were reserved for the ‘mere Irishry’ and concludes that, were he to engage at all, ‘he will find even the loafers, even the corner-boys who stand all the day idle because no one employs them, even the wild Irishmen, as his class calls us, he will find us eminently reasonable’
As the Irish Convention deliberated on the future government of Ireland and Sinn Féin awaiting a post-war Peace Conference to make their claims for an Irish Republic, the writer George Bernard Shaw pitched in with his own views on how to settle the Irish question. His thoughts, detailed and set out with typical artistic style and argumentative punch, came in a lengthy article that had been reprinted by the Irish Independent newspaper. Mr Shaw launched his series of articles by denouncing Sinn Féin and what he termed the ‘Ulster Impossibilists’, characterising both as ‘idiots’.
The very use of the term Sinn Féin – ‘We Ourselves’ – was criticised by the writer for being ‘a disgraceful and obsolete sentiment, horribly anti-Catholic, and acutely ridiculous in the presence of a crisis which has shown that not even the richest and most powerful countries ... have been able to stand by themselves’. But it was more than the name that was the problem: he accused Sinn Féin of feeding their supporters on ‘dreams and Irish air’, of being hopelessly ignorant of the size of the military forces the British empire could muster against them, and of being ridiculously naive in thinking that Ireland would matter a jot to anyone at a future Peace Conference: ‘Sinn Féin really does think that the world consists of Ireland and a few subordinate continents.’ The folly of Sinn Féin, he argues, was matched by that of many Ulster Unionists, whose opposition to an Irish parliament was rooted in exaggerated fears and was perhaps not as united as it liked to present itself. He suggests the ‘Ulster variety of Sinn Féin, like the southern one, has not a leg to stand on’. Mr Shaw suggests that no separation is likely between Ireland and England and there is likely to be ‘more union than ever’. Just what that means he intends to set out in a further article.
Armagh. Cardinal Logue condemns the policy of the Irish Republic.
The Irish republic was a dream with no hope of realisation. That’s the view of Cardinal Logue as expressed in an address read out at masses held throughout the Archdiocese of Armagh in November 1917.
Cardinal Logue stated forthrightly that the establishment of an Irish republic ‘either by an appeal to the potentates of Europe seated at a Peace Conference or an appeal to force by hurling an unarmed people against an empire which has five millions of men under arms...would be ludicrous if it were not so mischievous and fraught with such danger, when cleverly used as an incentive to fire the imagination of an ardent, generous, patriotic people’.
The position of the Catholic clergy in relation to the rise of Sinn Féin had been a matter of some public comment throughout this year, not least in the course of the party’s various successful campaigns. However, Cardinal Logue’s comments poured cold water on the idea that the Catholic church is fully in step with the separatists.
On the very day that the Cardinal was offering his critique of Sinn Féin’s policy, another member of the clergy, Fr David Bolger, a parish priest in Ballymurn, Co. Wexford, was denouncing Sinn Féin supporters for being ‘hot headed and unbalanced youths’.
Fr Bolger was speaking at a meeting of the United Irish League where he warned that should any of these unruly elements attempt to scupper the work of the Irish Convention in delivering a scheme of self-government for Ireland in favour of maintaining an atmosphere of violence and bloodshed, they deserved to be dealt with as ‘traitors and enemies of their country’.
Volunteer James Norton died (member of Swords Company of the 5th Battalion of the Dublin Brigade and who later fought in the Mendicity Institute under Sean Heuston, Court Martialed and sentenced to death but his sentence was commuted to three years penal servitude. He was incarcerated in Lewis Jail but was released under the general amnesty in June 1917. The harsh conditions in prison broke Joe’s health and he never recovered, he died of Pneumonia on the 28th of November 1917. He was buried on Sunday the 2nd of December 1917 in St Colmcille’s Graveyard. The funeral caused a sensation as thousands attended it including 1500 members of the Dublin Brigade along with members of the Irish Citizen Army, Cumann na mBan, Na Fianna and Sinn Fein. The honour guard for the cortege was provided by volunteers drawn from various companies of the Dublin Brigade including Thomas McGrane of H’ Company 1st Battalion. Volunteers marched and cycled in formation from across Dublin to attend the funeral in Swords. At the grave side three volleys were fired by the honour guard and the last post was played. Amongst the mourners were Harry Boland and WT Cosgrave who had been imprisoned with Joe in Lewis Jail.
|
December 1917
1
Lloyd George in a letter to his Chancellor of the Exchequer, Bonar Law, urged Unionist compromise on Home Rule.. ‘The Irish are now paralysisng the war activities of America…this is the opportunity to show that it places the Empire above everything…if America goes wrong we are lost’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.44
President Wilson protests against the Russian Armistice plans.
German East Africa reported completely conquered.
Allies' Supreme War Council, representing the United States, France, Great Britain and Italy, holds first meeting at Versailles.
2
The spectre of conscription was raised again in December. Despite numerous arrests and suppressions, the Lloyd George Government was accused of inactivity and appeasement towards Sinn Fein and the fact that conscription had not yet been applied to Ireland. The British Military certainly believed that conscription should be applied and quickly. Both Sinn Fein and the Irish Parliamentary Party were vehemently opposed to conscription.
Dillon addressing a meeting in Castlewellan, Co. Down said: ‘within the last few months, military men had pressed on the Government the policy of seizing these young fellows, scattering them among the English regiments and getting them to France, and. If they did not fight there, shooting them’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.237
3
London: The Government refuses to recognise or communicate with the Bolshevik regime in Russia.
Dundalk: Éamon de Valera, the MP for East Clare, has said that Sinn Féin has little interest in becoming embroiled in controversy with either the Catholic Church or with the labour movement. He made the statement at the Imperial Hotel in Dundalk, where he addressed members of the Urban Council, Cumann na mBan, the North Louth Executive of Sinn Féin, and the Ancient Order of Hibernians.
