Irish Volunteers Training - January 1916, Cork City.
Last updated: 07 March 2019
Front Row seated: Cornelius J. Meany (Millstreet), Cornelius Mahoney (Ahiohill), Patrick J. Twomey (Kilmoney, Blarney), Martin O'Keefe (Ballynoe), Michael Leahy (Cobh), William Kelliher (Keale, Drishane), James Murphy (Clondrohid, Macroom), Chris McSweeney (Blarney St, Cork).
Second Row: Sean O'Sullivan, Christopher O'Gorman (Cork City), Michael F. Lynch (Tracton), Seán Lynch (Renanirree, Macroom), John Manning (Donoughmore), Charles Wall (Dromcollogher), James Walsh (Lyre, Clonakilty), Seán Carroll (Hospital, Co. Limerick), Riobárd Langford (Cork City), Maurice Ahern (Dungourney), Tom Hales (Ballinadee, Bandon), Tadgh Barry (Cork City), Captain J.J. ‘Ginger’ O'Connell.
Back Row: Paud O'Donoghue (Coachford), Cornelius Ahern (Dunmanway), Seán O'Driscoll (Eyeries), Eugene Walsh (Clogagh, Bandon), Denis O'Brien (Ballydaly, Millstreet), Seán Collins (Ballinspittal, Kinsale), Séamus Courtney (Cork City), Jeremiah Mullane (Mourneabbey), Michael Hyde (Ballinhassig), Liam (William Patrick aka Wille Pa) O'Brien (Lyre, Banteer), Michael McCarthy (Dunmanway)
March 2019: Article currently being reformatted and biographies updated. Work in Progress.
A century ago, Liam De Roiste wrote in his diary for January 23rd, 1916:
"There is a special Óglaigh [Irish Volunteers] muster today; field operations under the command of Captain ("Ginger") O'Connell of Headquarters. He is to conduct a course of training here for the next few weeks. Is this routine, or are we preparing for action?"
De Roiste was correct. The Irish Volunteers were preparing for action. Military action.
On Saturday 22 January 1916, almost fifty officers attended the first day of a two week Irish Volunteers Officer training course held in Sheares Street, Cork - the Irish Volunteers Headquarters.
Of the attendees, pictured here are thirty one of the Cork City and County officers who were all poised to play various roles in the forthcoming insurrection against British rule. Coming from very ordinary Irish backgrounds, all were to take part in the Easter Rising, many would be jailed as a result of their activities and further radicalised to take command roles during the War of Independence and the later Civil War.
One was to die in 1920 during a military confrontation with British troops at Kilmichael, another died as a result of conditions in jail and one became the last victim of British Forces during the War of Independence.
On Independence, some joined political parties and represented their constituencies in the Irish Free State administration; others took up arms both supporting and against the new state as the tragedy of the Civil War unfolded. Two rose through military ranks, one emigrated but most simply returned to their civilian lives.
Almost all pictured here made statements of their experiences and observations of the period,1910-1924 in the 1940s and 1950s to the Bureau of Military History (which has formed the biographical background to this article).
These statements provide a fascinating history of the participants. Their disbelief and anger at the Irish Volunteer leadership's confusion and lack of direction in Munster during the Rising is plainly evident. There are also graphic descriptions of the War of Independence guerrilla action with British forces, the hours of tension, discomfort and boredom of men waiting in ambush positions, the sudden desperate viciousness when attacking superior forces knowing that capture would also mean death, the lack of military co-ordination, the failed attempts at smuggling large consignments of arms and the subdued, carefully worded comments of events in the Civil War.
Ruairí Lynch examines the individual stories of those pictured over a century ago using such sources as The Bureau of Military History online archives and various online resources. Particular thanks to descendants of participants for additional information and corrections including Noreen Meany and Brendan O'Connell.
As this is a work in progress, any additional information, copy documents and/or corrections are welcome.
A shorter version appears in the January 2016 edition of the Newsletter.
"There is a special Óglaigh [Irish Volunteers] muster today; field operations under the command of Captain ("Ginger") O'Connell of Headquarters. He is to conduct a course of training here for the next few weeks. Is this routine, or are we preparing for action?"
De Roiste was correct. The Irish Volunteers were preparing for action. Military action.
On Saturday 22 January 1916, almost fifty officers attended the first day of a two week Irish Volunteers Officer training course held in Sheares Street, Cork - the Irish Volunteers Headquarters.
Of the attendees, pictured here are thirty one of the Cork City and County officers who were all poised to play various roles in the forthcoming insurrection against British rule. Coming from very ordinary Irish backgrounds, all were to take part in the Easter Rising, many would be jailed as a result of their activities and further radicalised to take command roles during the War of Independence and the later Civil War.
One was to die in 1920 during a military confrontation with British troops at Kilmichael, another died as a result of conditions in jail and one became the last victim of British Forces during the War of Independence.
On Independence, some joined political parties and represented their constituencies in the Irish Free State administration; others took up arms both supporting and against the new state as the tragedy of the Civil War unfolded. Two rose through military ranks, one emigrated but most simply returned to their civilian lives.
Almost all pictured here made statements of their experiences and observations of the period,1910-1924 in the 1940s and 1950s to the Bureau of Military History (which has formed the biographical background to this article).
These statements provide a fascinating history of the participants. Their disbelief and anger at the Irish Volunteer leadership's confusion and lack of direction in Munster during the Rising is plainly evident. There are also graphic descriptions of the War of Independence guerrilla action with British forces, the hours of tension, discomfort and boredom of men waiting in ambush positions, the sudden desperate viciousness when attacking superior forces knowing that capture would also mean death, the lack of military co-ordination, the failed attempts at smuggling large consignments of arms and the subdued, carefully worded comments of events in the Civil War.
Ruairí Lynch examines the individual stories of those pictured over a century ago using such sources as The Bureau of Military History online archives and various online resources. Particular thanks to descendants of participants for additional information and corrections including Noreen Meany and Brendan O'Connell.
As this is a work in progress, any additional information, copy documents and/or corrections are welcome.
A shorter version appears in the January 2016 edition of the Newsletter.
Cornelius J. Meany - nicknamed 'Sonny' - was the Captain and Commanding Officer of the Millstreet Company Irish Volunteers 1914-1916, Commanding Officer of 7th Battalion Cork No.2 Brigade and later C/O 1st Battalion of Cork No. 4 Brigade. Took part in the Drishanebeg, Clonbanin and Rathcoole ambushes during the War of Independence. Following the Truce in July 1921, he was not involved in any further military action.
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Note: Cornelius J. 'Sonny' Meany was a first cousin of Cornelius T. 'Con' Meany. Both were officers in the Millstreet area Irish Volunteers 1915-16 and both were involved in the War of Independence in Millstreet and North-West Cork. As Sonny made no written statement that survives and passed away before the foundation of the Bureau of Military History, his story has been assembled from multiple references including family recollections and from contributors in the Bureau files. Special thanks to Noreen Meany, Granddaughter of Con and related to Sonny for clarification of the family connection, photographs used here and for details on Sonny's contribution to the Easter Rising and the War of Independence.
Noreen Meaney writes:
"Cornelius J Meany was born in 1892, the eldest child of John Meany and Mary Collins near Millstreet, Co. Cork. In later life, he was known as ‘Sonny' Meany to distinguish him from his first cousin of the same name (Cornelius T. 'Con' Meany). Being the only son of a farmer, he worked from a young age on the family farm situated on the outskirts of Millstreet Town and around 1912, joined the local Millstreet Branch of the Gaelic League.
Seamus Hickey of Main St, Millstreet was an early member of the Millstreet Irish Volunteers. His recollections recorded by Florrie O'Donoghue for the Bureau of Military History in 1947 & 1955 have proven to be a valuable source of local history for the period. Hickey recalled in his December 1947 statement, the pre-Rising activities in Millstreet, joining the IRB and the foundation of the first Volunteers Corps in the town:
Patrick Pearse became the Irish Volunteers' Director of Military Organisation in 1914 and by 1915 he was on the IRB's Supreme Council and its secret Military Council, the core group that began planning for a Rising. In that role he visited Millstreet on 22 August 1915 to meet local IRB members and Volunteers.
"...On 22 August 1915, Sonny certainly attended the Aeridheacht at the Old Sports Field in Millstreet where he would have listened attentively to Padraig Pearse, the guest speaker as he delivered his inspiring ‘Resurrection of Erin’ speech..."
"A Unit of the Irish Volunteers had been formed locally in 1914 after the disintegration of the National Volunteers. It was so painstakingly organised that it was considered by the Volunteer Executive in Dublin to be a suitable nucleus for organising the Duhallow and Muskerry districts. Accordingly they, sent Padraig Pearse to Millstreet to address a meeting of the public and a convention of Volunteers. Pearse's visit on August 22 was ostensibly for the local Feis and sports. The organisers were: Tom Griffin and Seamus (Jimmy) Hickey.
As the visit took place only a fortnight after his famous oration at the grave of O'Donovan Rossa it attracted a lot of attention, not least from the R.I.C. However, Pearse slipped through them and made his way to the football field. There he addressed several thousand people who had assembled to enjoy a real Gaelic day and to listen to the gospel of Irish patriotism as preached by its greatest exponent of the time. His address reawakened in many the dormant spirit of Irish patriotism inherited from an unyielding and freedom loving ancestry. More than a few resolved that to give their lives if necessary that Ireland might be free. Amongst those present were Jeremiah O'Reardon and Jim Buckley, who had been active with the Fenians in 1867, and many veterans of the Land War of the 1880s. Other were mere boys who had learned well the history of their native land. Following a conference with Pearse, these men and others set to work to expand the organisation of the Volunteers. When the R.I.C. realised that Pearse had evaded them their chagrin was of a high order. However, they had the 'privilege' of standing guard outside the Railway Hotel whilst Pearse had an evening meal inside. It is a significant fact that all those known to be associated with his visit were either interned or had to go on the run the following year." "Millstreet's Green and Gold' by Jim Cronin. 1984. Thanks to the Aubane Historical Society. http://aubanehistoricalsociety.org/aubane_collection/MillstreetMiscellany3.pdf |
Pearse was in the area, ostensibly as part of the routine recruiting and awareness-building as the Irish Volunteers director of organisation. However, Pearse's journey to Millstreet served a much more important purpose: as part of the overall planning for the landing of German arms and munitions for an imminent Rising.
Diarmuid Lynch, an IRB Supreme Council member was tasked with identifying the location where German guns should land. It was decided in the weeks after Pearse’s visit to Millstreet that Fenit in Tralee harbour would be the place, and the general consensus among historians is that it was planned to distribute the arms to Volunteers in Cork, Limerick, and as far as Galway. On the outbreak of the Rising, Volunteers would hold a defensive line from the South west near the Cork-Kerry border then up along the Shannon, from Limerick to Athlone. In order to make the plan viable, the arms sent from Germany had to reach Volunteers in Cork, Kerry, Limerick, Clare, and Galway quickly, meaning the Volunteers would need to hold off any British military moves along the rail network from Fenit to Tralee with trains branching west for Limerick and another via Killarney through Millstreet to Mallow.
Diarmuid Lynch, an IRB Supreme Council member was tasked with identifying the location where German guns should land. It was decided in the weeks after Pearse’s visit to Millstreet that Fenit in Tralee harbour would be the place, and the general consensus among historians is that it was planned to distribute the arms to Volunteers in Cork, Limerick, and as far as Galway. On the outbreak of the Rising, Volunteers would hold a defensive line from the South west near the Cork-Kerry border then up along the Shannon, from Limerick to Athlone. In order to make the plan viable, the arms sent from Germany had to reach Volunteers in Cork, Kerry, Limerick, Clare, and Galway quickly, meaning the Volunteers would need to hold off any British military moves along the rail network from Fenit to Tralee with trains branching west for Limerick and another via Killarney through Millstreet to Mallow.
Seamus Hickey's statement contains some details of the Millstreet Irish Volunteers formed in November 1915:
Sonny's cousin, Con was also a member of the Irish Volunteers in the Millstreet area and made two depositions to the Bureau of Military History which helps add to the recollections of the period. He wrote of the early days of the Irish Volunteers in Millstreet:
"...Parades were held once a week and a number of ex-servicemen put the new Volunteers through the initial stages of military training.... Immediately after Messrs. Redmond and O'Brien offered the services of the Irish Volunteers to the British Military Authorities both Corps of Volunteers in Millstreet ceased to exist. There followed a period of apparent inactivity, but a small group of those originally enrolled in the Irish Volunteers carried on secretly. Rifle practice with a .22 rifle was engaged in on a few occasions. Organisation work was slowly and secretly carried on until November 1st, 1915.
Con's Granddaughter, Noreen comments:
"...A few months after Pearse's visit, on 1 November 1915, 'Sonny' Meany was one of a handful of men who joined the newly formed Millstreet Company of the Irish Volunteers.
Prior to and during the Easter 1916 period, he was very active in the training and organising of the Volunteers and was selected as the O/C of the four Millstreet area [Keale, Rathduane, Mushera & Millstreet] Companies comprising of up to seventy Volunteers.
Con Meany recalled events in his BMH deposition (25 November 1947) of the Mushera Irish Volunteers, one of the four Millstreet area Companies:
Cornelius T, Captain of Mushera Company attended the Brigade meeting in Cork at which the orders were issued for the planned exercises on Easter Sunday, 1916. Con recalled...
Seamus Hickey's BMH Statement of December 1947 precisely tells of those who paraded in Millstreet on Easter Sunday morning and what armaments and munitions were held.
"....On the morning of Easter Sunday, 23 April 1916 the Keale, Rathduane and Mushera Companies assembled in their own districts and marched into Millstreet town where they were joined by the Millstreet Company. Early in the afternoon O/C Cornelius J Meany took charge and marched the four companies two and half kilometres south to a field in Geararoe. They were not visited that afternoon by anyone from Brigade Headquarters and therefore returned to the town and were dismissed...."
Con recalled the Mushera, Rathduane, Keale and Millstreet Volunteer mobilisation on Easter Sunday, 1916, 31 years later:
He adds that: "I met Jerry Twomey of Millstreet on Sunday night and he told me something was coming off on Monday. I re-mobilised the Company late that night, but as no further information or instructions came the men were sent home..."
As O/C of Millstreet Irish Volunteers, Sonny Meany decided on Easter Sunday evening that his Lieutenant, Seamus Hickey should travel to the Volunteers Brigade HQ in Cork to receive orders and attempt to establish what was taking place. Hickey recalls the events and the confusion some thirty one years later:
North Cork Mobilisation Plans - Easter Sunday 1916
Millstreet was central to the movement of arms to North Cork, Tipperary and the Midlands
By Monday afternoon, rumours of a Rising in Dublin were beginning to reach Millstreet. With no orders received, Sonny Meany like many other company Officers in Charge began to prepare in event of any orders received for military action:
"...Sonny again mobilised his companies both on Easter Monday 24 April and Tuesday 25 April prepared for military action. The Volunteers waited patiently for instructions but none came. The men returned at the end of each day to Brigade HQ and were dismissed..."
Con recalled that "On Monday night various rumours of the Rising were in circulation. In the expectation that instructions would be received, I mobilised the Company again on Tuesday morning. We assembled, at Lackabawn Wood about a mile from the town and remained there all day....As no orders came from the Brigade or elsewhere during the day the men were sent home on Tuesday night with orders to stand to in case they were called on again for active service. No order with reference to arms was received from the Brigade during Easter Week and no arms were surrendered or lost in raids in the Company areas..."
Martial Law was quickly declared nationwide and following the surrender, the trials of the leadership began in Dublin. The first of fifteen executions began on 3 May followed by a co-ordinated British military sweep accompanying local R.I.C. units throughout the country on 4 and 5 May, 1916 to arrest known officers and prominent Irish Volunteers.
British forces soon came to Millstreet to arrest Sonny....
On the morning of 5 May there was a British Military raid on his father’s farmhouse to arrest Meany, but he was not there and quickly went 'on the run' to avoid arrest as did many other fellow volunteers in the area and throughout Ireland...
Sonny and others managed to avoid arrest by staying 'on the run' for much of the year until they were finally free to return to their homes following the General Amnesty of December 1916.
Following the Rising, the Irish Volunteers were reorganised. James Hickey of the Millstreet IV recalled events of 1917 in a BMH deposition of July 1955:
" On 9 July 1917, Sonny was arrested under The Crimes Act and charged with unlawful assembly, uttering seditious language and attacking 2 police men. He was sentenced to ten months imprisonment with hard labour. While in prison he went on hunger strike and was released under the ‘Cat and Mouse Act’, but was re-arrested in December 1917 and conveyed under heavy police escort to Cork Jail. On his release, he continued his responsibilities as O/C of 7th Battalion (previously known as the 17th Battalion) of Cork No 2 Brigade when it was renamed in 1919.
James (Seamus) Hickey records how the Volunteers in Millstreet grew and were structured along with an unconventional methold of providing arms:
James Hickey continues with the formation of the Millstreet Battalion and activities up until late December 1920:
Patrick O'Brien of Liscarroll in his December 1952 Bureau of Military History statement recalled how Sonny and the Millstreet Battalion maintained the emerging Republic's law and order in the area around late October 1920:
Following a raid by British forces in 1921, a listing of all the area's officers and men was captured. This resulted in a large re-organisation of the Brigade and Meany was made O/C of the newly named 1st Battalion of Cork 4th Brigade. The Battalion comprised of 11 Companies and up to 814 Volunteers including officers at the height of it's strength.