The party, he said, was not opposed to labour, but while they held in their hands the big question of Irish liberty they could not deal with labour problems. Once there was a national parliament and freedom, they would see what could be done to give practical effect to the aspirations of labour. He also claimed that there had been attempts to misrepresent Sinn Féin policy in order to weaken their position and alienate their supporters.
Earlier in the day, Mr de Valera was the main speaker at a Sinn Féin meeting held in Dundalk’s Market Square, where he spoke, among other things, about the Irish Convention.
"Irish people, having been fooled time and time again, might find themselves sitting idly by as a golden opportunity passed" he said. The Convention was, he suggested, a ‘trick of the loop trick’ and instead of waiting for what might come from it, Sinn Féin should get ready for the Peace Conference.
Mr de Valera’s speeches have given rise to considerable comment in recent weeks. The Cork Examiner has discerned in his recent pronouncements a ‘much less bellicose key’ than those of a month ago.
Accounting for the change in ‘tone and in policy’, the newspaper has suggested that it may be that as de Valera is ‘getting to closer quarters with realities, much of the glamour that impelled him to foolish, if picturesque, utterances relative to ten-foot pikes and the rest of it, has worn off, and that he is beginning to realise that the hopes of Sinn Féin being able to dominate the Peace Conference, and, after the war, to transform Ireland into an absolute republic, are as futile as that the same end can be achieved by physical force’.
Ballinacarrig, Co. Wicklow: Five fishermen drowned off Co. Wicklow were named as Samuel Davis, John Kelly, Thomas Judd, Henry Hunter and James Canavan. The men, three of whom were married, had set out at 8am in Michael Byrne’s fishing smack, but capsized after being caught in rough seas in Ballinacarrig Bay, some six miles south of Wicklow Town. The coastguards at Ballinacarrig were alerted to the incident and the Wicklow lifeboat was immediately dispatched to the scene. A prolonged search of the location failed to locate the unfortunate fishermen and there were distressing scenes at the pier when the lifeboat returned without them. It is not believed the bodies will ever be recovered.
4
The Irish Parliamentary Party and Southern Unionists protested against the governments plan for redistribution of parliamentary representation in Ireland. They declared that
‘this tampering with the Irish constituencies before the Convention had reported indicated that the Government was not intending to put Home Rule into operation and that a General Election would be allowed to take place in Ireland without any settlement having been made. It meant, Dillon said: ‘throwing the whole body of Nationalists in Ireland into the Sinn Fein camp’. It meant the failure of the Convention, and he warned the Government, ‘if the Convention fails, you will have to govern Ireland by the naked sword’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.238
Redmond declared that as a result, the position of the nationalists and Irish Parliamentary Party had been rendered completly ‘futile...we are never listened to..’
The Government’s legislation was passed and finally, the Irish Parliamentary Party saw that the future administration of Ireland was not going to be through political means, the refusal of the British to apply a medium of self-government and Self-Determination resulted in a decision to
‘govern Ireland - or endeavour to Government Ireland - by the point of a bayonet’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.238
Ballaghadereen: The Most Rev. Dr Morrisroe, Bishop of Achonry, had some thoughts on the matter of 'What are the great perils of our time' which he outlined in a letter to all of the priests in his diocese. While the focus of the letter remained on the restoration of peace and harmony among nations, the bishop also stressed the need to deliver our ‘distracted country’ from other evils that threaten the moral law.
What could they be? The answer, it would appear, was dancing. ‘It is said that there is a mixing of the sexes at meetings taking place in some of the young men’s clubs,’ Bishop Morrisroe remarked. ‘This, of course, is an unmitigated source of danger, and should be sternly inhibited.’ The bishop added that dances of this kind that take place ‘without proper supervision, and that lead to ill-assorted companionships, in circumstances of danger, ought to be unsparingly reprobated’.
Nor, he continued, should schoolrooms be used for such displays as these would, of course, be ‘contrary to the rules of the Board of Education.’ Bishop Morrisroe also instructed that Cardinal Logue’s recent letter be read out at mass in every church in the diocese.
5
British retire from Bourlon Wood, Graincourt and other positions west of Cambrai.
Irish Convention: Lloyd George became more directly involved opening the third phase of the Convention, when Midleton and the Church of Ireland Archbishop, Bernard, met the Prime Minister.
Washington: "A state of war now exists between the United States and Austria-Hungary." This was according to a Washington telegram drafted by Mr Flood, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the US House of Representatives, which is in accordance with the following resolution by President Woodrow Wilson:
‘Whereas, the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government has shown its hostility to the Government and people of the United States by severing diplomatic relations has formally adhered to the ruthless policy of submarine warfare adopted by its Ally, the Imperial German Government, with which the United States is at war, and has given its Ally every support on land and sea in the prosecution of the war against the Government and people of the United States of America, therefore, be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that a state of war is hereby declared to exist, and to have existed, since noon of the 5th day of December, 1917, between the United States of America and the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government, and that the President be, and is hereby, authorised and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on the war against the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government, and, to bring the conflict to a successful termination, all the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.’
The Irish Parliamentary Party and Southern Unionists protested against the governments plan for redistribution of parliamentary representation in Ireland. They declared that
‘this tampering with the Irish constituencies before the Convention had reported indicated that the Government was not intending to put Home Rule into operation and that a General Election would be allowed to take place in Ireland without any settlement having been made. It meant, Dillon said: ‘throwing the whole body of Nationalists in Ireland into the Sinn Fein camp’. It meant the failure of the Convention, and he warned the Government, ‘if the Convention fails, you will have to govern Ireland by the naked sword’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.238
Redmond declared that as a result, the position of the nationalists and Irish Parliamentary Party had been rendered completly ‘futile...we are never listened to..’
The Government’s legislation was passed and finally, the Irish Parliamentary Party saw that the future administration of Ireland was not going to be through political means, the refusal of the British to apply a medium of self-government and Self-Determination resulted in a decision to
‘govern Ireland - or endeavour to Government Ireland - by the point of a bayonet’
Dorothy Macardle, ‘The Irish Republic’. Irish Press, Dublin 1951. P.238
Ballaghadereen: The Most Rev. Dr Morrisroe, Bishop of Achonry, had some thoughts on the matter of 'What are the great perils of our time' which he outlined in a letter to all of the priests in his diocese. While the focus of the letter remained on the restoration of peace and harmony among nations, the bishop also stressed the need to deliver our ‘distracted country’ from other evils that threaten the moral law.
What could they be? The answer, it would appear, was dancing. ‘It is said that there is a mixing of the sexes at meetings taking place in some of the young men’s clubs,’ Bishop Morrisroe remarked. ‘This, of course, is an unmitigated source of danger, and should be sternly inhibited.’ The bishop added that dances of this kind that take place ‘without proper supervision, and that lead to ill-assorted companionships, in circumstances of danger, ought to be unsparingly reprobated’.
Nor, he continued, should schoolrooms be used for such displays as these would, of course, be ‘contrary to the rules of the Board of Education.’ Bishop Morrisroe also instructed that Cardinal Logue’s recent letter be read out at mass in every church in the diocese.
5
British retire from Bourlon Wood, Graincourt and other positions west of Cambrai.
Irish Convention: Lloyd George became more directly involved opening the third phase of the Convention, when Midleton and the Church of Ireland Archbishop, Bernard, met the Prime Minister.
Washington: "A state of war now exists between the United States and Austria-Hungary." This was according to a Washington telegram drafted by Mr Flood, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the US House of Representatives, which is in accordance with the following resolution by President Woodrow Wilson:
‘Whereas, the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government has shown its hostility to the Government and people of the United States by severing diplomatic relations has formally adhered to the ruthless policy of submarine warfare adopted by its Ally, the Imperial German Government, with which the United States is at war, and has given its Ally every support on land and sea in the prosecution of the war against the Government and people of the United States of America, therefore, be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that a state of war is hereby declared to exist, and to have existed, since noon of the 5th day of December, 1917, between the United States of America and the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government, and that the President be, and is hereby, authorised and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on the war against the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government, and, to bring the conflict to a successful termination, all the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.’
6
Canada: Halifax Explosion: Two freighters collide in Halifax Harbour at Halifax, Nova Scotia and cause a huge explosion that kills at least 1,963 people, injures 9,000 and destroys part of the city (the biggest man-made explosion in recorded history until the Trinity nuclear test in 1945).
7
Washington: Congress approves President Wilson’s declaration of war on Austria.
Finland declares independence.
8
Jerusalem, held by the Turks for 673 years, surrenders to British, under Gen. Allenby.
10
Panama declares war with Austria-Hungary.
Canada: Halifax Explosion: Two freighters collide in Halifax Harbour at Halifax, Nova Scotia and cause a huge explosion that kills at least 1,963 people, injures 9,000 and destroys part of the city (the biggest man-made explosion in recorded history until the Trinity nuclear test in 1945).
7
Washington: Congress approves President Wilson’s declaration of war on Austria.
Finland declares independence.
8
Jerusalem, held by the Turks for 673 years, surrenders to British, under Gen. Allenby.
10
Panama declares war with Austria-Hungary.
Dublin: The Hugh Lane collection of pictures, which was currently residing in London, were reported as worth more than all the pictures in the National Gallery in Dublin.vSo a well-attended meeting last night at the School of Art, Dublin was told. The crowd had been summoned with the object of supporting the claim for the return of Hugh Lane’s French pictures to Dublin.
Mr Thomas Bodkin, Sir Hugh’s nephew, stressed the importance of protesting the retention of the pictures in England – without it, the English people would think that they had an uncontested claim to them. Lady Gregory, Sir Hugh’s aunt, mentioned that she had appealed to the Trustees of the National Gallery who informed her that they had no legal right to give up the pictures. And while the government were not at present allowing private bills to be introduced, Sir Edward Carson, John Redmond and several other MPs had promised help to secure such a bill. However, Lady Gregory expressed the view that the government be urged to accept Sir Hugh Lane’s codicil, as they had accepted codicils in the case of soldiers’ wills. Lane’s life was, she added, devoted to Ireland and his wish was to make it a ‘treasure house of art’.
Mr Thomas Bodkin, Sir Hugh’s nephew, stressed the importance of protesting the retention of the pictures in England – without it, the English people would think that they had an uncontested claim to them. Lady Gregory, Sir Hugh’s aunt, mentioned that she had appealed to the Trustees of the National Gallery who informed her that they had no legal right to give up the pictures. And while the government were not at present allowing private bills to be introduced, Sir Edward Carson, John Redmond and several other MPs had promised help to secure such a bill. However, Lady Gregory expressed the view that the government be urged to accept Sir Hugh Lane’s codicil, as they had accepted codicils in the case of soldiers’ wills. Lane’s life was, she added, devoted to Ireland and his wish was to make it a ‘treasure house of art’.
Following his death, Sir Hugh Lane's will bequeathed his collection to London, but an unwitnessed later codicil bequeathed it to Dublin. Having possession, London's National Gallery did not recognise the codicil. At the request of Lane's aunt, Lady Gregory, WT Cosgrave, leader of the Irish Government unsuccessfully approached Ramsay MacDonald on the matter in 1929. When John A. Costello became Taoiseach in 1948, he initiated further negotiations with the UK government, eventually leading to a compromise in 1959, under Taoiseach Sean Lemass, whereby half of the Lane Bequest would be lent and shown in Dublin every five years. In 1993, the agreement was varied so that 31 of the 39 paintings would stay in Ireland. The remaining 8 were divided into 2 groups, so that 4 would be lent for 6 years at a time to Dublin. These 8 include works by Manet, Monet, Pissarro, Renoir, Morisot, Vuillard and Degas. In 2008, The National Gallery in London arranged for the entire collection to be on display in Dublin together for the first time. There was a switch in May 2013 for a six-year period.