James Hickey gives this first hand account of the Drishanebeg Ambush:
In late 1920 Millstreet I.R.A. were considering the viability of an attack being made on British troops who frequently used rail transport while travelling through their battalion area. Various plans were made and men were put in position on a number of occasions during January 1921, but for various reasons a projected attack failed to materialise. Subsequently the column, under Commandant Jeremiah Crowley, re-examined the feasibility of the proposals.
The essential features for the success of any such attack were that the train containing the troops should be brought to a halt at a point where the column was already in a position, that an attack should be made only on an occasion when the troops travelling were armed, and where the party was neither too small to be worth while or too large to risk the failure of the operation. There was the further point that civilian passengers on the train had to be protected as far as possible from injuries. Trains travelling east or west were both potential targets. A position was selected at Drishanebeg about a mile west of Rathcoole station, between Millstreet and Banteer. On a few occasions the trains were allowed to pass unmolested, because the soldiers they carried were unarmed, but finally on the evening of 11 February, 1921 the attack came off. About 6.30 p.m. when it was nearly dark the column went into position. The plan which had been made for bringing the train to a halt came into operation. One of the volunteers, whose duty it was to inspect the train and board it if it contained a suitable party of British forces, this evening saw that the party of troops travelling was such as could be dealt with by the column. He boarded the train and travelled to Rathcoole where two armed Volunteers were waiting. At his signal they boarded the engine as the train was leaving the station and on arrival at the ambush position forced the driver to halt the train. A long whistle blast was blown as a pre-arranged signal to the attacking party. A lighted bicycle-lamp placed on the track indicated the exact position at which the engine should stop. The Column Commander, Sonny Meany called upon the military in the train to "surrender in the name of the Republic" but was answered by rifle shots. Fire was then opened upon the carriages containing the military party and the battle continued for about fifteen minutes. The slopes of the cutting were lit by oil torches prepared in advanced by the column and thrown down outside the target carriages at the beginning of the encounter. The fight was one-sided from the start, the attackers having the advantage of cover and darkness. When the British surrendered one had been killed and most of the others were wounded. The column members collected fifteen rifles and a large quantity of ammunition and withdrew from the scene without suffering a single casualty. Courtesy of www.millstreet.ie Further information from The Irish Railway Record Society here. |
James (Seamus) Hickey's Bureau of Military History 1955 deposition continues with his recollections of the Clonbanin Ambush on 5 March 1921. The ambushing party consisted of up to 100 men from Newmarket Battalion Column (under Sean Moylan), a section of the Kerry No. 2 Brigade Column (under Tom McEllistrim), a section of the Charleville Battalion Column (under Paddy O'Brien) and the Millstreet Battalion Column (under Con J 'Sonny' Meany).
The Clonbanin ambush was an ambush carried out by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) on 5 March 1921, during the Irish War of Independence. It took place in the townland of Clonbanin (a.k.a. Cloonbannin), County Cork.
The IRA force comprised almost 100 volunteers from counties Cork and Kerry, armed with rifles, hand grenades and a machine gun. Their target was a British Army convoy of three lorries, an armoured car and a touring car carrying Brigadier General Hanway Robert Cumming. The convoy was travelling from Killarney to Buttevant and comprised almost 40 soldiers of the East Lancashire Regiment. When the convoy entered the ambush position, IRA volunteers opened fire from elevated positions on both sides of the road. The three lorries and touring car were disabled, and the armoured car became stuck in the roadside ditch (although those inside fired from its machine guns). As Cumming jumped from his car, he was shot in the head and died instantly. The battle lasted slightly over an hour. As the IRA forces withdrew from one side of the road, a British officer and six soldiers attempted to flank the IRA on the other side. After a brief exchange of fire they retreated. The IRA are not believed to have sustained any casualties. Brigadier-General Hanway Robert Cumming DSO
(9 October 1867 – 5 March 1921) was an officer in the British Army. Cumming fought in the Second Boer War, and in France during the First World War. He was awarded the Distinguished Service Order in the 1917 Birthday Honours and appointed an Officer in the French Légion d'honneur. During the Irish War of Independence, he was commander of British troops in County Kerry and became known for insisting on hostages when moving IRA suspects. He was killed at the Clonbanin Ambush, possibly the highest-ranking British officer to be killed in that war. More details here. |
The New York Times reported the ambush on March 7, 1921:
One of the largest ambushes of the War of Independence took place at Rathcoole, North Cork, situated between Millstreet and Banteer, on 16th. June 1921.
The railway line between Banteer and Millstreet had been cut in several places so the Auxiliary forces based at Millstreet had to travel to Banteer by road for their supplies a couple of times every week. Therefore, a combined force of 130 men were mobilised to attack the Auxiliaries as they returned from Banteer. The volunteers were from the Millstreet, Kanturk, Newmarket, Charleville and Mallow battalion columns in the second division area and were under the command of Paddy O'Brien from Liscarroll. On the night before the ambush the I.R.A. volunteers slept at Rathcoole Wood, which overlooked the planned ambush position. Shortly after sunrise the following morning, Captain Dan Vaughan laid six landmines on the untarred road and covered them with dust. After a wait of several hours a convoy of four armour-plated lorries, each mounted with a machine gun and carrying ten men, was observed heading for Banteer. The volunteers prepared and at 6.20 in the evening, as the lorries passed through the ambush area on their return journey, three of the landmines which had been placed on the road exploded with devastating results. One mine detonated as the last of the four lorries drove over it, another exploded under the leading lorry in the convoy. Both vehicles were out of action with the two other lorries were trapped between them. A third mine exploded amid a party of Auxiliaries as they attempted to outflank the position. A bitter firefight developed. Each time Auxiliaries tried to outflank the I.R.A. they were driven back, suffering losses of more than twenty dead and over a dozen wounded. When it became clear that the I.R.A. could not achieve a complete victory because of their limited ammunition supply, the order for withdrawal was given and the whole force retired without casualty. Although no arms were captured during the action, a reconnaissance party from the column, which returned next day to search the ambush position, recovered 1,350 rounds of ammunition which the Auxiliaries had left behind them as they removed their dead and wounded. The ambush at Rathcoole was one of the Irish Republican Army’s most successful actions during the War of Independence. A week after the ambush British Forces from Kanturk, Buttevant, Ballyvonaire, Macroom, Ballincollig, Killarney and Tralee carried out a widespread search throughout the Rathcoole area. Michael Dineen, a Volunteer in Kilcorney Company was taken from his brother’s house at Ivale by a party of Auxiliaries and shot dead. On the evening of July 1st. the Auxiliaries set fire to and destroyed the wood at Rathcoole, from where the ambush had been launched. The same day that they shot and killed local man Bernard Moynihan as he was out cutting hay. Thanks to Cork's War of Independence: http://homepage.eircom.net/~corkcounty/ |
More details on the Rathcoole Ambush at the excellent Millstreet community site here and additional information on the ambush here.
The Rathcoole Ambush proved to be the last major confrontation in the area during the War of Independence.
Between June 16 and the Truce declaration on July 11, 1921, action was limited to sniping of enemy positions.
Following the Truce, Sonny Meany did not participate again under arms.
Elected to the Millstreet District Council, he was selected as Chairman, a position he held until June 1923.
Between June 16 and the Truce declaration on July 11, 1921, action was limited to sniping of enemy positions.
Following the Truce, Sonny Meany did not participate again under arms.
Elected to the Millstreet District Council, he was selected as Chairman, a position he held until June 1923.
Sonny died on 1 April 1924 leaving behind a widow who was seven months pregnant with their first child.
During the Civil War, Con Meaney supported the anti-Treaty side and was commandant of the Millstreet area. After the ceasefire, he was interned at Tin Town in the Curragh. Con was selected as the Fianna Fáil candidate for the 1928 election as a county councillor, and he served for 42 years. He was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil Teachta Dála (TD) for the Cork North constituency at the 1937 general election. He was re-elected at the 1938 general election but lost his seat at the 1943 general election. He was an unsuccessful candidate at the 1944, 1948 and 1951 general elections. He contested the 1961 general election and was elected for the Cork Mid constituency. He retired at the 1965 general election, and his son Thomas Meaney succeeded him as a Fianna Fáil TD for Cork Mid. Con died 11 September, 1970.
Sources:
BMH Statement - Con Meaney: http://www.bureauofmilitaryhistory.ie/reels/bmh/BMH.WS0064.pdf#page=4
BMH Statement - Seamus Hicky: http://www.bureauofmilitaryhistory.ie/reels/bmh/BMH.WS0076.pdf#page=2
Millstreet.ie community site
Thanks to Noreen Meaney for information on Sonny, Con and photographs.
"... There was no Volunteer organisation in Aiohill before March, 1915. On a Sunday in that month the Clogagh and Ballinadee Companies came on a march to Aiohill; Terence MacSwiney and Fred Murray from Cork met them here, and MacSwiney spoke at a public meeting after Mass. The Company was formed that day. There was a parade of the Cork City Volunteers to Bealnablath on the following Sunday. Four of us - Jack Walsh, Wilsgrove, John Walsh, Keel, Charles McCarthy and myself attended. Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney were there. After that we held regular parades two nights a week and marches almost every Sunday. The strength of the Company was sixteen men. on some of the week night parades we marched to Ballineen and Enniskeane. In some of the Sunday parades we combined with other Companies, sometimes marching to Lyre for exercises with the Company there.
In December, 1915, we went to Timoleague, Lislevane and Grange. On another Sunday in February, 1916, there was a big parade at Clonakilty and exercises afterwards at Ardfie1d, in which the Ballinadee, Lyre and Clogough Companies also took part. There were no Volunteers in Clonakilty at that time, the people were mostly hostile, and we were attacked with stones and bottles coming back from Ardfield. We were also on a Sunday route march to Kilbrittain in which the Ballinadee and Clogough Companies took part. As well as training, these Sunday marches had the object of recruiting for the Volunteers in the districts we visited, and of getting Companies going in the areas where none existed. Police were always present at these parades, usually following each Company for the day, and returning with them in the evening. Soon after the formation of the Company the following Officers were elected, and there was no change down to Easter, 1916:- Captain: Con O'Mahony. 1st Lieutenant: Jack Walsh (Wilsgrove). 2nd Lieutenant: John Walsh (Keel). Adjutant: Charles McCarthy. The men paid 2d or 3d a week into a Company fund for the purchase of equipment. With this we purchased, belts, bando1iers, haversacks and puttees. All the men wore equipped by Easter, 1916. We had no rifles in the Company. We had three air guns and ten or twelve shot guns, either belonging to the men themselves or on loan from local farmers. We had a fair supply of shot gun ammunition and about 100 rounds of it had been filled with buckshot at Jack Walsh's, Wilsgrove.
About a fortnight before Easter, 1916, the order for the Easter exercises came to us verbally from Tom Hales at Ballinadee through Mike Walsh of Gaggin. It was usual for all messages to come to us from Ballinadee through Clogough Company of which Eugene Walsh was Captain, and through us to Lyre Company. The orders for Easter Sunday were that we were to parade with all arms and ammunition and three days' rations, and march to Macroom. We thought it was an ordinary route march, and had no information that anything was on. We did not at any time before Easter Sunday get any intimation that anything more than an ordinary parade was intended. There was a meeting of all the members of the Company arranged for Easter Saturday night. At that meeting the 1st Lieutenant, Jack Walsh, told me that word had been sent by Eugene Walsh, Gaggin, Captain of Clogough Company, that the parade fixed for next day had been cancelled. I accepted that without question, as it was usual for orders to come to us verbally in this way from Eugene Walsh....I could never afterwards understand why Eugene Walsh Would send such an order and parade with his own Company next day. I never got any explanation of the matter subsequently. Having accepted on Easter Saturday night, the cancellation of the orders to march to Macroom next day as genuine, I decided we would have an ordinary parade in our own area on Sunday. We held that parade. The whole Company mobilised, and the following are the names:- (l6) Con O'Mahony, Captain. Jack Walsh (Wilsgrove) 1st Lieut. John Walsh(Keel) 2nd.Lieut. Charles McCarthy, Adjutant. Michael Walsh. Edward Barrett John Donegan. Joseph Carty. Denis Carty. Patrick Brien. William Donovan. James Walsh. Michael Donegan. Patrick Donegan. James Mahony. Richard Walsh. The arms we had were:- Three air guns. Ten or twelve shot guns, with about 300 rounds, 100 of which was loaded with slug. We had no rifles, revolvers, pikes or explosives. No order came to us during Easter week, but when we heard the Rising had taken place in Dublin We took our arms to an empty house on Kill Hill owned by a man named Berry. We assembled there after dark each night for over a week, and remained until dawn. The police did not know we were using this house, although they were observing our movements during the daytime.
I was arrested on 7th May, taken first to Clonakilty and afterwards to Cork Detention Barracks that night. With other prisoners I was taken to Richmond Barracks, Dublin, and then to Wakefield. I was interned in Frongoch until the end of December, 1916. There were no I.R.B. or Fianna organisations in the area..."
From Ballynoe, near Fermoy. An early member of the Ballynoe company of Irish Volunteers (30 members), later Captain and Commanding Officer from 1915 through to 1917. O'Keeffe did not make a submission for the Bureau of Military History but a statement from Sean Hennessy, Ballynoe, Tallow, Co. Waterford contains a great deal of information on his Commanding Officer:
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"On Good Friday 1916, Fred Murray, Cork, delivered to me a dispatch from the Brigade 0/C. Tomás McCurtain. The dispatch stated that all members of the unit should attend at the Volunteer Hall, Sheares St. Cork, on Easter Saturday evening for 'brigade exercises'. The following members of the unit proceeded to Cork in accordance with this order: Sean Hennessy, Tim Hurley, Martin O'Keeffe, David 0'Sullivan and Peter O'Callaghan. The first three were armed with .32 revolvers with about 30 rounds of ammunition each while the other pair had shotguns and a supply of cartridges. This party marched to Mogeely railway station (10 miles) where they met the members of the Clonmult and Dungourney companies to the number of about 4o. The combined body left by train for Cork about 7 p.m. When we reached Cork we marched to the Hall in Sheares St. where we billeted for the night. Guards were posted at front and side of Hall. The small muster from Ballynoe can be attributed to the short time between the receipt of the mobilisation order late on Friday and the time fixed for mobilisation, and also to the wide area over which the members were scattered, as well as the fact that many of them could not get away from their work at short notice. Most of them had no idea that the situation was so serious.... Sometime about 10 a.m. on Easter Sunday, the Volunteers billeted in the Volunteer Hall paraded with the representatives of the Cork City units at Sheares St. The assembled body marched to the Macroom Station where they boarded a train for Crookstown. The whole parade must have numbered about 300 men. When we reached Crookstown we detrained and formed into column of route With a advance and rear guards to march to Macroom. The parade was in charge of Sean O'Sullivan. When a short distance from Crookstown the parade was met by a party in a motor car including, I think, Tomas McCurtain and Terry McSwiney. After a short delay the parade continued on to Macroom and on the way was joined by several small parties from the local units in the area. The parade was dismissed when we reached Macroom and we were ordered to reassemble at the railway station about 9 p,m We returned to Cork by train and marched through the city to the billet at Sheares St. Hall. With my Ballynoe comrades I billeted there on Easter Sunday night. About 11 a.m. on Easter Monday we were instructed to return home. We travelled by train to Mogeely and walked to Ballynoe. We did not hear about the Rising in Dublin until late in the evening of Easter Monday when we had reached home. We remained on the alert during the week, but got no 6. further instructions. I recollect that during Easter Week, David Kent visited us on at least two occasions to ascertain if we had any news from Cork, or whether we knew what Cork were going to do. There was no change in the position in Ballynoe area and no arrests were made following, Easter Week...."
"....Late in 1916 and early in 1917, the Ballynoe unit was reorganised. The strength remained constant at about thirty as before 1916. The members personnel was something the same. The officers of the reorganised unit were:- 0/C - Martin O'Keeffe. 1st Lieut. - Sean Hennessey. 2nd Lieut. - Tom Griffin. During 1917 the unit was mainly engaged on the usual drill and parades which were held in the open. At this period the Company 0/C was arrested for illegal drilling. He was detained in Cork Gaol for some short time but, due to some hitch in the procedure for dealing with his case, he was released without being sentenced.
"In January, 1918, the Volunteer organisation in the area underwent a change. It was at this time that the battalion organisation was introduced. The various units had, up to now, been treated as independent units of Cork Brigade. A parade of the following companies in the area was held at Castlelyons about the middle of January, 1918: Fermoy, Castlelyons, Ballynoe, Watergrasshill, Glenville, Araglin and Kilworth. Following the parade, a meeting was held at Kent's, Bawnard House, at which Tomás MacCurtain presided. It was decided to form the aforementioned companies into the Fermoy Battalion, Irish Volunteers. The Ballynoe Company Was represented at this meeting by the Company officers (Martin O'Keeffe, 0/C, Seán Hennessey, 1st Lieutenant, and Tom Griffin, 2nd Lieutenant). The other companies in the battalion were represented as follows:- Watergrasshill Tom Connors. Glenville - Denis Hickey. Castlelyons - David Kent. Fermoy - Liam Denn. Araglin - Con Leddy. Kilworth - Batt Joyce. The first officers of the Fermoy Battalion were:- 0/C - Liam Denn, Fermoy. Vice 0/C - Martin O'Keeffe, Ballynoe. Adjutant - Liam Lynch, Fermoy. Quartermaster - George Power, Fermoy. All these officers were elected to their positions.
When conscription was threatened in the spring of 1918, there was a small increase in membership. The strength would have reached about forty. At this time, I was ordered by the Battalion 0/C to go on the run, as was Martin O'Keeffe. We were ordered to evade arrest at all costs. It was about this time that a bomb factory was established in the area at Dave Higgins, Ballylegane, Ballynoe. This factory was later moved to Patrick Mulcahy's, Ballycullane, Ballynoe. The factory was staffed by witness (Seán Hennessey), Tom Griffin, Martin 0'Keeffe and Paddy Bulman (Fermoy). We received instructions on the manufacture of bombs and explosives from Fr. Tom Roche (a native of Castletownroche) who was a professor in St. Colman's College, Fermoy. The bombs were made by filling paint tins - both large and small - with a mixture of cement and scrap steel, with two quarter-inch bolts set in the cement to enable the cover to be bolted on. A space was available in the centre for a stick of gelignite, detonated and fused. The fuse, which protruded through a hole in the centre of the cover, was about three inches in length. The larger bombs contained two or three sticks of gelignite, similarly detonated according to size. We also manufactured a number of mines in this factory. The mines were made by packing the centre of the cast-iron box of a cartwheel with gelignite and paper wads. The openings at each end of the box were closed by steel plates held in position by a three-quarter inch bolt which ran right through the centre of the box. Gun-powder was made from three parts sulphate of potassium, two parts nitre and one part refined charcoal. Supplies of sulphate of potassium were usually obtained from Seán French who was a chemist at Lesters, Cork. 10. The other ingredients were readily available at most chemists. At this factory we also loaded cartridges with buckshot - five grains to the cartridge - the sealing wad in the cartridge being one-quarter inch of a tallow candle. During the bye-election in Waterford in March, 1918, I travelled there in company with Martin O'Keeffe and about six other members of the Company, to help to keep order and to protect the Republican supporters from the attacks of the Redmondite and "separation women" (wives of British soldiers) factions. During the remainder of 1918, as well as being engaged in the bomb factory, I took part in the training of the local company and in a few raids for arms, in which shotguns were taken. Amongst those who took part in the arms raids were: Joe Hogan, Tom Griffin, Martin O'Keeffe, and Pat Leahy...
It was on one raid for arms which resulted in his arrest in September 1919 and release some months later.
Little further is known of O'Keeffe's activities.
Little further is known of O'Keeffe's activities.
Michael Leahy of Haulbowline, Co. Cork, Commanding Officer of the Cobh Irish Volunteers 1912-1916 made a detailed deposition to the BMH on 7th January, 1948. He was one of only three IRB members in Cobh. In December 1913, was one of twenty two that formed the Cobh branch of the Irish Volunteers:
".... An ex-Naval man, Warrant Officer James Downey, who was an enthusiastic Gaelic Leaguer, started drilling us. We had. about 25 at the first public parade. A large crowd looked on and Jeered....We had no arms at first, but used staves, At no time up to Easter, 1918, did we got any arms except what we procured ourselves. 0ur strength did not vary very much from the start up to the time the Redmondites came in; it was always between twenty and. twenty-five. In May, 1914, Redmond's supporters came in and our strength jumped to over 500.., During the period there were route marches to Carrigtwohill and Middleton in which about 400 men took part. Some members of the Company also went to a parade in Mitchelstown. The split came in September, 1914.... From then until Easter, 1916, we continued. to parade regularly, though attendance varied from three to eleven out of a strength of between fifteen and twenty. That was the total number of Irish Volunteers on the Island.
We had armed ourselves with five rifles and a number of revolvers which we bought locally. We had also got a .22 Winchester repeater from Terence MacSwiney. Strength remained unchanged. We attended the St. Patrick's Day parades in Cork in 1915 and 1916, and the Manchester Martyrs' parade in November, 1915....In January, 1916, I attended the Course for Officers carried out in the Hall in Sheares Street by Captain J.J. O'Connell. After the Course I was formally appointed Captain of the Company....
.....My orders for Easter, 1916, were to report to the Volunteer Hall in Sheares' Street on Easter Saturday night with my unit, all available arms and equipment and to be prepared to be away over the week-end. 0n Easter Saturday afternoon thirteen of us mobilised in Cobh and marched to the Hall in Sheares' Street, Cork. A few had bicycles but we all marched. Thirteen mobilised on Easter Sunday....The arms which we had were:- Five rifles, some of which were Lee Enfie1d, and one at least a Martini. Approximately 250 rounds •303. Fifteen revolvers, mostly .32, but some .38 and .45, with about 180 rounds of ammunition. Five bayonets. We had no shot suns, pikes or explosives. We bad no complete uniforms but most of us bad breeches and leggings; all had haversacks, belts, bandoliers, ground sheets, water bottles, blankets, spare socks, and green Volunteer hats turned up at one side.
Before leaving Cobh I had heard from the local pilots that a German ship bad been sunk or scuttled near Daunt's Lightship that morning and I reported this to MacCurtain when I arrived in the Hall. A guard was being maintained on the Hall at the time and the Cobh Company was detailed for guard on Saturday night. I took over guard duty about 11 p.m. Before and after that hour some members of the Company were engaged in bringing petrol and other stores from somewhere in the city to the Hall. I was on this job for a time before taking over charge of the guard. There was a driver with us, but I do not know who he was. On one journey we were stopped by police and I had to threaten to use my revolver before we were permitted to pass. Jim O'Connell was out with Denis McNeilus collecting electrical stuff. All. the men were advised to go to and did so. I think Tomas MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney slept in the Hall that night. There were also in the Hall a number of East Cork men from around Dungourney and Clonmult. Maurice .... On Easter Sunday morning we were formed up outside the Hall ready to move off when the messenger from Dublin came. There was some discussion between the Officers and the impression got about amongst the Officers that the parade was cancelled. The men had no information; no announcement was made to them.
Three members of the Cobh Company ...went with the Cyclist Company which cycled to Macroom, the remainder of us marched to Capwell Station with the Cork Companies and went by train to Crookstown. There were about 24 to 3O cyclists altogether. We marched from Crookstown to Kilmurray where we were joined by Companies from Ballinadee and elsewhere in West Cork under Tom Hales. Some of these men carried pikes. We all marched to Macroom and halted at the Square where we were dismissed. The day got very wet. I cannot remember any formal meeting of Officers being held, but I do remember that the inclemency of the weather was given to the men as a reason for the cancellation of the parade. We all, with the exception of MacCurtain and MacSwiney, returned to Cork by train and marched to the Hall in Sheares' Street, where we were dismissed. The city men went home and the Cobh men remained in the Hall. I think the other East Cork men went home.
On Easter Monday we remained in the Hall. There were a number of rumours but no definite news. Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney arrived in the Ball on Monday night. There was some discussion as a result of which all the Cobh men, except myself, went home that night. We left our five rifles in the Ball, having got a guarantee that they would he alright. I have no clear recollection of a meeting being held in the Hall in Sheares' Street during Easter Week to consider the question of surrender of arms, but Tomas MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney were in the Hall and some consultations were going on. I remember that it was during that week I introduced Terence MacSwiney to his future wife. I had met Miss Murphy previously at Liam Russell's book shop and she had expressed a wish to be introduced to him. 0ne night during Easter Week she came to the Hall with some information about movements or intentions of British forces and asked to see me. I introduced her to Terence MacSwiney and she gave-the information to him.
On the following Monday I went back to work in Haulbowline. On May 3rd, Seamus Fitzgerald, who also worked in Haulbowline, and I were told to report to the Chief Engineer's office. We were both. arrested there by police and military and questioned separately. I was asked if I was the leader of the Sinn Feiners. I said no, I was the leader of the Volunteers. The interrogator, a British Army Officer, said, "Sinn Feiners is good enough for me". We were taken to Cobh where we found that Liam (William Patrick) O'Brien had also been arrested. The three of us were taken to the Detention Barracks in Cork. in the Detention Barracks we were questioned separately several times, mainly for the purpose of finding out where our five rifles were. An argument that was used in an endeavour to get us to give up our rifles was that the Cork men had handed in their arms and none of them had, been arrested. Why should we held out ? We continued to refuse to give any information.
The day Tom Kent was shot in the Detention Barracks we were transferred by train with a large number of other prisoners to Richmond Barracks, Dublin. It was crowded with prisoners and there were about go of us in one room. A friendly sentry posted a letter home for me and that was the first news that reached Cobh of our whereabouts. The Cobb Urban Council sent the Chairman. Grogan, and the Town Clerk, Campbell, to see the Cobh prisoners. I had a visit from them in Richmond Barracks and they also got special permission to see Count Plunkett. A few days later Mary and Annie MacSwiney and Miss Murphy got a visit to Terence MacSwiney. Tomás MacCurtain, Terence MacSwiney and I were held in Richmond Barracks for Court-martial. The Court-martial did. not take place and we were taken to Wakefield Detention Barracks in Yorkshire. 1ater we were transferred to Frongoch and to Wandsworth before release at the end of the year. Tomás MacCurtain was for a time Commandant of the South camp at Frongoch..."
Seamus Fitzgerald, the Cobh Vice O/C IV recalled in his deposition of 24 June 1958 events forty two years earlier:
" At Cork Station we were placed between two files of ten soldiers each of the Leinster Regiment, with bayonets fixed on their rifles, and, preceded by our police escort and the military Officer in Command, we were marched up St. Luke's and Dillon's Cross to Victoria Military Barracks. Nearing the barracks, women and girls of the not too lower class were shouting: "Bayonet the ba.....s"
We were handed over, body and belongings, to the officer in charge of the detention wing, and deposited any articles of value at the Sergeant's desk, viz, a penknife and steel rule and 2/8 1/2d. We were stripped of our clothes, boots and stockings, and thoroughly searched. Redressed, we then gave our names and addresses and put our signatures 12. in a special record book. Brave Tom Kent must have been the prisoner previously brought in, as it was under his signature that I appended mine. Leahy was put into Cell No. 16. A doorway separated this from No. 17, in which Tom Kent was. I was put in his adjoining cell, No. 18, but apparently he was to have no immediate adjoining companion, for I was removed after a few minutes to Cell No. 27 on the opposite side.
We were kept in solitary confinement here until the following Tuesday, with a short exercise parade in single file each day in the detention yard, all talk being forbidden. We never saw Tom Kent, as he was apparently kept under the closest supervision, and after we were removed from the Military Detention Barracks early on Tuesday, 9th May, he was executed and buried there that morning.
All prisoners in Cork Military Detention Barracks were transferred on 9th May by train to Dublin under military escort by an Irish (sic) Regiment. Up to then, it was noticed by us that only a few of our fellow prisoners were from Cork City - apparently the negotiations which had taken place (and which have been published) between the Cork City Volunteers and the British resulted in only a few Volunteers being arrested.
Marching in to Richmond Military Barracks that evening under escort, I saw Terry MacSwiney a prisoner with us for the first time. It is worth repeating here what he said to me then: - "Understand, Seamus, that we must be beaten three times before we are successful". This man, therefore, was quite prepared to engage.... Twenty-five prisoners to each bare barrack room, with one blanket each, huddled together each night for warmth in sleep in a cold May month, one basin between each three for tea, morning and evening, with bully beef and more tea for lunch. Here we saw some of the Dublin insurgents for the first time.
Gearoid O'Sullivan, active and youthful in his full uniform, who unfurled the Tricolour on the G.P.O., and others. We saw Capt. Colthurst, who was responsible for the murders of Sheehy-Skeffington and others, making Frank Healy, B. L., and Herbert Moore Pim, two corpulent elderly men, do something like the goose-step on prisoners' parades. Terry MacSwiney was our Room Leader, but we never discussed what had happened in Cork from Easter Sunday onwards.
The main topic was the executions, thirteen of which, including that of Tom Kent, had taken place before our arrival. Two days later, Connolly and MacDermott were executed and de Valera's execution sentence commuted to twenty years penal servitude. Dozens of prisoners had been sentenced to other long terms, and hundreds had been deported. to English jails. On the same day, Thursday, 12th May, that Connolly and MacDermott were executed, 385 prisoners were taken in lorries from Richmond Barracks in the evening to North Wall and confined in the holds of one of the Dublin/ Holyhead passenger/ cargo boats and deported 273 of whom, including myself, were lodged in Wakefield Prison on the 13th May.
The prison experiences of this time have been told many times, so sufficient for me to say that here were weeded out a number of prisoners for release who, apparently, had no connection with the Irish Volunteers. All remaining were then sentenced, as stated in an official document served on each of us, to internment in Frongoch Camp, North Wales.
The prisoners' experiences in the Upper and Lower Camp at Frongoch have been published many times, and need no recounting by me. Here was reborn the revolutionary movement that was to win Irish independence; here was laid the organisation for future success, and comradeship closely knit between men from almost every county in Ireland. Here I met Sean T. O'Kelly, a future President of Ireland, and a host of others subsequently prominent in the nation's lifework. Tom Maclnerney, the driver of the motor car which drove Con Keating and his companion to their death over the pier at Ballykissane, Kerry, a few days before the Rising and which event led to considerable disorganisation of the plans for the arms landing, was in Frongoch. Asked by me to comment on the tragic error, he said: "If they told me they didn't know the road, everything would have been alright, but they told me they did know the road, and what happened proved that they didn't."
Many prisoners in Frongoch and elsewhere cherish mementoes of these places, such as little handicraft models, hand-made brooches, rings, etc., and autographs. I will only give one which I feel is worth remembering as symbolic of his later greater sacrifice. In my autograph book, Terence MacSwiney wrote the following excerpt from Thomas a Kempis: - "Cease to complain, considering My Passion and the sufferings of my saints; thou has not yet resisted unto blood".
From Frongoch the prisoners were brought in batches to London for trial. Gordon Highlanders escorted a group to Wandsworth Jail, where I spent about one week amongst hardened criminals in adjoining wings. Trials were brief, as, apparently, the British Government felt it had Irish affairs well wider control. I simply told the five high ranking British judges who questioned me that I had no fore knowledge that I was going out in rebellion or insurrection but simply obeyed orders, and was not further questioned. Shortly after our return to Frongoch, as was now happening with regularity, a large number of prisoners, including myself, were released, and I landed in Dublin a free man, accompanied by Michael Leahy, and we received a tremendous welcome and a shouldered high march through Cobh to our homes three months after our arrest at Easter. "
On release in late 1916, Fitzgerald recalled:
"We immediately started reorganizing the Cobh Irish Volunteer unit, assuming military titles on parade - with Leahy as Captain and myself as 1st Lieutenant. Otherwise the control remained in a committee as before, and we opened permanent premises under the guise of "The McDonough Football Club" and actually played in the G.A.A. football championships. Under this guise and the guise of a literary club, our Volunteer membership increased to great numbers, and this pattern was similar in all centres throughout the country...The Cobh Companies intensified training, collected arms, started making explosives, detonators, bombs, and mines. Early in 1917, a raid on O'Keeffe's shop in Cobh resulted in the capture of 9 rifles, some of which were Sneider large bore, with ammunition to suit. The same year, I, almost openly, brought 1,000 rounds of small arm bullets and shotgun cartridges from Dublin, which I secured from Michael Staines..."
In January 1918, Michael Leahy, who had been made 0/C of the 4th Battalion was arrested, and held until October. By 1919, both Leahy and Seamus Fitzgerald (then Vice O/C of the 4th Battalion)...
"...had now finished connection with work at Haulbowline Dockyard...so that we were much freer to engage in our activities., The two of us carried out organisation work and administered the oath to Volunteers in outlying districts early in 1920."
Leahy organised and took part in the capture, after a long fight of Carrigtwohill R.I.C. Barracks on January 10th 1920, with the surrender of all policemen, rifles and ammunition. It was the only barracks - and the first in Ireland - captured that night of a number attacked throughout the country. In May he commanded the group that attacked the Cloyne RIC, wrecking the building, capturing arms and ammunition and the surrender of the garrison.
Michael Leahy by the end of 1920 was the Vice Officer Commanding Cork No. 1 Brigade later rising to Commandant.
Among those under him was Martin Corry, later believed responsible for at least 27 killings of pro-British spies and informers during the War of Independence.
In late December 1920, he was requested to report to Dublin and on January 2nd 1921 he met with...
Michael Leahy by the end of 1920 was the Vice Officer Commanding Cork No. 1 Brigade later rising to Commandant.
Among those under him was Martin Corry, later believed responsible for at least 27 killings of pro-British spies and informers during the War of Independence.
In late December 1920, he was requested to report to Dublin and on January 2nd 1921 he met with...