11
Irish Convention: Redmond wrote to the Church of Ireland Archbishop, Bernard to press him to support the proposed compromise fiscal scheme. Redmond had tried to rescue what remained of his hopes by moving further and further from his own supporters in an attempt to reach some common understanding with his opponents. Especially his appeal to Lloyd George to put pressure on the Ulster Unionists should the Convention agree on some workable solution. Redmond persisted desperately to come to an agreement with the Southern Unionists. The make and break point revolved solely around the control of customs and excise. Supporting this, and prompting the Nationalist to acceptance, was the advance made by the Southern Unionists, who, against their own convictions, had come forward with their offer to help Nationalists in attaining what they desired.
14
Derry: The clamour for the introduction of conscription to Ireland grows louder.
Speaking at a war charities bazaar in Derry today, Lord Londonderry has urged the British Government to ‘use their power to bring Ireland into the war’ since Ireland was excluded from the Compulsory Service Bill, which passed in January 1916. The Ulster peer added that he would like to see the 200,000 young men who were not taking their part in the war and who were prey to disloyal elements, brought under the standards of the British Empire.
Lord Londonderry’s speech is very much in line with an argument that has been repeatedly presented in the British press in recent days. Ireland was being used by ‘defaulters’ as a ‘shelter’ from the Conscription Act, according the Pall Mall Gazette. The Evening News has struck a similarly exasperated tone: ‘The taking of men up to 55 while there remains a large army of fit young men in Ireland would cause a great deal of ill-feeling. The Irish problem has got to be tackled promptly and firmly.’
This growing chorus of support for Irish conscription had not been replicated in Ireland. The Freeman’s Journal editorialised that Ireland is presented, by ‘Die-Hards’ in the British press, as the solution to the Allies’ ongoing problems. Instead of looking to the fighting fronts in France and Italy, their eyes are fixed on Ireland as if this country alone blocks the road to victory. ‘In conscription they have found a cry which they believe will enable them to pursue their vendetta against this country’ the article reads, and unless Ireland’s ‘last available man is thrown into the scale, the Allies, despite their overwhelming numerical superiority, must resign themselves to utter defeat’.
Ireland is not alone in grappling with the conscription question, however. In Canada, too, it has been a subject of considerable debate, and the comfortable victory this week of the outgoing government party is being read as an endorsement of Prime Minister Robert Borden’s election policy of compulsory military service.
Irish Convention: Redmond wrote to the Church of Ireland Archbishop, Bernard to press him to support the proposed compromise fiscal scheme. Redmond had tried to rescue what remained of his hopes by moving further and further from his own supporters in an attempt to reach some common understanding with his opponents. Especially his appeal to Lloyd George to put pressure on the Ulster Unionists should the Convention agree on some workable solution. Redmond persisted desperately to come to an agreement with the Southern Unionists. The make and break point revolved solely around the control of customs and excise. Supporting this, and prompting the Nationalist to acceptance, was the advance made by the Southern Unionists, who, against their own convictions, had come forward with their offer to help Nationalists in attaining what they desired.
14
Derry: The clamour for the introduction of conscription to Ireland grows louder.
Speaking at a war charities bazaar in Derry today, Lord Londonderry has urged the British Government to ‘use their power to bring Ireland into the war’ since Ireland was excluded from the Compulsory Service Bill, which passed in January 1916. The Ulster peer added that he would like to see the 200,000 young men who were not taking their part in the war and who were prey to disloyal elements, brought under the standards of the British Empire.
Lord Londonderry’s speech is very much in line with an argument that has been repeatedly presented in the British press in recent days. Ireland was being used by ‘defaulters’ as a ‘shelter’ from the Conscription Act, according the Pall Mall Gazette. The Evening News has struck a similarly exasperated tone: ‘The taking of men up to 55 while there remains a large army of fit young men in Ireland would cause a great deal of ill-feeling. The Irish problem has got to be tackled promptly and firmly.’
This growing chorus of support for Irish conscription had not been replicated in Ireland. The Freeman’s Journal editorialised that Ireland is presented, by ‘Die-Hards’ in the British press, as the solution to the Allies’ ongoing problems. Instead of looking to the fighting fronts in France and Italy, their eyes are fixed on Ireland as if this country alone blocks the road to victory. ‘In conscription they have found a cry which they believe will enable them to pursue their vendetta against this country’ the article reads, and unless Ireland’s ‘last available man is thrown into the scale, the Allies, despite their overwhelming numerical superiority, must resign themselves to utter defeat’.
Ireland is not alone in grappling with the conscription question, however. In Canada, too, it has been a subject of considerable debate, and the comfortable victory this week of the outgoing government party is being read as an endorsement of Prime Minister Robert Borden’s election policy of compulsory military service.
15
Armistice signed between Germany and Russia at Brest-Litovsk.
Cargo ship SS Formby bound for Waterford from Liverpool is torpedoed and sunk in the Irish Sea by U-62 with the loss of all 35 crew. Two days later her sister ship, SS Coningbeg, making the same passage is sunk nearby by the same German submarine with the loss of all 15 crew.
18
Cork: The country was recovering after being buffeted by a day and night of violent storms. Travel and telecommunications were interrupted and the damage to buildings, roads, train tracks and ships was extensive. Few parts of the country were spared, but casualties were few.
The single loss of life occurred in Cork City, where an elderly gentleman was killed by a collapsed chimney in Meat Market Lane, off Patrick Street. The deceased named as Mr William Moore, a well-known sign-writer who was visiting his son, Charles. The fatal accident occurred just after dinner; William went into the kitchen to wash his hands when the whole gable chimney collapsed into the kitchen. He was dead by the time he was extricated from the rubble and removed to the North Infirmary.