"...Gearoid O'Sullivan, the Adjutant General, at his office over the "Re1iable Tailors" on the North Quays. He set off with me and made a very lengthy journey through many streets and eventually finished up at Devlin's public-house in Parnell Street, only the length of O'Connell Street from where we started. I asked Gearoid why the considerable detour had been made and he said one couldn't be too careful in these times in Dublin on account of the likelihood of being followed by enemy touts. Nevertheless, I had the suspicion that it was all done to impress me, the boy from the country. Actually, when we entered Liam Devlin's pub, I was surprised to find nearly all the G.H.Q. staff assembled and a merry party in progress, this, despite Gearoid's intimation that Dublin was dangerous place for the likes of him. My choice of lemonade when whiskey was being pressed on me did not go down too well with Michael Collins who seemed to be master of the revels. The party was a prelude to the wedding next day of Tom Cullen, then, I think, Quartermaster General. .."
Leahy was chosen to accompany an arms ship from Genoa to Ireland and to act as pilot to bring her in to a landing place on the West Cork Coast. The following day....
"...as well as Collins I again saw Gearoid O'Sullivan and also Seán O'Muirthuille. It was decided that I proceed to Italy via London and Paris and that in London I contact Art O'Brien who would arrange for the provision of a passport for me, and in Paris I was to see Seán T. O'Kelly who could advise as to preliminary stages of the project, he having already been involved in it, as an important representative of ours on the Continent. In London, I got in touch with Art O'Brien and Seán Mc Grath, and between them they contrived to make of the business of securing a passport a very hush hush matter altogether, with many warnings as to how I should deport myself when making application at the Foreign Office. I found that actually all I had to do in the first instance was to collect a form of which piles were there for the public to take away. However, when it came to securing the name of a reputable person to witness as to my bona fides there was some difficulty, as I was supposed to pass myself off as a clerical student by the name of John C. Lane. Art O'Brien suggested a priest as being the best for the purpose but I couldn't see how any priest could vouch for me without cross-examining me as to upbringing, education, etc., and speedily finding me to be an impostor. The only thing to do was to find out an Irish priest of my acquaintance and favourable to the Movement. After some time I did this and in due course got my passport without any trouble. I have it still with my photo, birthplace, date of birth, assumed name and the information that I was a clerical student en route to Italy via France and Switzerland.
I never had any trouble in leaving or entering British or other territory with this passport, and in fact I used it with the same particulars on it to enable me to travel to the United States after the Civil War here. In Paris I mat Seán T. O'Kelly and members of his staff, among them Michael MacWhite, and I was coached as to the part I should play in the arms project and the people I was to contact once I got to Genoa. I did arrive there ultimately, entering Italy by Modena on the Swiss border on 28th March. I met Donal Hales in Genoa. He taught in the University there and was more like an Italian than an Irishman. In fact he had spent all his life from his youth up in Italy and was married to an Italian. It was his idea, I think, to secure a shipment of arms for the I.R.A. and he explained to me that D'Annunzio who, with a private army, had recently seized Fiume in the face of the Allies had likened his force to ours and his aspirations for Italy to our own efforts to be free. He introduced me to three of D'Annunzio's Officers in the Fiume coup and with my smattering of Italian I was able to talk to them and understand their attitude of sympathy towards us in our fight for freedom....Captain Frugonie, had fought for the Boers against Britain. The other two Captains Bardi and Lungie were equally enthusiastic for our cause, but Frugonie wanted to accompany me back to Ireland in the arms ship and take a hand in the fight with us.
The ship was the "Stella Maris", a four-masted barque with an auxiliary engine, and was one of five ships owned by the Federaciona della Mare, the powerful Seamen's Union. These ships normally sailed out of Genoa in ballast to England for cargoes of coal from Newcastle. This time, the "Stella Maris" instead of travelling light was. going to carry rifles, machine guns, revolvers and proportionate ammunition to Ireland, unload at the pre-arranged landing place and then go on to Newcastle for coal for Italy. Contrary to what some think, there was to be no question of beaching the ship but boats were to put out to her and bring in the arms to shore.
As well as Genoa I was in Milan and Brescia and once I met D'Annunzio but I never met Mussolini. Actually he had not at that time attained the prominence he afterwards achieved. I met Madame Vivanti, too. She was a Journalist on the "Gorriere d'Italie" and was a most enthusiastic supporter of ours. Time passed and soon began to drag as I began to worry. The arms were available in plenty and were to be had, not for the asking, but for the money, and no money was coming from Ireland. In fact, no dispatch about any part of the plan was arriving, neither reference to money, landing place, arrangements for receiving the arms or anything about the project at all. Madge, a sister of Donal Hales, came out to him on a holiday but she had no information for us either. The money given me for living expenses during my absence from Ireland was now diminishing and would have been gone long before had I put up at the hotel I was instructed to go in Genoa. This was the Bristol, the most swanky hotel in the place, and it was well I changed almost immediately to a more modest establishment. During this time, too, I was apparently expected to act as a booking agent for some of our representatives on the Continent as I received a cable from George Gavan Duffy in Barcelona to reserve a room with a bath in some hotel, maybe it was the Bristol. To have a bathroom all to oneself in a hotel in Genoa involved engaging a whole suite of rooms so Gavan Duffy had to be provided with the very best accommodation. I had to make the same arrangements for one Hamilton coming from Berlin where he was supposed to be trying to arrange for the purchase of arms. Neither of these gentlemen had anything to do with the project I was engaged on and in any case did not stay longer than a couple of days in Genoa. Practically all the money I had been given had now run out despite my simple existence and I could foresee that very shortly I should have to use the small amount of my own. I was becoming desperate, not so much on account of the state of my finances, as because of no direction of any kind coming from Ireland to further the purchase of the arms. The ship was there in port and the owners were asking when was the venture coming to ahead. I resolved to go to Paris and see Sean T. O'Kelly whose office was the channel through which any communication should come to us in Italy.
I went to Paris arriving there on Easter Sunday and found that Sean T. was in Brussels. None of his staff could enlighten me about the purchase money for the arms and I was making arrangements to stay in Paris and at the same time wondering how I could get money to cover expenses for I had hardly anything now but the Bank of Ireland Note which I shouldn't have been able to change into French money. This note incidentally was my own money to be used by me only in the last resort. Suddenly, Seán T. O'Kelly arrived back in Paris that Easter Sunday night. Unfortunately, he had no news for me. He advised me, however, to go to London to Art O'Brien who, nearer Dublin and, in closer contact should be urged to get something done by General Headquarters towards securing the Italian arms.
I left Paris the same night by the midnight Express and reached London next afternoon. I saw Art O'Brien and tried to get word from Dublin that there would be a move on for the purchase of the arms. But he could get nothing out of them, nothing, except eventually that I was to return to Ireland So back I went and, without any explanation from Collins or anyone else as to the negative outcome to date of the project, I was attached to the Purchases Branch under Liam Mellowes. I got tired of doing nothing for the next couple of months and resolved to return to Cork and take up my previous duties there. I left Dublin and was only a fortnight in the South when the Truce came. From that day to this I never heard just how or why the purchase of the arms in Italy was not pursued and the gun running carried out according to plan. However, I drew my own conclusions. I used wonder, too, in what embarrassing position Donal Hales Found himself vis a vis his Italian accomplices in consequence of the failure of the people at home to rise to the occasion and give him all the support and the finances necessary to carry through the project he did so much to shape. Professor Liam O'Brien, now in University College, Galway, was not in Genoa when I arrived. He had been out there on a holiday some time before that and it was through him that Hales sent word to Collins of the possibility of getting the arms."
Kelleher was Captain of the Keale (near Millstreet) Company Irish Volunteers.
Nicknamed 'Kaiser', Kelleher recalled years later in his statement to the Bureau of Military History:
Nicknamed 'Kaiser', Kelleher recalled years later in his statement to the Bureau of Military History:
"The Company paraded almost full strength on Easter Sunday, 1916, and took part with Millstreet, Mushera and Rathduane Companies in the exercises at Kilmeedy. The Company was mobilised again on Easter Tuesday morning in similar circumstances to those under which Mushera Company was mobilised. The Company paraded at Drishanebeg. From there they sent a message to us at Lackabawn Wood to the effect that they intended to tear up the Railway line . Con J. Meany had not yet arrived, and we had no instructions to take action. I, therefore, sent them a message that they should not take any action without orders. They remained in position all day and were dismissed that night when no orders had come from the Brigade. Keale Company had no rifles. They probably had shot guns and some ammunition but I am unable to state the amount."
Kelleher was not arrested in the first military sweep after the Rising but decided to go "on the run" moved to another part of the country and avoided arrest. During the War of Independence, Kelleher was commandant of 'C Company' Drishane under C.J.Meany and was also the areas Training Officer. His company burned down the evacuated RIC barracks in Rylane in 1920 and took part in raids on the railway links to Killarney including the February 11th 1921 attack near Millstreet.
Kelleher also took part in one of the largest ambushes of the War of Independence at Rathcoole (between Millstreet and Banteer) on 16th. June 1921 which killed 20 paramilitary RIC members - The Auxiliaries. Further details here.
Kelleher also took part in one of the largest ambushes of the War of Independence at Rathcoole (between Millstreet and Banteer) on 16th. June 1921 which killed 20 paramilitary RIC members - The Auxiliaries. Further details here.
Born in 1890. Captain of the Clondrohid Irish Volunteers.
On Easter Sunday, 18 members mustered in Clondrohid and marched to Carriganimma.
In his BMH deposition of June 1957 he recalled:
On Easter Sunday, 18 members mustered in Clondrohid and marched to Carriganimma.
In his BMH deposition of June 1957 he recalled:
"This party were armed with one old type rifle and 10 rounds of .303, one miniature rifle and 100 rounds, 16 double barrel shotguns with 20 rounds for each. We also had some slugs, No. 4 cartridges and about 10 lbs of gelignite. None of the arms had been purchased. Some were the property of the members and some were on loan from local farmers....However, when all the companies had assembled we carried out manoeuvres on a hill nearby, and it was later in the evening when Micheál Lynch a brigade officer from Cork City came on a motor-cycle with the official message that the parade was cancelled and that we were, to return to our home areas. Our company now marched back to Clondrohid, where we dispersed.."
There were no arrests made in the Clondrohid area following Easter Week, and by 1918 the numbers in the Clondrohid Irish Volunteers numbered around 100. Murphy took part in the Kilmurray & Carrigadrohid RIC Barracks attacks in 1920 and was later appointed to organise the Republican Police force in the battalion area and to arrange for the protection and location of the Sinn Féin Courts. Appointed Vice Officer in Charge of Macroom Battalion of aprox 800 volunteers. Took part in the Poulnabro ambush (4 British forces killed, 5 wounded). Murphy later took the Anti-Treaty side, fighting against Free State troops in Passage West before his capture and jailing in Cork from where he escaped by tunnel.
Rejoining the Macroom anti-treaty forces, he fought on until the Truce in 1922.
Rejoining the Macroom anti-treaty forces, he fought on until the Truce in 1922.
Member of D Company, Cork IV. Mobilised and paraded with others on Easter Sunday.
Little else is known of McSweeney until the BMH deposition made in 1952 of Sean Culhane, Intelligence Officer, Cork 1 Brigade, 1918-1921 was discovered. Culhane recalled that four men "Dick Murphy, "Stetto" Aherne, C. McSweeney and Jack Cody" were selected from the Cork Brigade to travel to Lisburn to assassinate Detective Inspector Swanzy. (Swanzy was implicated in the murder of the Lord Mayor of Cork, Thomas Mac Curtain on 20 March 1920. Michael Collins later ordered his personal assassination squad to hunt down and kill all of the police officers involved in the attack. The British, in an effort to protect Swanzy from IRA reprisals, transferred him from Cork to Lisburn in Northern Ireland, a strongly Loyalist town. However, Collins's vast intelligence network was able to track Swanzy down within weeks and a special hit team comprised of members of the First Battalion, Cork No. 1 Brigade was dispatched to assassinate him.)
"After these men were sent for to Cork and prior to their arrival in Belfast I had had more time to examine the project in greater detail and I had satisfied myself that it was only a two man job and that any number over and above this might mean a bungling of the job and a bigger danger for all of us. I chose Dick Murphy, who was Captain of 'G' Company, 1st Battalion, to accompany myself on the operation. I explained the position to the three lads whom I was returning to Cork, and also to Joe McKelvey who was exceptionally keen to participate. All of them were very disappointed but took it in good parts for they fully realised that while two might stand a good chance of making a safe getaway it would not apply to a party of six or seven. I wrote to Mick Collins explaining the change of plan and sent the three lads back to Cork same day.."
Some believe that the three Cork based men were returned to Cork as their accents would have stood out in the Ulster town. Instead, Culhane was chosen to assassinate Swanzy with Belfast Volunteers as part of the operational team.
On Sunday, August 22, 1920, Culhane picked Swanzy out from a large crowd of churchgoers in Lisburn, Co. Antrim and fatally shot him with MacCurtain's revolver. The group fled the province and hid out in Co. Carlow for a number of weeks. This killing, hardly surprisingly, sparked a "pogrom" against the Catholic residents of the town which was sectarianism at its most blatant, as practically every Catholic-owned business in the town over the following three days was burned to the ground and the parochial house was totally destroyed. Those of the one thousand plus Catholic population who could, fled for their lives. Only seven ventured out to attend Mass on the following Sunday. It was not until September that attacks on isolated Catholic families finally petered out. Many of those involved in these attacks were later to become members of the Special Constabulary and when some were arrested for looting and arson, they threatened the British government with organised attacks on Catholics in other towns if they were charged and convicted. All charges were quietly dropped.
Little else is known of McSweeney until the BMH deposition made in 1952 of Sean Culhane, Intelligence Officer, Cork 1 Brigade, 1918-1921 was discovered. Culhane recalled that four men "Dick Murphy, "Stetto" Aherne, C. McSweeney and Jack Cody" were selected from the Cork Brigade to travel to Lisburn to assassinate Detective Inspector Swanzy. (Swanzy was implicated in the murder of the Lord Mayor of Cork, Thomas Mac Curtain on 20 March 1920. Michael Collins later ordered his personal assassination squad to hunt down and kill all of the police officers involved in the attack. The British, in an effort to protect Swanzy from IRA reprisals, transferred him from Cork to Lisburn in Northern Ireland, a strongly Loyalist town. However, Collins's vast intelligence network was able to track Swanzy down within weeks and a special hit team comprised of members of the First Battalion, Cork No. 1 Brigade was dispatched to assassinate him.)
"After these men were sent for to Cork and prior to their arrival in Belfast I had had more time to examine the project in greater detail and I had satisfied myself that it was only a two man job and that any number over and above this might mean a bungling of the job and a bigger danger for all of us. I chose Dick Murphy, who was Captain of 'G' Company, 1st Battalion, to accompany myself on the operation. I explained the position to the three lads whom I was returning to Cork, and also to Joe McKelvey who was exceptionally keen to participate. All of them were very disappointed but took it in good parts for they fully realised that while two might stand a good chance of making a safe getaway it would not apply to a party of six or seven. I wrote to Mick Collins explaining the change of plan and sent the three lads back to Cork same day.."
Some believe that the three Cork based men were returned to Cork as their accents would have stood out in the Ulster town. Instead, Culhane was chosen to assassinate Swanzy with Belfast Volunteers as part of the operational team.
On Sunday, August 22, 1920, Culhane picked Swanzy out from a large crowd of churchgoers in Lisburn, Co. Antrim and fatally shot him with MacCurtain's revolver. The group fled the province and hid out in Co. Carlow for a number of weeks. This killing, hardly surprisingly, sparked a "pogrom" against the Catholic residents of the town which was sectarianism at its most blatant, as practically every Catholic-owned business in the town over the following three days was burned to the ground and the parochial house was totally destroyed. Those of the one thousand plus Catholic population who could, fled for their lives. Only seven ventured out to attend Mass on the following Sunday. It was not until September that attacks on isolated Catholic families finally petered out. Many of those involved in these attacks were later to become members of the Special Constabulary and when some were arrested for looting and arson, they threatened the British government with organised attacks on Catholics in other towns if they were charged and convicted. All charges were quietly dropped.
Sketchy information exists for O'Sullivan. He was a native of Kealkil, Co. Cork. In c.1909 he was sent to Belfast by the IRB to supervise the 'Freedom Club', the formation of the Fianna Eireann in Ulster and IRB activities. The following year, he was back in Cork. Diarmuid Lynch recalled that the IRB Circle in Cork City "... to which I was transferred about 1910 - Was then in its infancy with a small membership which included: Sean O'Hegarty Centre), Thomas Barry, Tomas MacCurtain, Sean Murphy, Domnall Og O'Callaghan, Diarmaid Fawsitt, Bob Langford, Tadgh Barry, Tommy O'Riordan, Tommy O'Mahony, Sean O'Sullivan, Billy O'Shea.
By October 1915, O'Sullivan was Commandant of the Cork City Battalion of 160 men.
Thomas McCarthy, Member of I.R.B. Dublin 1911 & Captain 'C' Coy. 4th Battn. Dublin Brigade. Easter Week 1916 recalled in his BMH submission of a visit to Cork to assist in organising the Volunteers there:
".... I took on the job of going to be a Volunteer organiser for Cork. I left the following Monday morning on the 9.15 train and arrived at 2.30 in Cork. I was met by Tomás MacCurtain and Terry MacSwiney; I knew them well. They took me to the Hotel Provincial on Morrison's Island, where my headquarters were. I took charge of the whole Cork Brigade for -11- that particular week, teaching them extended order drill, scaling walls, which was quite a new thing in those days, etc. They seemed to like it very well down there. I remained in Cork city for that particular week. I stayed. on because on the following Saturday night Pádraig Pearse was coming down to address the Volunteers from the Sheares Street Volunteer Hall...On the night of the meeting that Pearse was to address, the whole Cork Brigade were mobilised under the command of Tom MacCurtain and Vice-Commandant Sean O'Sullivan. The wives, sons and daughters of ex-British Army men were there in their hundreds and it was a very disreputable crowd that was there that night. Actually bottles were flung at the window from which Pearse was speaking. I could not understand for a moment why the O.C. of the Brigade did. not immediately take action, and having been talking to Captain Cotter I said to him - I was in the midst of a crowd of women - "If this is going to go any further I'll pull my gun". I only had a .25 automatic, and the people around me scattered. Immediately Vice-Commandant Sean O'Sullivan gave the order to the Cork Brigade to fix bayonets and there was a charge and there was no respect shown to anybody because they walked on them.."
Tensions were rising throughout the country and in Cork, Liam De Roiste in his diary for March 20, 1916 wrote: "....Commandant Sean O'Sullivan, last night, expressed to me the opinion that he expected "serious trouble" to take place in three or four weeks, at the outside. He must have some grounds for this opinion. I think we are keyed up for it now. But, are there preparations for a successful outrising? It seems to me there are only preparations for defence..."
On O'Sullivan's activities in 1916, Tom Hales recalled in his submission to the BMH:
"....We marched to Kilmurray, where we had 11 o'clock Mass. The Cork City contingent then arrived and Seán O'Sullivan took charge of the whole force. I was informed we were going to Macroom, probably by Seán O'Sullivan, but I was not told then that the parade was cancelled. It was at the bridge two miles East of Macroom I saw MacCurtain; I think MacSwiney was with him. He did not get out of the car but gave some instructions to Sean O'Sullivan. we went on into Macroom. Discussing the possibility of a fight with Sean O'Sullivan on the road to Macroom, he said, "the most we could do was to create a moral effect.... in Macroom, before the men were dismissed, Sean O'Sullivan held a consultation with the principal officers in regard to the advisability of proceeding to our original destination - Carriganimma - under such awful weather conditions (it was raining fair hell at the time.) He Said that we Would not go to Carriganimma, where other men were to meet us, because of the bad weather, and said that the enemy had refused action that day in not interfering with our march. Chris. O'Gorman and myself opposed the decision not to go on and urged him to proceed as arranged. The other officers took the line of least resistance when the matter was put to them in this fashion. Neither MacCurtain nor Mac5wthey were present. Sean O'Sullivan said nothing about a countermanding order having been received, nor did he mention the loss of the arms ship. He announced the decision to return to our own areas and said the Cork City men were returning to Cork by train. We came back on the train as tar as Crookstown with the Cork Companies and stayed in the village until. the early hours of Monday morning. It rained continuously until about 4 or 5 a.m. The Companies then marched back to their own areas. We were very disappointed. ..."
Michael Walsh, of Ballintemple, Cork, a Captain of 'C' Company., 2nd Battalion., Cork No. 1 Brigade recalled:
"....We proceeded without incident to Macroom and were lined up in The Square of the town. After about an hour or so we were addressed by Sean O'Sullivan, one of our officers, who told us that things had not "panned Out" as expected, that we were to return to cork by train right away. There was a great deal of dissatisfaction at the turn of events, but we all (city men) entrained at Macroom and came back to Cork as instructed. Each man then returned home bringing his gun with him...."
O'Sullivan went 'on the run' to evade arrest following the Rising.
Muriel Murphy of the Cork distilling family(later to marry Terence McSweeney) recalled in her BMH Statement: "...about The end of May [1916], Seán O'Sullivan who was the city Commandant, and had up to then escaped arrest, asked me to go to England to visit the different prisons where the Volunteers were interned, as no news or communications were coming from them. I was a free lance, but I had no money at all. The Volunteers gave me £5 and I went to London and visited Wandsworth Prison bringing comforts for the prisoners. There were not many Cork men there. I asked to see Arthur Griffith but he was not allowed to see me. I saw Ginger O'Connell and Douglas French-Mullen. I cannot remember who else I saw, but I saw several...."
By 1919, O'Sullivan had been an IRA organiser and trainer as well as the officer commanding the Cork 2nd Battalion. Patrick O'Brien, then a Lieutenant in the Liscarroll Company Co. Cork recalled that in the summer of 1919, O'Sullivan "...an organiser from Cork City...came to the Battalion and conducted a course of training at which Officers from each Company used attend each night for about three weeks. This was a great help to the battalion as there was nobody in the battalion capable of conducting a training class with any degree of success."
Michael V. O'Donoghue of Lismore, Co. Waterford, an Engineer Officer with the 2nd Battalion, Cork recalled O'Sullivan swearing in members of the Battalion:
"....Once only, to my recollection, was the full company assembled in Maylor St. Club. That was on the occasion of the taking of the oath, It was a very formal and very solemn business. The company was paraded in Main Hall and an exits were then locked. The Battalion O/C., Sean O'Sullivan, appeared with Battalion Adjutant and addressed the Volunteers who were standing rigidly to attention. He said that Dáil Éireann had set up the Government of the Irish Republic and that the Volunteers were now and henceforth the army of the Republic and, as such, it was now incumbent on each Volunteer who wished to remain in the Volunteer army to take an oath of allegiance to the Republic. The form of oath he pronounced as follows:- "I swear by the Almighty God that I will give true faith and allegiance to the Irish Republic and to Dáil Éireann which is the government of the Irish Republic and to defend the Irish Republic from all enemies both foreign and domestic and I take this oath without mental reservation or purpose of evasion - So Help me God". The O/C. sat in uniform behind a table on which lay before him a Lee-Enfield Service rifle. The Volunteers approached the table, four at a time, each laid his hand On the rifle which Commandant O'Sullivan, standing, held stretched horizontally across his breast, Then, slowly and solemnly, they repeated the words of the Oath after the O/C. At length, the ceremony was completed and the Volunteers, now the Irish Republican Army, A/Company, 2nd Battalion, Cork Brigade, were dismissed All were sworn and no one declined. The touch of the rifle and the solemn individuality of the swearing-in impressed me and I believe the others too, profoundly. Henceforth, we felt, as it were, strong and perfect soldiers of the Irish Republic...."
Later O'Sullivan became a Cork City Alderman.
By October 1915, O'Sullivan was Commandant of the Cork City Battalion of 160 men.
Thomas McCarthy, Member of I.R.B. Dublin 1911 & Captain 'C' Coy. 4th Battn. Dublin Brigade. Easter Week 1916 recalled in his BMH submission of a visit to Cork to assist in organising the Volunteers there:
".... I took on the job of going to be a Volunteer organiser for Cork. I left the following Monday morning on the 9.15 train and arrived at 2.30 in Cork. I was met by Tomás MacCurtain and Terry MacSwiney; I knew them well. They took me to the Hotel Provincial on Morrison's Island, where my headquarters were. I took charge of the whole Cork Brigade for -11- that particular week, teaching them extended order drill, scaling walls, which was quite a new thing in those days, etc. They seemed to like it very well down there. I remained in Cork city for that particular week. I stayed. on because on the following Saturday night Pádraig Pearse was coming down to address the Volunteers from the Sheares Street Volunteer Hall...On the night of the meeting that Pearse was to address, the whole Cork Brigade were mobilised under the command of Tom MacCurtain and Vice-Commandant Sean O'Sullivan. The wives, sons and daughters of ex-British Army men were there in their hundreds and it was a very disreputable crowd that was there that night. Actually bottles were flung at the window from which Pearse was speaking. I could not understand for a moment why the O.C. of the Brigade did. not immediately take action, and having been talking to Captain Cotter I said to him - I was in the midst of a crowd of women - "If this is going to go any further I'll pull my gun". I only had a .25 automatic, and the people around me scattered. Immediately Vice-Commandant Sean O'Sullivan gave the order to the Cork Brigade to fix bayonets and there was a charge and there was no respect shown to anybody because they walked on them.."
Tensions were rising throughout the country and in Cork, Liam De Roiste in his diary for March 20, 1916 wrote: "....Commandant Sean O'Sullivan, last night, expressed to me the opinion that he expected "serious trouble" to take place in three or four weeks, at the outside. He must have some grounds for this opinion. I think we are keyed up for it now. But, are there preparations for a successful outrising? It seems to me there are only preparations for defence..."
On O'Sullivan's activities in 1916, Tom Hales recalled in his submission to the BMH:
"....We marched to Kilmurray, where we had 11 o'clock Mass. The Cork City contingent then arrived and Seán O'Sullivan took charge of the whole force. I was informed we were going to Macroom, probably by Seán O'Sullivan, but I was not told then that the parade was cancelled. It was at the bridge two miles East of Macroom I saw MacCurtain; I think MacSwiney was with him. He did not get out of the car but gave some instructions to Sean O'Sullivan. we went on into Macroom. Discussing the possibility of a fight with Sean O'Sullivan on the road to Macroom, he said, "the most we could do was to create a moral effect.... in Macroom, before the men were dismissed, Sean O'Sullivan held a consultation with the principal officers in regard to the advisability of proceeding to our original destination - Carriganimma - under such awful weather conditions (it was raining fair hell at the time.) He Said that we Would not go to Carriganimma, where other men were to meet us, because of the bad weather, and said that the enemy had refused action that day in not interfering with our march. Chris. O'Gorman and myself opposed the decision not to go on and urged him to proceed as arranged. The other officers took the line of least resistance when the matter was put to them in this fashion. Neither MacCurtain nor Mac5wthey were present. Sean O'Sullivan said nothing about a countermanding order having been received, nor did he mention the loss of the arms ship. He announced the decision to return to our own areas and said the Cork City men were returning to Cork by train. We came back on the train as tar as Crookstown with the Cork Companies and stayed in the village until. the early hours of Monday morning. It rained continuously until about 4 or 5 a.m. The Companies then marched back to their own areas. We were very disappointed. ..."
Michael Walsh, of Ballintemple, Cork, a Captain of 'C' Company., 2nd Battalion., Cork No. 1 Brigade recalled:
"....We proceeded without incident to Macroom and were lined up in The Square of the town. After about an hour or so we were addressed by Sean O'Sullivan, one of our officers, who told us that things had not "panned Out" as expected, that we were to return to cork by train right away. There was a great deal of dissatisfaction at the turn of events, but we all (city men) entrained at Macroom and came back to Cork as instructed. Each man then returned home bringing his gun with him...."
O'Sullivan went 'on the run' to evade arrest following the Rising.
Muriel Murphy of the Cork distilling family(later to marry Terence McSweeney) recalled in her BMH Statement: "...about The end of May [1916], Seán O'Sullivan who was the city Commandant, and had up to then escaped arrest, asked me to go to England to visit the different prisons where the Volunteers were interned, as no news or communications were coming from them. I was a free lance, but I had no money at all. The Volunteers gave me £5 and I went to London and visited Wandsworth Prison bringing comforts for the prisoners. There were not many Cork men there. I asked to see Arthur Griffith but he was not allowed to see me. I saw Ginger O'Connell and Douglas French-Mullen. I cannot remember who else I saw, but I saw several...."
By 1919, O'Sullivan had been an IRA organiser and trainer as well as the officer commanding the Cork 2nd Battalion. Patrick O'Brien, then a Lieutenant in the Liscarroll Company Co. Cork recalled that in the summer of 1919, O'Sullivan "...an organiser from Cork City...came to the Battalion and conducted a course of training at which Officers from each Company used attend each night for about three weeks. This was a great help to the battalion as there was nobody in the battalion capable of conducting a training class with any degree of success."
Michael V. O'Donoghue of Lismore, Co. Waterford, an Engineer Officer with the 2nd Battalion, Cork recalled O'Sullivan swearing in members of the Battalion:
"....Once only, to my recollection, was the full company assembled in Maylor St. Club. That was on the occasion of the taking of the oath, It was a very formal and very solemn business. The company was paraded in Main Hall and an exits were then locked. The Battalion O/C., Sean O'Sullivan, appeared with Battalion Adjutant and addressed the Volunteers who were standing rigidly to attention. He said that Dáil Éireann had set up the Government of the Irish Republic and that the Volunteers were now and henceforth the army of the Republic and, as such, it was now incumbent on each Volunteer who wished to remain in the Volunteer army to take an oath of allegiance to the Republic. The form of oath he pronounced as follows:- "I swear by the Almighty God that I will give true faith and allegiance to the Irish Republic and to Dáil Éireann which is the government of the Irish Republic and to defend the Irish Republic from all enemies both foreign and domestic and I take this oath without mental reservation or purpose of evasion - So Help me God". The O/C. sat in uniform behind a table on which lay before him a Lee-Enfield Service rifle. The Volunteers approached the table, four at a time, each laid his hand On the rifle which Commandant O'Sullivan, standing, held stretched horizontally across his breast, Then, slowly and solemnly, they repeated the words of the Oath after the O/C. At length, the ceremony was completed and the Volunteers, now the Irish Republican Army, A/Company, 2nd Battalion, Cork Brigade, were dismissed All were sworn and no one declined. The touch of the rifle and the solemn individuality of the swearing-in impressed me and I believe the others too, profoundly. Henceforth, we felt, as it were, strong and perfect soldiers of the Irish Republic...."
Later O'Sullivan became a Cork City Alderman.
Christopher O'Gorman was an early member of the Irish Volunteers, appointed 1st Lieutenant and later Captain D Company, Cork Battalion Irish Volunteers during 1916. Led the Company to Macroom on Easter Sunday 1916 and arrested in late April.
Jailed in 1917, he took part in a hunger strike in Cork Prison to secure Prisoner of War status before being released under the 'Cat and Mouse Act'. Later commanded 'E' Company and member of the Cork No.2 Brigade IRA from 1919 to late 1920 and Officer in Charge of the 5th Battalion from 1920 until after the Truce.
Special thanks to Brendan O'Connell, Grandson of Christopher O'Gorman for providing documents and the transcript of a written statement on his Grandfather's involvement during 1913-1921 [as no deposition was made with the Bureau of Military History, this statement and copies of additional documents give a new & additional insight into the revolutionary era].
Jailed in 1917, he took part in a hunger strike in Cork Prison to secure Prisoner of War status before being released under the 'Cat and Mouse Act'. Later commanded 'E' Company and member of the Cork No.2 Brigade IRA from 1919 to late 1920 and Officer in Charge of the 5th Battalion from 1920 until after the Truce.
Special thanks to Brendan O'Connell, Grandson of Christopher O'Gorman for providing documents and the transcript of a written statement on his Grandfather's involvement during 1913-1921 [as no deposition was made with the Bureau of Military History, this statement and copies of additional documents give a new & additional insight into the revolutionary era].
"...I joined the volunteers end of 1913. I was at the first meeting in the City Hall back 1913 at which Eoin Mac Neill, Roger Casement & Bulmer Hobson attended to start the vols (Irish Volunteers) in Cork. I did my best to save the speakers when the remark “Up Carson” was said from an attack by organised AOH (Ancient Order of Hibernians) men.
During 1914 I helped in every way I could to build up the organisation in Cork. I was one who a few who saved the Howth guns 1915 when AOH men raided Hall in Fishers Lane Cork. During 1915 with Thomas McCurtain I helped to organise the county, was appointed 1st Lieut. during 1915. Lost my job over the movement Christmas 1915.
Was appointed capt. (captain) early 1916 [5 January 1916] of D. Coy (Company) Cork City Batt (Battalion). I helped Capt. O’Connell now Gen. to train County Officer during early 1916, helped to increase my company’s stock of rifles by buying, taking by force & stealing during 1916...."
"...I led D Coy. Cork City Batt. to Macroom Easter 1916. I was the officer who met Dr. Ryan bringing a message from Eoin MacNeill for O/C (Commanding Officer) MacCurtain calling off manoeuvres. I knew of what we were going to do before we went out and was prepared for anything which may happen I had my men in same form and by now they were the best & were prepared to sacrifice themselves to save Ireland. We were disappointed when we were ordered back but I said as soldiers we should obey our superior officers. Was arrested after the rebellion but was released in a couple of days.
The Lord Mayor Rutterford making some plea that Vols would give up their guns. I was at the meeting held at Shears St. where it was decided to give up the guns into the keeping of the Lord Mayor. I did not agree and kept own gun. I was right as the British who never kept any word raided Lord Mayor’s house & got the guns but they didn’t get mine and a few others like me..."
Following the Rising, Christopher O'Gorman as with so many other Irish Volunteers throughout Ireland was not to remain at liberty for long.