Elsewhere in Cork City, trees were uprooted and damage was recorded to the stands at the Cork Athletic Grounds and to a number of the ornamental pieces of stonework that adorn the city’s cathedral. In Skibbereen, the high winds – laced with hail and snow – stripped houses of their roof slates. Meanwhile, the coastline of south county Dublin experienced particular difficulties, with vessels torn from their moorings in Kingstown. One steamer had a mate and twelve men on board. Thankfully all were returned to shore safely. The severity of the storms can be gauged by the height to which the water rose, forcing up the flooring planks on Carlisle Pier. The railway line between Kingstown and Blackrock was flooded and at Monkstown, a telegraph pole was uprooted and thrown, along with other obstacles onto the tramline. The Dalkey to Dublin tram service was suspended for several hours. Going outdoors brought all manner of risks and pedestrians had to contend with flying roof slates, swinging signboards, hanging lamps and fallen trees.
Irish Convention: When the full Convention met just before the seasonal recess, Midleton made an address in which his scheme further conceded to Ireland the control of excise in addition to all purely Irish services. Merely customs and defence were to remain for the period of the war with the Imperial Parliament, thereafter to be decided by a joint commission. He appealed to both Nationalists and Northern Unionists to seek agreement on these lines. Redmond, already very ill, was waylaid through indisposition and a snow storm in his home in the Wicklow hills and could not attend. The fears of those present were that should the proposals be adopted, the decision would be exposed to attack by a combination of Sinn Féin, who would condemn anything other than complete separation; the Hierarchy, as represented by Bishop O’Donnell; and by William Martin Murphy and his Independent (the most widely read nationalist paper in Ireland).
The Ulster delegation leader, Barrie, had disclosed occasional interest in doing a deal. At this time he was beginning to talk privately about the possibility of an all-Ireland parliament, and a unitary settlement. Differences between Ulster Unionists and nationalist at this time were not over the issue of partition, but over taxing powers of a likely Irish parliament. Control of customs continued to be widely seen as an essential feature of national self- determination. Despite restraints, there were instants during which agreement might have been reached. Sir Edward Carson, crucially, seems to have regarded a unitary settlement with a degree of sympathy at this time.
The Convention finally turned out to be more than an elitist talking-shop, although an understanding took a long time in coming, yet a form of consensus was for a moment attained with a deal near to being struck. For a brief period during December – until early January 1918 – it looked as if Midleton's initiative would provide the basis for a political breakthrough, with justification for believing that the Convention was moving towards an agreed settlement.
Ulster's Bishop O’Donnell moved into the Nationalist leadership vacuum and held out against any compromise on fiscal autonomy, circulating a memorandum to all members of the Convention to this effect.
19
Enniscorthy: Irish turkeys were selling for record prices in the lead up to Christmas, 1917. Turkeys were reaching prices of £3 [£190 in 2016] a pair at the Leinster markets, with one vendor in Enniscorthy reporting a high of £3 10s. The reason for the high prices is the number being exported; 8,000 turkeys were shipped to Britain last week from farms in north Wexford alone, with a good deal of common fowl - as well as goose and ducks - also finding a market there. Scarcity of grain and other foods, together with the seasonal Christmas demand, are factors fuelling the growth in turkey exports. This growth in exports is set against the backdrop of increasing shortages of butter, milk and flour around the country due to the ongoing war. The extent of the crisis has led one Claremorris merchant to state that ‘England is prepared to starve Ireland’.
20
Australia: Referendum opposes introduction of conscription. Conscription defeated in vote by 54.6% - 889,000 for, 1,072,000 against.
Alice Roosevelt Longworth recalled the visit of Sir F.E.Smith (Lord Birkenhead) ‘He was, as always, diverting, full of interesting facts and fancies. He said that Sir Roger Casement had not been made a martyr, on account of the discovery of his journal which showed him to be a peculiarly vicious moral pervert’
W. J.Maloney. “The Forged Casement Diaries.” Talbot Press, Dublin 1936. p252-12
22
T.P.O'Connor continued his fund-raising mission in the United States and in a letter to the new leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, John Dillon, commented that 'the attacks upon me still continue but I don't think that they are so frequent as they were'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p71
24
Dublin: An air service exhibition opened in Dublin to huge crowds. Within an hour of opening, 1,000 visitors had filed into the Earlsfort Garage, lured by the heavy promotional efforts of recent days and the prospect of experiencing something unprecedented.
To promote the opening of this unique exhibition in Dublin, the principal organiser of the event – the Countess of Drogheda – undertook a spectacular flight across the city, beginning at the Phoenix Park and travelling as far as Kingstown before returning to her point of departure. The flight was witnessed by thousands of people, and at various locations along the route, promotional leaflets were dropped from the airplane to the ground.
The exhibition, which has previously visited major British cities, showcases a collection of fighter planes used by both sides in the present war, including a captured German Gotha Bomber; a German Albatross, captured by the Captain Ball V.C.; portions of destroyed Zeppelins, photographs and war souvenirs.
In his remarks opening the exhibition, the Lord Lieutenant paid tribute to the role that Irishmen had made to the development of human flight. He mentioned Harry Ferguson who he described as the ‘first Irish pilot’, who many years ago flew a machine of his own making. He also referred to Lt Warneford and Lt Rhodes-Moorhouse, two Irishmen in the British air service who recently were awarded the Victoria Cross. The Lord Lieutenant spoke of his optimism that Ireland might develop as a centre for aviation development in the post-war years. Ireland, he said, was the ‘land outpost of the Western World’ and could in the future form a station for transatlantic journeys.
All proceeds from the exhibition are to be directed towards the equipment and maintenance of hospitals that care for injured pilots. The exhibition ran for a fortnight, after which it travelled to the United States.