Volunteer Con Collins recalled in his BMH statement that on Tuesday, 26 April 1916, he and ten others were arrested in military operations in Cork City to neutralise any potential uprising in the city: "Tomás MacCurtain, Seán Nolan, Donal Óg O'Callaghan, Fred Murray, Chris O'Gorman Cornelius Murphy, Seán MacCurtain, James Murphy, Patrick Trahey, Daithi Cotter and myself. Terence MacSwiney was not amongst the eleven. We were only a short time in the Jail when the Bishop intervened, He told Captain Dickie, the British Army Intelligence Officer, that he had broken his agreement that there would be no arrests in Cork and we were released. I was not arrested in the general round up that followed. .."
O'Gorman continues in his statement:
"....I was locked up again by RIC in May 1916 and had to go on the run for 4 or 5 months. Back in Cork again we put the organisation going again and had everything in good order when the prisoners were released.
Was still Capt. D Coy. City Batt. In 1917 we went out in full uniform again in spite of restrictions. I with others was arrested & got 12 months in Cork Gaol did some months demanded political treatment refused and went on Hunger Strike and was released on Cat and Mouse Act after 4 or 5 days...."
Then resident at 7 O'Connell Street, Cork, O'Gorman was summonsed by Justice Cooke of the County Borough of Cork on May 7, 1917 to appear before a sitting Justice of the County Borough on Friday, 11 May 1917 at 11am on foot of a complaint that on 29 April, 1917, he...
'did unlawfully collect money on the public street (other than a collection taken an open air religious meeting) for the 'Irish National Aid Association Volunteers Dependants Fund' without having obtained a permit from the Co[unty] Inspector R.I.C. Cork contrary to the statute and the regulations made thereunder'.
The Complainant on the Summons is noted as District Inspector R.I.C. Oswald Swanzy - later implicated in the assassination of Cork Lord Mayor Tomás McCurtain in March 1920 and who was in turn traced to Lisburn, Co. Antrim and assassinated by the Cork No.1 Brigade IRA in August 1920. Details here.
The summons on the grounds of a lack of a charitable collection permit would appear to be a technicality to arrest a prominent Irish Volunteer who appeared in public in uniform and was certainly confirmed with the resulting twelve months imprisonment sentence, far in excess of the norm.
'did unlawfully collect money on the public street (other than a collection taken an open air religious meeting) for the 'Irish National Aid Association Volunteers Dependants Fund' without having obtained a permit from the Co[unty] Inspector R.I.C. Cork contrary to the statute and the regulations made thereunder'.
The Complainant on the Summons is noted as District Inspector R.I.C. Oswald Swanzy - later implicated in the assassination of Cork Lord Mayor Tomás McCurtain in March 1920 and who was in turn traced to Lisburn, Co. Antrim and assassinated by the Cork No.1 Brigade IRA in August 1920. Details here.
The summons on the grounds of a lack of a charitable collection permit would appear to be a technicality to arrest a prominent Irish Volunteer who appeared in public in uniform and was certainly confirmed with the resulting twelve months imprisonment sentence, far in excess of the norm.
O'Gorman's statement continues:
"...got 12 months in Cork Gaol did some months [and in November 1917] demanded political treatment, [was] refused and went on Hunger Strike ..."
During O'Gorman's imprisonment in Cork Jail, Thomas Ashe and other Volunteers went on hunger strike in Mountjoy prison on 20 September 1917 to demand free association and treatment as a Prisoner of War with appropriate rights. Ashe died on 25 September following a bungled force feeding. His funeral brought Dublin to a standstill, and attracted a crowd estimated between thirty and forty thousand. “The circumstances of his death have made 100,000 Sinn Feiners out of 100,000 Constitutional Nationalists,” opined the London Daily Express. The death of a hunger striker was invariably feared by the government and its allies and so four days after Ashe's death, the government opted to concede POW rights and the Mountjoy strike was called off.
The hunger strike tactic was now taken up by hundreds of other Nationalist prisoners throughout Ireland with almost all gaining concessions and frequently release...for the time being. Amongst Nationalist prisoners in Cork Jail, Terence McSweeney, Christopher O'Gorman and others now went on hunger strike.
Below: O'Gorman's hand written statement dated 14 November 1917 in Cork Prison refuting the authority of the court and claiming status as 'Prisoner of War'. It is believed that the hunger strike began shortly after this statement was written.
The hunger strike tactic was now taken up by hundreds of other Nationalist prisoners throughout Ireland with almost all gaining concessions and frequently release...for the time being. Amongst Nationalist prisoners in Cork Jail, Terence McSweeney, Christopher O'Gorman and others now went on hunger strike.
Below: O'Gorman's hand written statement dated 14 November 1917 in Cork Prison refuting the authority of the court and claiming status as 'Prisoner of War'. It is believed that the hunger strike began shortly after this statement was written.
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O'Gorman was released from Cork Prison on 21 November, 1917 under the Prisoners (Temporary Discharge for Ill Health) Act, 1913 or the 'Cat and Mouse Act'
".....and was released on Cat and Mouse Act after 4 or 5 days...."
The Prisoners (Temporary Discharge for Ill Health) Act, commonly referred to as the Cat and Mouse Act, was an Act of Parliament passed in Britain under Herbert Henry Asquith's Liberal government in 1913. This followed the jailing and hunger strike undertaken by some members of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU, commonly referred to as suffragettes). The hunger striking suffragettes had been force-fed by the prison staff leading to a public outcry. The act was a response to the outcry that allowed these prisoners to be released on licence as soon as the hunger strike affected their health. They then had a predetermined period of time in which to recover after which they were rearrested and taken back to prison to serve out the rest of their sentence. Conditions could be placed on the prisoner during the time of their release such as good behaviour bonds, not to associate with known groups etc . One effect of the act was to make hunger strikes technically legal. The nickname of the Act came about because of the domestic cat's habit of playing with its prey, allowing it to temporarily escape a number of times, before finally, capturing and killing it.
Hunger striking as a political weapon effectively destroyed the British policy of mass internment of Irish Volunteers and those suspected of harbouring Nationalist sympathies during 1917-Spring 1920. However, the resulting release of Nationalist prisoners demoralised some sections of the British armed forces in Ireland, and indirectly contributed to an outbreak of extra-judicial killings and destruction which in turn further escalated the War of Independence. British policy towards hunger striking changed radically in 1920. When 12 prisoners from Cork went on hunger strike in August 1920 at Cork Jail, the British government refused to concede. One of the twelve, Terence MacSwiney, Lord Mayor of Cork, was moved from Cork Prison to Brixton Prison, London where he died, along with fellow strikers Michael Fitzgerald and Joseph Murphy in Cork. With these deaths, the remaining prisoners were ordered to end their hunger strike.
Hunger striking as a political weapon effectively destroyed the British policy of mass internment of Irish Volunteers and those suspected of harbouring Nationalist sympathies during 1917-Spring 1920. However, the resulting release of Nationalist prisoners demoralised some sections of the British armed forces in Ireland, and indirectly contributed to an outbreak of extra-judicial killings and destruction which in turn further escalated the War of Independence. British policy towards hunger striking changed radically in 1920. When 12 prisoners from Cork went on hunger strike in August 1920 at Cork Jail, the British government refused to concede. One of the twelve, Terence MacSwiney, Lord Mayor of Cork, was moved from Cork Prison to Brixton Prison, London where he died, along with fellow strikers Michael Fitzgerald and Joseph Murphy in Cork. With these deaths, the remaining prisoners were ordered to end their hunger strike.
O'Gorman comments on the period from 1918 in his written statement:
"...[When] Cork City was reorganised 1918. I took charge of E Coy 1st Batt. I trained this Coy in all branches of military duties. Made it a self contained unit, increased its stock of rifles by every available means had engineers making cement and tin bombs. Had large no. of pikes made enough to equip every man in Coy. with some kind of weapon. Still helped in organising country Macroom, Ballingeary, Whitechurch, Glanmire etc. was taken by Thomas [McCurtain] everywhere he went. I especially organised the 5th Batt. made Batt. staff and put them going by keeping an eye on things in my own area. I got everything in order ready for any attack which may take place. The Batt. orders were all carried out.
During 1919 I still continued to perfect the organisation of the coy. & helped to make the 5th Batt more active, was arrested under D.O.R.A. (Defence of the Realm Act) sent to Belfast Jail was 2nd in command (General Duffy O/C) & and we won political treatment. Had a Hunger Strike and was the last to be released after 12 days in very bad health. Back in Cork. My house raided the night of our release and I had to find digs elsewhere. Thomas McCurtain lived in my Coy district we guarded his house & himself every chance we could ‘til curfew prevented us..."
O'Gorman was a member of the Cork No.2 Brigade IRA from 1919 to late 1920 when Carrignavar, Riverstown, Whitechurch and Tubbernmire Companies were formed into a separate battalion, and became known as the 5th or Whitescross Battalion.
1920: House raided and smashed up several times, burned Blackpool Barracks. Was looked for by the same coward who murdered Thomas [McCurtain] but I happened to be missing. Attack on King St. Barracks...
O'Gorman was transferred to the 5th Battalion and was appointed Battalion O/C when the previous officer, James Harte married and left. O'Gorman held the position until after the truce in 1921.
....took over charge of 5th Batt, had to reorganise each Coy. as they had no idea of section Company or Battalion organisation. A big raid for me in 5th Batt. area and the British Officer told those he brought to Glenville not to have anything to do with the murderer who had come from Cork to take charge of them that sooner or later they would get him and deal with him. The brigade intelligence officer got another letter in post but owing to intelligence in Battalion being lacking we were unable to trace the writer. All the barracks in area were burned only the law of the republic was obeyed. Was responsible for military and civil control in the area and made the organisation perfect.
We trenched main roads etc. blew up bridges dealt with spies held prisoners for other parts of brigade shifted stuff through our area safely through other parts of the brigade. Formed an active service unit in Batt but the truce came shortly afterwards.
From July 1921 to July 1922 I had training camps going in the district and was responsible for maintenance & putting up the 40 men and officers. Kept my own Battalion in good fighting condition but resigned when civil war broke out as I did not agree.
Christopher O'Gorman died in the early 1950s.
Michael was born into a comfortable tenant farming background & the youngest of six children. His father Timothy Lynch died when he was less than a year old and his greatest nationalistic influence was undoubtedly his older half-brother, Diarmuid. Under his brother's influence, Michael joined the IRB and formed a strong company of Irish Volunteers in Tracton, Minane Bridge.
Michael recalled in his Bureau of Military History deposition in October 1947:
"....I had a small I.R.B. circle in Tracton and Kinsale before 1914. I was centre, and the following were members:- Tadg Lynch, Kinsale, Micheál Breatneach, Kinsale, John O'Brien and William O'Brien, Tracton. The O'Brien's and myself organised a company of Volunteers in Tracton early in 1914. There were about 50 men in the Company when the Split in the Volunteer organisation took place in September, 1914. Our strength was reduced by the Split to about 19 or 20, and that continued to be the position up to Easter, 1916....Soon after the start of Tracton Company I.V. the following Officers were elected, and there was no change of Officers down to Easter, 1916 :- Captain: Michael F. Lynch.
We held weekly parades, Sunday route marches, and had a good deal of target practice with a .22 rifle. I attended the first Volunteer Training Camp, conducted by J.J. O'Connell, in Wicklow from 6th to 14th August, 1915. My brother, Diarmuid, was there also, and so were Seán Nolan and Daithi Barry from Cork. I again attended the Training Camp held in Sheares' Street, Cork, in January, 1916. About 20 men from Tracton Company took, part in the Manchester Martyrs' parade in Cork in November, 1915, and about the same number participated in the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork in 1916. Some of them were armed on both occasions.
In 1915 moulds made of plaster of paris were being used to make slugs. They were of very little use as they would not stand the heat. With the aid of local blacksmith, Paddy Egan, I made an iron mould of a tongs type which would make six or eight slugs at a time. It was made in Egan's forge. We made the depressions for the slugs in it with steel ball bearings while the iron was red hot. It did not have a grove into which the molten lead could be poured, so that it was necessary to have hot tallow in which the mould. was immersed before putting it into the molten lead. At this time they were still using plaster of Paris moulds in Dublin, and, at his request I brought mine up to the O'Rahilly. He used it as a pattern from which to make others. I left it to him for a week, and they turned out a brass one in Dublin. Later brass moulds Were also made in Haulbowline by some of our men working in the dockyard there. with my own mould I made thousands of slugs for Cork Brigade, several hundredweights of lead were collected by the Brigade and sent down to Tracton to me I also filled some hundreds of cartridges with slugs myself. About four slugs were usually put in a cartridge...."
Easter Thursday, April 20 1916
"....I was in Cork on the Thursday before Easter Sunday, 1916, and I saw Tomás MacCurtain. He did, not tell me anything definite in regard to the purpose of the parade which had been ordered for Easter Sunday, but from the preparations being made it was obvious to me that something more than a routine mobilisation and exercise was intended. He instructed me to report to Sheares' Street Hall on Easter Saturday night with my own motor cycle and side car. I returned to Tracton and gave instructions that the Company was to join Ballinhassig Company and parade with them on Easter Sunday...."
Easter Saturday, April 22 1916
Michael was placed in Mallow Railway station on Easter Saturday morning by Denis Daly (IRB London and member of the Kimmage Garrison in 1916) in his Bureau statement: "...The car broke down just outside the town of Killarney. Leaving it and the driver there, Lochlainn and I, taking the bag of tools with us, walked into the Railway Station and were in time to get the morning train to Dublin. When changing trains at Mallow Station we met Mick Lynch, a brother of Diarmuid's who told us that a man had been arrested and he believed he was Roger Casement. On Saturday night we brought the bag of tools to 44, Mountjoy Street and reported to Seán MacDermott and Michael Collins. They were then aware of Casement's arrest. .."
Michael's statement is just one sentence for this date: "I reported to the Hall in Sheares' Street on Easter Saturday evening in uniform; with my motor Cycle and side car. I was armed with a service rifle and two revolvers..."
Easter Sunday, April 23rd 1916
"....As far as I know, the following seven men paraded on Easter Sunday:- Michael F. Lynch, Tracton [in Sheares Street, Cork]. John O'Brien, do William O'Brien, do John Noonan, Ballyfeard. William Noonan, do Timothy Halloran, Ballingarry, John Halloran, do. The arms in the Company at Easter, 1916, were:- Two service rifles, which I had bought in Dublin. Four doubled-barrelled shot guns owned by members of One single-barrelled shot gun the Company. One .45 revolver with about 25 rounds. One .32 revolver with about 25 rounds.
On Easter Sunday morning the side car of my motor cycle was loaded up with ammunition, gelignite, powder, a few hand grenades, coils of fuse and detonators. I had a full load Tomás MacCurtain instructed, me to take these war materials to Crookstown where he would meet me later and give me further instructions. I understood from him that McNeilus was to be with me later on whatever mission we were going, and that the explosives were intended for blowing bridges..."
Another Irish Volunteers in the area included Seamus Fitzgerald, "Carrigbeg", Summerhill. Cork, a member of the 'A' Company (Cobh), 4th Battn., Cork No. 1 Bgde., I.R.A., 1913 - 1921 and later T.D. in 1st Dáil Éireann; Chairman of Parish Court, Cobh; President of East Cork District Court. District Court recalled the events of the morning in his 1958 statement to the Bureau of Military History:
"....Before our departure from Sheares' St., Jack O'Connell and Willie Ahern arrived by bicycle from Cobh to join us. They were allotted to the four Cork Company units and other County units which paraded and marched off to the Macroom Station. I joined the armed cycle unit, about twenty strong, led by Freddie Murray and McNeilus; Michael Lynch (stepbrother of Diarmuid Lynch)looked a striking figure in full uniform, with a fine motor cycle combination which he was using apparently for special despatch work. We cycled off at 12 noon, stopping for a few minutes at the end of the Western Road to talk to MacSwiney who was in an open touring motor car with others...."
Michael in his statement describes the journey from Cork that morning:
".... I left for Crookstown about the time the Cork City Companies were moving off from Sheares' Street, but I was there before them and had to wait their arrival, When Tomás MacCurtain arrived in Crookstown he instructed me to go on to Bweeing where commandant P. Twomey's Battalion Would be assembled, and to take charge of them until he arrived there. On the way to Bweeing two R.I.C. men signalled me to stop at a point on the road which I don't now remember. The road was unfamiliar to me. I took the most direct route. I pretended to comply with the signal to stop, but on coming abreast of the police I accelerated and shot past them. If they had attempted to stop me by force I would have resisted, to ensures the safety of the military stores I was carrying. I had a .45 and a .32 pistol on me and a rifle in the side car....
....While awaiting commandant MacCurtain's arrival at Bweeing I deemed it advisable to keep the men assembled there active, and exercises were carried out, I put my motor cycle in a back yard under a guard of five Volunteers armed with rifles and fixed bayonets. These men later reported that four R.I.C. and two others, stated to be detectives, rushed into the yard, and that one of the Volunteers on guard. ripped the tunic of the R.I.C. Sergeant with his bayonet. The police then withdrew...."