26
Diarmuid Lynch attended the Theatre Royal, Dublin for ‘Finn Varra Maa – the Irish Fairy Pantomime'
United States president Woodrow Wilson uses the Federal Possession and Control Act to place most U.S. railroads under the United States Railroad Administration, hoping to transport troops and materials for the war effort more efficiently.
Dublin: The Christmas period had been quiet and uneventful. It could hardly have been otherwise. The shadow of a war, now in its fourth year, fell over many an Irish family this Christmas where the ‘empty chair’ was a reminder of the sacrifices and loss experienced around the country. The war was also felt in the scarcity and expense of certain foods that made this a more frugal festive experience than in the pre-war years. One of the seasonal staples missing from many Irish dinner tables was plum pudding, the ingredients for which were next to impossible to obtain. Except at the Dublin Castle Red Cross Hospital, where the authorities took particular pride in ensuring that every injured soldier was treated to helpings of old-style plum pudding and other Yuletide favourites.
Traders in Dublin reported brisk business in the run up to Christmas, though it was notable that the purchasers of the most costly items were ‘big graziers from the Midlands and South and West’.
In Clery and Co. Department Store, operating out of temporary premises on Lower Abbey Street, customers were reported to have been buying ‘useful articles’ such as gloves and coats.
Christmas Day itself was bright and mild, and religious services were held throughout the country as usual. In Dublin, a High Mass was celebrated at noon by the Archbishop at the Pro-Cathedral on Marlborough Street, where the attendance included the Lord Mayor, the City High Sheriff and members of the Corporation. In Rome, meanwhile, Pope Benedict XV delivered his traditional Christmas message, expressing both his disappointment at the failure of his efforts at international reconciliation and his continued commitment to a mission of peace. ‘No obstacle or peril’, he stated, ‘is capable of breaking my determination to fulfil this duty and exercise the right of him who represents the Prince of Peace....The present calamity will never finish until men return to God.’
In Dublin’s Gaiety Theatre, the city’s self-styled ‘Home of the Pantomime’, this year’s production was a lavish treatment of Cinderella with matinee and evening performances running each day.
27
Irish Convention: Plunkett wrote to Redmond – "The Bishop of Raphoe is determined not to come to terms with Lord Midleton". He was ‘exceedingly doubtful about conditional acceptance until we know the North makes good the condition’ the bishop wrote in a letter to Redmond on 27 December, and recommended ‘before we give anything away – I should be inclined to keep the Convention in session for a considerable time fashioning out a reasonable instrument of Irish government’.
29
"As we mark a fourth Christmas of war, it would be only be natural for optimism to have drained completely from the country.
But that’s not the case. At least not judging from the tone being struck in many of the editorials that have been looking forward to the year ahead. If 1917 will be remembered as one of ‘sacrifice and uncertainty’, the Nenagh Guardian is daring to indulge in positive speculation on what might lie ahead.
Is it ‘too much to hope that 1918 will see the end of the age-long struggle for Irish national rights?’ the paper asks hopefully.
‘There is great hope in many ways. At the moment there is much talk of peace, and though it would be rash to prophesy, we feel that the mass of people throughout the world – all except the junkers and those whose pockets are filled with unjust war profits – will welcome the end of the present holocaust.’
Travel north and the Donegal News is striking a similarly upbeat tone, the new year being ‘pregnant with great potentialities for Ireland’. The country and her people were, the editorial added, ‘riding on the high seas towards the Promised Land, and it was only through the blood of patriots that the brightest opportunity during seven centuries of suffering was created’. That bright opportunity rests with the Peace Conference, at which Ireland will, it is predicted, be surrounded by friends with only a single nation hostile to its ambitions."
31
As 1917 drew to a close, Eileen McGough observed that Diarmuid Lynch since his release in June 1917, had been 'centrally engaged in tactics, policy and publicity across the spectrum of nationalist organisation. Béaslaí wrote 'The most frequent companions of [Michael] Collins at this time were Diarmuid Lynch, Harry Boland, Diarmuid O'Hegarty, Fionán Lynch and I', According to P.S.O'Hegarty 'Mrs Clarke, who had kept the threads and contacts of the IRB in her capable hands while the men were in prison, handed them on, on their release, to Diarmuid Lynch, Harry Boland. and with these two, with Collins and McGarry and others, took up the threads again and put them together'. Writing to Beaslaí in August 1925, Lynch noted: 'I think I can truthfully say that during the latter months of 1917 and the early part of 1918 there was no man in closer touch with Collins that your humble servant. We collaborated in many, many things, among which I may mention the revision of the Sinn Féin constitution, the revision of the IRB constitution, the re-organisation of the Irish Volunteers etc.'
Eileen McGough. 'Diarmuid Lynch - A Forgotten Irish Patriot' Mercier Press, 2013. P83-84
Cork: Newspaper readers were set to pay more for their diet of printed news as nine Irish newspapers signalled their intention to increase prices from the beginning of the new year. These included such titles as the Cork Examiner, the Wicklow Newsletter, the Roscommon Herald, the Leitrim Observer, and the Northern Constitution (Coleraine). Included, too, is the Irish Independent, which has just released details of record sales figures over the last year. Average daily sales for the Independent have increased considerably from 1916 to 1917. The reason for increase in prices across the titles is related to the increased cost of paper, which was now 600% greater than it had been in 1914.
As well as paper being much more expensive, the Royal Commission on Paper issued a new regulation to the effect that the supply will be further reduced by one-third next year, shrinking it to less than a quarter of what was consumed in 1914. According to the Cork Examiner, newspapers with large circulations are ‘almost universally compelled to an increase in price’, whereas titles whose sales are limited are less likely to be seriously impeded by increasing cost and diminishing availability of raw materials'
The Anglo-Celt has emphasised the importance of the press in the current war. Under the headline, ‘Papers Penalised’, it has argued that had it not been for the assistance of the papers it would not have been possible to get tillage increased or to gather support for the war loans. Were it not for newspapers, people would be dependent on the rumour mill for their news. It is in the government’s best interests, the Anglo-Celt insists, to keep the papers alive.