In Bweeing that day were Liam Jones - Greenhill, Patrick McCarthy - Lahakineen, Cornelius O'Regan - Monaparson Mourneabbey, Co. Cork of the Mourneabbey Company Irish Volunteers and they recalled in a joint statement to the Bureau of Military History in October 1947:
"....There assembled also at Bweeing, Companies from Kilmona, Whitechurch, Courtbrack, Mallow, Donoughmore and Castletownroche. A guard was put on the public houses, and some exercise were carried out on Shea's Hill nearby. Micheál Lynch arrived on a motor cycle and side car soon after we got to Bweeing. It was getting dusk when Tomás MacCurtain, Terence MacSwiney and Tom Kent arrived in a car from the Donoughmore direction. Tomas MacCurtain spoke to the whole parade, standing on a roadside fence. He spoke briefly. He said that he had hoped for better things that day. The men were to return quietly to their homes, they may be called upon again at any time and they should remain alert and ready for further orders. They should safeguard their arms. The car in which the Brigade Officers travelled returned towards Donoughmore. Micheál Lynch left about the same time as they did. We marched back to our own area. The night was very wet and everybody was soaked...."
Patrick P. Twomey, Kilmona, Blarney, Co. Cork of the Kilmona Company Irish Volunteers & 3rd Battalion. Cork Brigade, 1915-16 recalled in October 1947 that he was also in Bweeing:
"....The day was cold and we decided to carry out some exercises to keep the men occupied. These. had been carried out on a hill about half a mile away and the men were back at the cross and formed up again before Tomás MacCurtain arrived. Micheál. Lynch had arrived at Bweeing, soon after us, but he had no message or instruction. He remained until the Brigade O/C. arrived. There were two detectives from Mallow there also and R.I.C men from Dromohane..."
James Harte, Ryefield, Whitechurch, Co. Cork of the Whitechurch Company Irish Volunteers recalled in his submission in 1947 of exercises being carried out in Bweeing on Easter Sunday.
".... Micheál. Lynch arrived there soon after we did and stayed all day. We had no definite information of what was intended and did not know at what points other Companies of the Brigade were mobilised. There was, however, a feeling prevailing genera1ly that serious things may happen. Both my father, Peter Harte, and my uncle, James Harte, were old Fenians. My father was always in touch with Tomás MacCurtain and was very friendly with him. I thought he knew more than I did. When I was leaving home that morning I believe he thought we were going into a fight. He said to me, "Mind the turning, Seamus". I understood him to mean that a point would come at which our movement may be turned away from its objective. ..."
Thomas J. Golden, Gurrane, Donoughmore, Co. Cork. Office in Charge of the Courtbrack Company Irish Volunteers and the Donoughmore Battalion, Cork 1 Bgde., I.R.A. 1914 - 1921 recalled in 1957:
"...We paraded at Gurrane and marched to Ahadillane, where we met the Kilmona, Whitechurch, Waterloo and Mourne Abbey Companies. The whole party marched to Bweeing Cross. The Donoughmore Company marched directly to Bweeing Cross. Shortly after our arrival Michael Lynch came there on a motor cycle. I do not know if he had any particular business there; he did not bring any message that I know of. The Mallow Company also arrived at Bweeing Cross...."
John Manning, Moulnahorna, Carriganimma, Co. Cork. Member of the Donoughmore Company Irish Volunteers and later Cork 1. Brigade, I.R.A. 1915 - 1921 in his submission of December 1957:
"...The company marched to Beeing, arriving there at 12.30, the time appointed in orders. Companies from Courtbrack, Whitechurch, Mourne Abbey, Mallow, Castletownroche and Nadd paraded there also. Michael Lynch arrived on a motor cycle, and some exercises were carried out. .."
Daniel Hegarty, Fair Street, Mallow, Co. Cork. Member of the Mallow, Company Irish Volunteers 1913-1916 recalled the lack of information on the day in his submission of October 1947:
".... On arrival at Bweeing Cross we found that Companies from Mourne Abbey Whitechurch, Kilmona, Courtbrack and Donoughmore had also assembled there. Two R.I.C. men from Mellow were there when we arrived. Some exercises were carried out under Michael Lynch, and late in the afternoon we were about a mile on the Mallow side of the main body of Volunteers. Word was sent to us there that the exercises were over and that we were to proceed home as quietly as possible. I believe Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney came to Bweeing but I did not see them or hear Tomás speak. We had no information of where other mobilisations had taken place or of what was happening in other areas...."
Michael, through his statement takes us through the next few hours of Easter Sunday:
"....Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney arrived at Bweeing in a motor car between seven and eight o'clock on Easter Sunday evening. I have no recollection of Tom Kent being with them. Tomas MacCurtain spoke to all the assembled Volunteers, standing on the roadside fence. As far as I remember, be said something to the effect that they had expected the enemy would attack on that day but it had not come off, the men were to return to their homes, keep their organisation intact, safeguard their arms and be ready when called upon again. It was a short speech. Terry MacSwiney did not speak. I do not know where they went from Bweeing. Tomás MacCurtain, before leaving, instructed me to go to Carriganimma and inform any men of' the Cork Brigade still assembled there that they were to return to their homes....It was nearly dark when I left Bweeing, and raining. I went to Carriganimma, still carrying the load of explosives I contacted four or five men who were there, and, all rain-soaked, we spent the night at Paud O'Donoghue's house in the vicinity of the village..."
In fact there were more than "four or five men" waiting on instructions that night in Carriganimma according to Dr. Patrick O'Sullivan, Farsid Villa, Rostellan, Co. Cork - the Commanding Officer of Kilnamartyra Company (Co. Cork) Irish Volunteers, 1914-1916 who recalled:
"...we marched to Carriganimma on the road to Millstreet as we expected that there we were to collect the arms from Casement's ship, the 'Aud'. Nothing happened and after nightfall a motor cyclist (he may have been Peadar O'Hourihane or perhaps it was Michael Lynch of Tracton, a half-brother of Diarmujd) arrived with orders for us to go home. The Macroom Company was there under the command of Dan Corkery; the Carriganimma Company was there under Paud O'Donoghue and the Clondrohid Company under Jim Murphy. We marched home again and stood to all Easter Week. "
James Murphy Main St., Macroom, Co. Cork and Tim Buckley, Clondrohid P.O., Macroom, Co. Cork in his submission to the Bureau of Military History in October 1947: "....When all the Companies were assembled exercises were carried out on a hill nearby, and it was late, after dark, when Micheál Lynch came on a motor cycle with the official message that the parade Was cancelled and that we were to return to our own areas. We marched back end dispersed at Clondrohid..."
Paud O'Donoghue, Lakefield, Coachford, Go. Cork, Commanding Officer of the Carriganimmia Irish Volunteers company:
"....Companies from Macroom, Kilnamartyra, Ballinagree and Clondrobid also assembled at Carriganimmia...all Companies remained there during the day and some exercise s were carried out. Sean Nolan arrived in the evening and spoke to Dan Corkery, but I do not know if he brought any message Micheál Lynch of Ballyfeard arrived about 8 p.m. with instructions that the exercises were cancelled. We had no information of what was happening in. other areas. All the men were dismissed that night. Micheál Lynch stayed the night with me and returned to Cork next day..."
Dr. Patrick O'Sullivan, Aghada, Co. Cork, member of the Kilnamartyra, Co. Cork Company Irish Volunteers 1914-1916: ".....Some exercises were carried out at Carriganimma and it was late in the evening when Micheál Lynch came with word that we were to return home. The night was very wet and we stayed in Carriganimma, returning to Kilnamartyra on Monday..."
Matthew Murphy, Crossamahon, Lisarda, Co. Cork of the Kilmurry Company Irish Volunteers 1915 to 1916: "....Some exercises were carried out at Carriganimma, and late in the evening Micheál Lynch arrived on a motor bicycle with word that the parade was cancelled and that we were to return to our own areas. We marched back to Macroom...."
Senator Dan Corkery, Macroom, Co. Cork. IRB member and member of the Macroom Company Irish Volunteers: "....We did some exercises. The day was very wet and we got shelter in Walsh's farmhouse. Seán Nolan came but I do not remember that he brought any message. No orders came to us until nearly dusk, between 9 and 10 o'clock, when Michael Lynch arrived on a motor cycle. He told us the instructions were cancelled and we were to return home. We all marched back to Macroom. Tomás MacCurtain or Terence MacSwiney did not visit us at Carriganimma that day...."
Easter Monday, April 24th
Michael Lynch recalled in 1947:
"....Next morning, Monday, I drove back to the city and unloaded the explosives at the Hall in Sheares' Street. I got into Cork about 2. p.m. Having, after some difficulty, got a replacement for a burst tyre, I reported back' to Sheares' Street sometime in the evening. Tomás MacCurtain was there and he ordered seven or eight men present, including myself, to arm themselves with rifles and take up position of defence within the building. About 9 p.m. on Monday night I was given a despatch for Commandant Tom Hales. My instructions were to deliver it to Hyde's, Knockalucy, Ballinhassig, to be sent on from there by the usual despatch route to Tom Hales. I was then to return to my own area, keep men alert and, await orders. Bob Hales left Sheares' Street with me in the side car of the motor cycle. I do not know what the contents of the despatch for Tom Hales were. My engine broke. down near the Viaduct, due to the effects of rain during the preceding 28 hours. Bob Hales and I went on foot. across country to Knockalucy, where we arrived about midnight. Tadg Hyde set off at once. with the despatch to Ballinadee. I stayed at Hyde's that night.. "
Tuesday, April 25th
"...Next day Tuesday, I walked to my own house, Granig, Tracton, 10 miles distant, and brought my rifle and pistols with me..."
Wednesday, April 26th
"....Canon O'Leary, P.P. Tracton, sent for me and requested that my own arms and ammunition and those of the men of the Tracton Company be delivered to him with the understanding that he would keep them safely. I refused. No orders came to me from the Brigade during Easter week..."
Easter Rising Aftermath:
"....I was arrested on May 5th The following were also arrested:- Timothy Lynch, Granig, Tracton. John Noonan, Ballygrissane, Ballyfeard. William F. Noonan, do John O'Brien, Tracton. William. O'Brien, do Timothy Halloran, Ballingarry ... John Halloran. No arms were surrendered in the Company area and none were captured in raids. There were no Fianna or Cuman-na-mBan organisations in the area before 1916..."
The formal notice of arrest was presented to both Lynch brothers:
Notice to Persons with respect to whom an order is made under Regulation 14B, Defence of the Realm Regulations.
Name of Prisoner: Michael Francis Lynch
Address: Granig, Ballyfeard, Co. Cork
W.O. Number: 1765-F.
H.O.Number: 6345435
Notice is hereby given to the above named that an order has been made by the Secretary of State under Regulation 14b of the Defence of the Realm regulations, directing that he shall be interned at a place of internment, on the recommendations of a competent Military Authority on the ground that he is of hostile association and is a prominent member of the Irish Volunteers, or of an association known as the Citizens Army, which have promoted armed insurrection against his Majesty.
If within seven days from the date of his receiving this notice, the above named person submits to the Secretary of State any representations against the provisions of the said order, such representations will be referred to the Advisory Committee appointed for the purpose of advising the Secretary of State with respect to the internment and deportation of Aliens, and presided over by a Judge of the High Court and will be duly considered by the Committee that the order may, so far as it affects the above named prisoner, be revoked or varied without injury to public safety, or the defence of the Realm, he will revoke or vary the order in writing under his hand. Failing such revocation, or variation, the order will remain in force.
Lynch Family Archives – Folder 2 – 1915-1916
Both Michael and Tim were imprisoned in Cork Jail to await transfer to Dublin and trial. Legend has it that when neighbours alerted the family that the soldiers were coming to arrest them, Michael sat back smoking a cigarette and reading a paper while Tim went down on his knees to say the rosary. Michael was arrested, and the Tommies looked quizzically at Tim as he recited the rosary and said ‘You’re comin’ too mate’. The last view of the two brothers was a wave from Michael as Tim continued to say the prayers in the back of the truck.
All were placed in Cork jail where they remained until morning of May 11th when they were transferred to Richmond Jail, Dublin. Timothy Lynch was immediately moved to Wakefield Jail.
On May 18, Mary Lynch, her sister in law Alice and Kathleen Quinn visited Michael, Tim and Diarmuid in Richmond Barracks with the knowledge that Diarmuid was to be tried later that day in Courts Martial. At the trial, Diarmuid was sentenced to death for his role in the Rising.
Muriel McSweeney nee Murphy recalled visiting some of the prisoners in Richmond:
"I came to Dublin to see the prisoners who had been moved up there from Cork. I went to Richmond Barracks and found a Sergeant Major who when he heard my name was Murphy his own name admitted me at once and anyone else who happened to be a Murphy I saw Tomás and, I think, Terry and the Lynchs from Mionán Bridge near Bandon. These were Diarmuid's brothers, Micheál and another. The latter had not been a Volunteer Like many was arrested by mistake but Micheál had done a lot with his motor-bicycle. Micheál is, as far as I know, still living on the farm at Mionan Bridge. They were deported then and I was back in Cork..."
On June 1, 199 prisoners were moved from Richmond, with 100 going to Wakefield, 49 to Wandsworth and 50 to Knutsford. Included in the 100 men transferred to Wakefield was Michael Lynch. He remained there until June 9th when he and others became the first prisoners in Frongoch Prison Camp, North Wales. There he became the South Camp Staff Officer and in charge of the YMCA Hut.
Lynch was released with all the Frongoch prisoners during the Christmas amnesty 1916 and returned home on Christmas Eve.
Michael Lynch resumed as Officer in Charge for Tracton Irish Volunteers from late 1916 to early 1918.
1917 East Clare By-Election
Michael was next involved in the 1917 East Clare By-Election along with his motorcycle and side-car. A fellow prisoner from Frongoch, Thomas Pugh, 6 Churchill Terrace, Ballsbridge, Dublin. Statement No 397 to BMH. 19 June 1950 recalled: "....I had a lot of experience of electioneering work; I had been everything at elections, I had been presiding officer, polling clerk, a representative of the candidate and everything except a candidate. I knew all about electioneering and I was selected to go to East dare for de Valera's election. We opened the campaign for de Valera. J. K. O'Reilly was with me at a place called Broadford, and from the top of an outside car I sang "The Soldier's Song, it was the first time it was heard down there... Mick Lynch, Diarmuid Lynch's brother, from Cork was there shortly afterwards. He had an Indian combination and we toured the constituency. We were fired on at one place, probably by an R.I.C. man for it was a miniature rifle bullet which went through the car..."
Diarmuid was an Election Agent on behalf of de Valera.
Henry O'Mahony, The Glen, Monkstown, Co. Cork. Company Captain, Passage West. Battalion Adjutant. Battalion Vice 0/C recalled in October 1956: "..Early in 1918, it was decided to form a separate battalion of the four companies in the area Monkstown, Rochestown, Passage West and Ringaskiddy. Michael Lynch became Battalion 0/C. I became vice-0/C. I don't remember the name of the adjutant. Jack Barrett became Q.M. The strength of the battalion was then 200. Then came the threat of conscription when the battalion, strength went up to 350. When the threat had passed, our strength dwindled to 250, most of the older men left. Drilling was intensified during the period. From then to the end of the year, approaching the general election, we carried out routine parading and drilling.
For this area Diarmuid Lynch, Micheal's brother, was nominated Sinn Fein candidate to oppose the Nationalist candidate. With the other Volunteers in the area I canvassed and spoke on public platforms on behalf of our candidate who was elected. ..."
In early January 1918, Michael along with Tom Hales, Michael Leahy and Sean O'Sullivan and representatives of all Cork and Kerry Irish Volunteers took part in an official IRB enquiry into the inaction of the Munster Irish Volunteers during 1916. This was conducted by Diarmuid Lynch, Con Collins, Richard Mulcahy and Cathal Brugha.
The following month, Michael became involved in 'agrarian disturbances' in which he and other 'Sinn Fein followers' attempted to reinstate an evicted tenant on the farm of Mr. Hosford in Snugmore, Kinsale. As a result, Michael was arrested, tried and sentenced to six months in Cork jail.
Michael was imprisoned in Cork jail initially but ‘removed from Cork Jail to Mountjoy while on Hunger Strike early in April 1918. I relinquished the strike after 15 days on orders from Austin Stack and Michael Collins. Released from Mountjoy about June 1918’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
William Whelan, 3 Grosvenor Villa, Putland Road, Bray, Co. Wicklow recalled in his statement to the Bureau of Military History, that he was present at Lynch's release in June 1918: "After my return home I became more intimate with Michael Collins through Harry Boland and he detailed me for the job of taking a man out of Mountjoy. I believe his name was Mick Lynch. He was a Cork man, wearing a beard. At that time Mick Collins was staying in the Distillery at Jones' Road. I never met this Lynch man before but those who were with me knew him. He was due for release and Collins was afraid he would be arrested when he got outside the gate. One of the men with me was lame. The British did not re-arrest Lynch and we escorted him down to the Distillery where we all had breakfast with Collins..."
Henry O'Mahony in his statement recalled events of 1919 in October 1956:
"....Routine drilling continued throughout 1919. In the summer of this year the battalion 0/C., Micheál Lynch, became involved in agrarian trouble in Rochestown which led to a split among the Volunteers of the battalion. At this time, a ban had been imposed on hunting in the area by the Sinn Fein Executive. Micheál Lynch was a member of the Hunt - The South Union and attended their meetings in his red coat in spite of the ban, with the result that he dismissed from his post as battalion 0/C. by the Brigade 0/C., Terence McSwiney. The activities of Lynch in this respect and the agrarian trouble resulted in the disorganisation of the battalion. I was then asked by the brigade 0/C. to reorganise the area. After a lot of trouble, especially in the Rochestown area, I got the four companies going again, but it was some time before they functioned as a battalion. The companies worked. as separate units, however."