Canberra: Australia voted by a clear majority to reject proposals that would have introduced compulsory military service.
This was the second referendum in two years on the issue, and while not all returns had been calculated at year's end, the vote stood at 1,120,000 against conscription and 945,000 for it. In October 1916, when a similar question was put to the Australian people, only 61,000 ballots separated the two sides. The conscription campaign, like that of the previous, was a bitter one. It was born of Australia’s difficulties in meeting troop supply commitments that had been made to the British government.
One notable feature of the result was that serving Australian soldiers voted against conscription. Also influential was the Irish community, none more so than the Cork-born Archbishop of Melbourne, Dr Daniel Mannix, who carried on a strong campaign against the measure.
Labour, who also opposed conscription, pointed out that the result was not a vote for Germany. Rather the party hailed it as a ‘victory for voluntaryism and liberty, while affirming its continued belief in the justice of the war and the necessity of defeating the Central Powers’.
The repercussions of this referendum, for both the Australian government and the wider war effort, will long be felt. Already a more immediate backlash is being reported, with some New Zealand companies refusing to employ Australian shearers on the basis that jobs previously occupied by New Zealanders now off fighting should not be filled by people who voted against conscription. That this result has gone the same way as the previous referendum is a serious blow to Billy Hughes, the Prime Minister of the Australian Commonwealth. There has been some speculation that his Federal Government might resign when the parliament reassembles in early January.
Hits of 1917: ‘For me and my Gal’ and ‘Goodbye-ee’
W. J.Maloney. “The Forged Casement Diaries.” Talbot Press, Dublin 1936. p252-12
22
T.P.O'Connor continued his fund-raising mission in the United States and in a letter to the new leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, John Dillon, commented that 'the attacks upon me still continue but I don't think that they are so frequent as they were'
Doorley. 'Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism. The Friends of Irish Freedom 1916-1935'. Four Courts Press 2021. p71
24
Dublin: An air service exhibition opened in Dublin to huge crowds. Within an hour of opening, 1,000 visitors had filed into the Earlsfort Garage, lured by the heavy promotional efforts of recent days and the prospect of experiencing something unprecedented.
To promote the opening of this unique exhibition in Dublin, the principal organiser of the event – the Countess of Drogheda – undertook a spectacular flight across the city, beginning at the Phoenix Park and travelling as far as Kingstown before returning to her point of departure. The flight was witnessed by thousands of people, and at various locations along the route, promotional leaflets were dropped from the airplane to the ground.
The exhibition, which has previously visited major British cities, showcases a collection of fighter planes used by both sides in the present war, including a captured German Gotha Bomber; a German Albatross, captured by the Captain Ball V.C.; portions of destroyed Zeppelins, photographs and war souvenirs.
In his remarks opening the exhibition, the Lord Lieutenant paid tribute to the role that Irishmen had made to the development of human flight. He mentioned Harry Ferguson who he described as the ‘first Irish pilot’, who many years ago flew a machine of his own making. He also referred to Lt Warneford and Lt Rhodes-Moorhouse, two Irishmen in the British air service who recently were awarded the Victoria Cross. The Lord Lieutenant spoke of his optimism that Ireland might develop as a centre for aviation development in the post-war years. Ireland, he said, was the ‘land outpost of the Western World’ and could in the future form a station for transatlantic journeys.
All proceeds from the exhibition are to be directed towards the equipment and maintenance of hospitals that care for injured pilots. The exhibition ran for a fortnight, after which it travelled to the United States.
26
Diarmuid Lynch attended the Theatre Royal, Dublin for ‘Finn Varra Maa – the Irish Fairy Pantomime'
United States president Woodrow Wilson uses the Federal Possession and Control Act to place most U.S. railroads under the United States Railroad Administration, hoping to transport troops and materials for the war effort more efficiently.
Dublin: The Christmas period had been quiet and uneventful. It could hardly have been otherwise. The shadow of a war, now in its fourth year, fell over many an Irish family this Christmas where the ‘empty chair’ was a reminder of the sacrifices and loss experienced around the country. The war was also felt in the scarcity and expense of certain foods that made this a more frugal festive experience than in the pre-war years. One of the seasonal staples missing from many Irish dinner tables was plum pudding, the ingredients for which were next to impossible to obtain. Except at the Dublin Castle Red Cross Hospital, where the authorities took particular pride in ensuring that every injured soldier was treated to helpings of old-style plum pudding and other Yuletide favourites.
Traders in Dublin reported brisk business in the run up to Christmas, though it was notable that the purchasers of the most costly items were ‘big graziers from the Midlands and South and West’.
In Clery and Co. Department Store, operating out of temporary premises on Lower Abbey Street, customers were reported to have been buying ‘useful articles’ such as gloves and coats.
Christmas Day itself was bright and mild, and religious services were held throughout the country as usual. In Dublin, a High Mass was celebrated at noon by the Archbishop at the Pro-Cathedral on Marlborough Street, where the attendance included the Lord Mayor, the City High Sheriff and members of the Corporation. In Rome, meanwhile, Pope Benedict XV delivered his traditional Christmas message, expressing both his disappointment at the failure of his efforts at international reconciliation and his continued commitment to a mission of peace. ‘No obstacle or peril’, he stated, ‘is capable of breaking my determination to fulfil this duty and exercise the right of him who represents the Prince of Peace....The present calamity will never finish until men return to God.’
In Dublin’s Gaiety Theatre, the city’s self-styled ‘Home of the Pantomime’, this year’s production was a lavish treatment of Cinderella with matinee and evening performances running each day.
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Irish Convention: Plunkett wrote to Redmond – "The Bishop of Raphoe is determined not to come to terms with Lord Midleton". He was ‘exceedingly doubtful about conditional acceptance until we know the North makes good the condition’ the bishop wrote in a letter to Redmond on 27 December, and recommended ‘before we give anything away – I should be inclined to keep the Convention in session for a considerable time fashioning out a reasonable instrument of Irish government’.
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"As we mark a fourth Christmas of war, it would be only be natural for optimism to have drained completely from the country.
But that’s not the case. At least not judging from the tone being struck in many of the editorials that have been looking forward to the year ahead. If 1917 will be remembered as one of ‘sacrifice and uncertainty’, the Nenagh Guardian is daring to indulge in positive speculation on what might lie ahead.
Is it ‘too much to hope that 1918 will see the end of the age-long struggle for Irish national rights?’ the paper asks hopefully.
‘There is great hope in many ways. At the moment there is much talk of peace, and though it would be rash to prophesy, we feel that the mass of people throughout the world – all except the junkers and those whose pockets are filled with unjust war profits – will welcome the end of the present holocaust.’
Travel north and the Donegal News is striking a similarly upbeat tone, the new year being ‘pregnant with great potentialities for Ireland’. The country and her people were, the editorial added, ‘riding on the high seas towards the Promised Land, and it was only through the blood of patriots that the brightest opportunity during seven centuries of suffering was created’. That bright opportunity rests with the Peace Conference, at which Ireland will, it is predicted, be surrounded by friends with only a single nation hostile to its ambitions."
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As 1917 drew to a close, Eileen McGough observed that Diarmuid Lynch since his release in June 1917, had been 'centrally engaged in tactics, policy and publicity across the spectrum of nationalist organisation. Béaslaí wrote 'The most frequent companions of [Michael] Collins at this time were Diarmuid Lynch, Harry Boland, Diarmuid O'Hegarty, Fionán Lynch and I', According to P.S.O'Hegarty 'Mrs Clarke, who had kept the threads and contacts of the IRB in her capable hands while the men were in prison, handed them on, on their release, to Diarmuid Lynch, Harry Boland. and with these two, with Collins and McGarry and others, took up the threads again and put them together'. Writing to Beaslaí in August 1925, Lynch noted: 'I think I can truthfully say that during the latter months of 1917 and the early part of 1918 there was no man in closer touch with Collins that your humble servant. We collaborated in many, many things, among which I may mention the revision of the Sinn Féin constitution, the revision of the IRB constitution, the re-organisation of the Irish Volunteers etc.'
Eileen McGough. 'Diarmuid Lynch - A Forgotten Irish Patriot' Mercier Press, 2013. P83-84
Cork: Newspaper readers were set to pay more for their diet of printed news as nine Irish newspapers signalled their intention to increase prices from the beginning of the new year. These included such titles as the Cork Examiner, the Wicklow Newsletter, the Roscommon Herald, the Leitrim Observer, and the Northern Constitution (Coleraine). Included, too, is the Irish Independent, which has just released details of record sales figures over the last year. Average daily sales for the Independent have increased considerably from 1916 to 1917. The reason for increase in prices across the titles is related to the increased cost of paper, which was now 600% greater than it had been in 1914.
As well as paper being much more expensive, the Royal Commission on Paper issued a new regulation to the effect that the supply will be further reduced by one-third next year, shrinking it to less than a quarter of what was consumed in 1914. According to the Cork Examiner, newspapers with large circulations are ‘almost universally compelled to an increase in price’, whereas titles whose sales are limited are less likely to be seriously impeded by increasing cost and diminishing availability of raw materials'
The Anglo-Celt has emphasised the importance of the press in the current war. Under the headline, ‘Papers Penalised’, it has argued that had it not been for the assistance of the papers it would not have been possible to get tillage increased or to gather support for the war loans. Were it not for newspapers, people would be dependent on the rumour mill for their news. It is in the government’s best interests, the Anglo-Celt insists, to keep the papers alive.
Canberra: Australia voted by a clear majority to reject proposals that would have introduced compulsory military service.
This was the second referendum in two years on the issue, and while not all returns had been calculated at year's end, the vote stood at 1,120,000 against conscription and 945,000 for it. In October 1916, when a similar question was put to the Australian people, only 61,000 ballots separated the two sides. The conscription campaign, like that of the previous, was a bitter one. It was born of Australia’s difficulties in meeting troop supply commitments that had been made to the British government.
One notable feature of the result was that serving Australian soldiers voted against conscription. Also influential was the Irish community, none more so than the Cork-born Archbishop of Melbourne, Dr Daniel Mannix, who carried on a strong campaign against the measure.
Labour, who also opposed conscription, pointed out that the result was not a vote for Germany. Rather the party hailed it as a ‘victory for voluntaryism and liberty, while affirming its continued belief in the justice of the war and the necessity of defeating the Central Powers’.
The repercussions of this referendum, for both the Australian government and the wider war effort, will long be felt. Already a more immediate backlash is being reported, with some New Zealand companies refusing to employ Australian shearers on the basis that jobs previously occupied by New Zealanders now off fighting should not be filled by people who voted against conscription. That this result has gone the same way as the previous referendum is a serious blow to Billy Hughes, the Prime Minister of the Australian Commonwealth. There has been some speculation that his Federal Government might resign when the parliament reassembles in early January.
Hits of 1917: ‘For me and my Gal’ and ‘Goodbye-ee’
Three pro-conscription cartoons from the Australian Daily Telegraph. The centre one is particularly interesting as it depicts a soldier at the front calling for a 'Yes' vote, when in fact Australian soldiers voted 'No'. The one on the left shows Australian PM Billy Hughes deliberating whether or not to blow the 'Conscription' bugles. To the right we see the Kaiser campaigning for a 'No' vote. All cartoons drawn by Hal Eyre. (Images: State Library New South Wales)
- Between Armed Rebellion and Democratic Revolution - The Irish Question in 1917 By Mark Duncan. Click here.
Births 1917
Deaths 1917