Was this a cover for other activities?
During April 1919-March 1920, Michael Lynch ‘occupied the position of Munster Representative on the Supreme Council I.R.B.’ and ‘in the spring of 1919, Michael Collins ordered me to ‘stay aloof’ from open IRA activities and assigned me to intelligence work’ with services rendered in ‘Cork, Dublin and Clonmel’ reporting to Michael Collins and Florence O’Donoghue, Adjutant, Cork Brigade IRA.
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
Lynch, in his 1935 statement to the Pensions Board commented that during 1st April 1918 and 31st March 1919 ‘among other services, I purchased rifles from American sailors then at Passage West and delivered them to the Cork Brigade Hdqrs.’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
During this period, Michael Lynch ‘arranged for the purchase of £200 worth of rifles and ammunition in London – which sum of money was given to me by Michael Collins for that purpose’ and those who were aware of the purchase ‘in London, those who had knowledge of that purchase of arms were Mr. Sean McGrath and a man named Twomey’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
From April 1 1920 and 31st March 1921, Michael Lynch ‘operated under Michael Collins Dublin and Florence O’Donoghue, Cork’ in the districts of ‘Cork, Dublin and Clonmel’ doing ‘intelligence work and bearer of secret despatches’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
Following Independence, Lynch took no part in the Civil War. In the mid 1920's, Michael became in involved in road construction contracting, building the road between Fountainstown and Myrtleville in Cork and thoroughbred horse sales in the United States before returning to Ireland and working with the Land Commission in Wicklow. He retired to Tracton and died in 1956.
Michael recalled in his Bureau of Military History deposition in October 1947:
"....I had a small I.R.B. circle in Tracton and Kinsale before 1914. I was centre, and the following were members:- Tadg Lynch, Kinsale, Micheál Breatneach, Kinsale, John O'Brien and William O'Brien, Tracton. The O'Brien's and myself organised a company of Volunteers in Tracton early in 1914. There were about 50 men in the Company when the Split in the Volunteer organisation took place in September, 1914. Our strength was reduced by the Split to about 19 or 20, and that continued to be the position up to Easter, 1916....Soon after the start of Tracton Company I.V. the following Officers were elected, and there was no change of Officers down to Easter, 1916 :- Captain: Michael F. Lynch.
We held weekly parades, Sunday route marches, and had a good deal of target practice with a .22 rifle. I attended the first Volunteer Training Camp, conducted by J.J. O'Connell, in Wicklow from 6th to 14th August, 1915. My brother, Diarmuid, was there also, and so were Seán Nolan and Daithi Barry from Cork. I again attended the Training Camp held in Sheares' Street, Cork, in January, 1916. About 20 men from Tracton Company took, part in the Manchester Martyrs' parade in Cork in November, 1915, and about the same number participated in the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork in 1916. Some of them were armed on both occasions.
In 1915 moulds made of plaster of paris were being used to make slugs. They were of very little use as they would not stand the heat. With the aid of local blacksmith, Paddy Egan, I made an iron mould of a tongs type which would make six or eight slugs at a time. It was made in Egan's forge. We made the depressions for the slugs in it with steel ball bearings while the iron was red hot. It did not have a grove into which the molten lead could be poured, so that it was necessary to have hot tallow in which the mould. was immersed before putting it into the molten lead. At this time they were still using plaster of Paris moulds in Dublin, and, at his request I brought mine up to the O'Rahilly. He used it as a pattern from which to make others. I left it to him for a week, and they turned out a brass one in Dublin. Later brass moulds Were also made in Haulbowline by some of our men working in the dockyard there. with my own mould I made thousands of slugs for Cork Brigade, several hundredweights of lead were collected by the Brigade and sent down to Tracton to me I also filled some hundreds of cartridges with slugs myself. About four slugs were usually put in a cartridge...."
Easter Thursday, April 20 1916
"....I was in Cork on the Thursday before Easter Sunday, 1916, and I saw Tomás MacCurtain. He did, not tell me anything definite in regard to the purpose of the parade which had been ordered for Easter Sunday, but from the preparations being made it was obvious to me that something more than a routine mobilisation and exercise was intended. He instructed me to report to Sheares' Street Hall on Easter Saturday night with my own motor cycle and side car. I returned to Tracton and gave instructions that the Company was to join Ballinhassig Company and parade with them on Easter Sunday...."
Easter Saturday, April 22 1916
Michael was placed in Mallow Railway station on Easter Saturday morning by Denis Daly (IRB London and member of the Kimmage Garrison in 1916) in his Bureau statement: "...The car broke down just outside the town of Killarney. Leaving it and the driver there, Lochlainn and I, taking the bag of tools with us, walked into the Railway Station and were in time to get the morning train to Dublin. When changing trains at Mallow Station we met Mick Lynch, a brother of Diarmuid's who told us that a man had been arrested and he believed he was Roger Casement. On Saturday night we brought the bag of tools to 44, Mountjoy Street and reported to Seán MacDermott and Michael Collins. They were then aware of Casement's arrest. .."
Michael's statement is just one sentence for this date: "I reported to the Hall in Sheares' Street on Easter Saturday evening in uniform; with my motor Cycle and side car. I was armed with a service rifle and two revolvers..."
Easter Sunday, April 23rd 1916
"....As far as I know, the following seven men paraded on Easter Sunday:- Michael F. Lynch, Tracton [in Sheares Street, Cork]. John O'Brien, do William O'Brien, do John Noonan, Ballyfeard. William Noonan, do Timothy Halloran, Ballingarry, John Halloran, do. The arms in the Company at Easter, 1916, were:- Two service rifles, which I had bought in Dublin. Four doubled-barrelled shot guns owned by members of One single-barrelled shot gun the Company. One .45 revolver with about 25 rounds. One .32 revolver with about 25 rounds.
On Easter Sunday morning the side car of my motor cycle was loaded up with ammunition, gelignite, powder, a few hand grenades, coils of fuse and detonators. I had a full load Tomás MacCurtain instructed, me to take these war materials to Crookstown where he would meet me later and give me further instructions. I understood from him that McNeilus was to be with me later on whatever mission we were going, and that the explosives were intended for blowing bridges..."
Another Irish Volunteers in the area included Seamus Fitzgerald, "Carrigbeg", Summerhill. Cork, a member of the 'A' Company (Cobh), 4th Battn., Cork No. 1 Bgde., I.R.A., 1913 - 1921 and later T.D. in 1st Dáil Éireann; Chairman of Parish Court, Cobh; President of East Cork District Court. District Court recalled the events of the morning in his 1958 statement to the Bureau of Military History:
"....Before our departure from Sheares' St., Jack O'Connell and Willie Ahern arrived by bicycle from Cobh to join us. They were allotted to the four Cork Company units and other County units which paraded and marched off to the Macroom Station. I joined the armed cycle unit, about twenty strong, led by Freddie Murray and McNeilus; Michael Lynch (stepbrother of Diarmuid Lynch)looked a striking figure in full uniform, with a fine motor cycle combination which he was using apparently for special despatch work. We cycled off at 12 noon, stopping for a few minutes at the end of the Western Road to talk to MacSwiney who was in an open touring motor car with others...."
Michael in his statement describes the journey from Cork that morning:
".... I left for Crookstown about the time the Cork City Companies were moving off from Sheares' Street, but I was there before them and had to wait their arrival, When Tomás MacCurtain arrived in Crookstown he instructed me to go on to Bweeing where commandant P. Twomey's Battalion Would be assembled, and to take charge of them until he arrived there. On the way to Bweeing two R.I.C. men signalled me to stop at a point on the road which I don't now remember. The road was unfamiliar to me. I took the most direct route. I pretended to comply with the signal to stop, but on coming abreast of the police I accelerated and shot past them. If they had attempted to stop me by force I would have resisted, to ensures the safety of the military stores I was carrying. I had a .45 and a .32 pistol on me and a rifle in the side car....
....While awaiting commandant MacCurtain's arrival at Bweeing I deemed it advisable to keep the men assembled there active, and exercises were carried out, I put my motor cycle in a back yard under a guard of five Volunteers armed with rifles and fixed bayonets. These men later reported that four R.I.C. and two others, stated to be detectives, rushed into the yard, and that one of the Volunteers on guard. ripped the tunic of the R.I.C. Sergeant with his bayonet. The police then withdrew...."
In Bweeing that day were Liam Jones - Greenhill, Patrick McCarthy - Lahakineen, Cornelius O'Regan - Monaparson Mourneabbey, Co. Cork of the Mourneabbey Company Irish Volunteers and they recalled in a joint statement to the Bureau of Military History in October 1947:
"....There assembled also at Bweeing, Companies from Kilmona, Whitechurch, Courtbrack, Mallow, Donoughmore and Castletownroche. A guard was put on the public houses, and some exercise were carried out on Shea's Hill nearby. Micheál Lynch arrived on a motor cycle and side car soon after we got to Bweeing. It was getting dusk when Tomás MacCurtain, Terence MacSwiney and Tom Kent arrived in a car from the Donoughmore direction. Tomas MacCurtain spoke to the whole parade, standing on a roadside fence. He spoke briefly. He said that he had hoped for better things that day. The men were to return quietly to their homes, they may be called upon again at any time and they should remain alert and ready for further orders. They should safeguard their arms. The car in which the Brigade Officers travelled returned towards Donoughmore. Micheál Lynch left about the same time as they did. We marched back to our own area. The night was very wet and everybody was soaked...."
Patrick P. Twomey, Kilmona, Blarney, Co. Cork of the Kilmona Company Irish Volunteers & 3rd Battalion. Cork Brigade, 1915-16 recalled in October 1947 that he was also in Bweeing:
"....The day was cold and we decided to carry out some exercises to keep the men occupied. These. had been carried out on a hill about half a mile away and the men were back at the cross and formed up again before Tomás MacCurtain arrived. Micheál. Lynch had arrived at Bweeing, soon after us, but he had no message or instruction. He remained until the Brigade O/C. arrived. There were two detectives from Mallow there also and R.I.C men from Dromohane..."
James Harte, Ryefield, Whitechurch, Co. Cork of the Whitechurch Company Irish Volunteers recalled in his submission in 1947 of exercises being carried out in Bweeing on Easter Sunday.
".... Micheál. Lynch arrived there soon after we did and stayed all day. We had no definite information of what was intended and did not know at what points other Companies of the Brigade were mobilised. There was, however, a feeling prevailing genera1ly that serious things may happen. Both my father, Peter Harte, and my uncle, James Harte, were old Fenians. My father was always in touch with Tomás MacCurtain and was very friendly with him. I thought he knew more than I did. When I was leaving home that morning I believe he thought we were going into a fight. He said to me, "Mind the turning, Seamus". I understood him to mean that a point would come at which our movement may be turned away from its objective. ..."
Thomas J. Golden, Gurrane, Donoughmore, Co. Cork. Office in Charge of the Courtbrack Company Irish Volunteers and the Donoughmore Battalion, Cork 1 Bgde., I.R.A. 1914 - 1921 recalled in 1957:
"...We paraded at Gurrane and marched to Ahadillane, where we met the Kilmona, Whitechurch, Waterloo and Mourne Abbey Companies. The whole party marched to Bweeing Cross. The Donoughmore Company marched directly to Bweeing Cross. Shortly after our arrival Michael Lynch came there on a motor cycle. I do not know if he had any particular business there; he did not bring any message that I know of. The Mallow Company also arrived at Bweeing Cross...."
John Manning, Moulnahorna, Carriganimma, Co. Cork. Member of the Donoughmore Company Irish Volunteers and later Cork 1. Brigade, I.R.A. 1915 - 1921 in his submission of December 1957:
"...The company marched to Beeing, arriving there at 12.30, the time appointed in orders. Companies from Courtbrack, Whitechurch, Mourne Abbey, Mallow, Castletownroche and Nadd paraded there also. Michael Lynch arrived on a motor cycle, and some exercises were carried out. .."
Daniel Hegarty, Fair Street, Mallow, Co. Cork. Member of the Mallow, Company Irish Volunteers 1913-1916 recalled the lack of information on the day in his submission of October 1947:
".... On arrival at Bweeing Cross we found that Companies from Mourne Abbey Whitechurch, Kilmona, Courtbrack and Donoughmore had also assembled there. Two R.I.C. men from Mellow were there when we arrived. Some exercises were carried out under Michael Lynch, and late in the afternoon we were about a mile on the Mallow side of the main body of Volunteers. Word was sent to us there that the exercises were over and that we were to proceed home as quietly as possible. I believe Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney came to Bweeing but I did not see them or hear Tomás speak. We had no information of where other mobilisations had taken place or of what was happening in other areas...."
Michael, through his statement takes us through the next few hours of Easter Sunday:
"....Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney arrived at Bweeing in a motor car between seven and eight o'clock on Easter Sunday evening. I have no recollection of Tom Kent being with them. Tomas MacCurtain spoke to all the assembled Volunteers, standing on the roadside fence. As far as I remember, be said something to the effect that they had expected the enemy would attack on that day but it had not come off, the men were to return to their homes, keep their organisation intact, safeguard their arms and be ready when called upon again. It was a short speech. Terry MacSwiney did not speak. I do not know where they went from Bweeing. Tomás MacCurtain, before leaving, instructed me to go to Carriganimma and inform any men of' the Cork Brigade still assembled there that they were to return to their homes....It was nearly dark when I left Bweeing, and raining. I went to Carriganimma, still carrying the load of explosives I contacted four or five men who were there, and, all rain-soaked, we spent the night at Paud O'Donoghue's house in the vicinity of the village..."
In fact there were more than "four or five men" waiting on instructions that night in Carriganimma according to Dr. Patrick O'Sullivan, Farsid Villa, Rostellan, Co. Cork - the Commanding Officer of Kilnamartyra Company (Co. Cork) Irish Volunteers, 1914-1916 who recalled:
"...we marched to Carriganimma on the road to Millstreet as we expected that there we were to collect the arms from Casement's ship, the 'Aud'. Nothing happened and after nightfall a motor cyclist (he may have been Peadar O'Hourihane or perhaps it was Michael Lynch of Tracton, a half-brother of Diarmujd) arrived with orders for us to go home. The Macroom Company was there under the command of Dan Corkery; the Carriganimma Company was there under Paud O'Donoghue and the Clondrohid Company under Jim Murphy. We marched home again and stood to all Easter Week. "
James Murphy Main St., Macroom, Co. Cork and Tim Buckley, Clondrohid P.O., Macroom, Co. Cork in his submission to the Bureau of Military History in October 1947: "....When all the Companies were assembled exercises were carried out on a hill nearby, and it was late, after dark, when Micheál Lynch came on a motor cycle with the official message that the parade Was cancelled and that we were to return to our own areas. We marched back end dispersed at Clondrohid..."
Paud O'Donoghue, Lakefield, Coachford, Go. Cork, Commanding Officer of the Carriganimmia Irish Volunteers company:
"....Companies from Macroom, Kilnamartyra, Ballinagree and Clondrobid also assembled at Carriganimmia...all Companies remained there during the day and some exercise s were carried out. Sean Nolan arrived in the evening and spoke to Dan Corkery, but I do not know if he brought any message Micheál Lynch of Ballyfeard arrived about 8 p.m. with instructions that the exercises were cancelled. We had no information of what was happening in. other areas. All the men were dismissed that night. Micheál Lynch stayed the night with me and returned to Cork next day..."
Dr. Patrick O'Sullivan, Aghada, Co. Cork, member of the Kilnamartyra, Co. Cork Company Irish Volunteers 1914-1916: ".....Some exercises were carried out at Carriganimma and it was late in the evening when Micheál Lynch came with word that we were to return home. The night was very wet and we stayed in Carriganimma, returning to Kilnamartyra on Monday..."
Matthew Murphy, Crossamahon, Lisarda, Co. Cork of the Kilmurry Company Irish Volunteers 1915 to 1916: "....Some exercises were carried out at Carriganimma, and late in the evening Micheál Lynch arrived on a motor bicycle with word that the parade was cancelled and that we were to return to our own areas. We marched back to Macroom...."
Senator Dan Corkery, Macroom, Co. Cork. IRB member and member of the Macroom Company Irish Volunteers: "....We did some exercises. The day was very wet and we got shelter in Walsh's farmhouse. Seán Nolan came but I do not remember that he brought any message. No orders came to us until nearly dusk, between 9 and 10 o'clock, when Michael Lynch arrived on a motor cycle. He told us the instructions were cancelled and we were to return home. We all marched back to Macroom. Tomás MacCurtain or Terence MacSwiney did not visit us at Carriganimma that day...."
Easter Monday, April 24th
Michael Lynch recalled in 1947:
"....Next morning, Monday, I drove back to the city and unloaded the explosives at the Hall in Sheares' Street. I got into Cork about 2. p.m. Having, after some difficulty, got a replacement for a burst tyre, I reported back' to Sheares' Street sometime in the evening. Tomás MacCurtain was there and he ordered seven or eight men present, including myself, to arm themselves with rifles and take up position of defence within the building. About 9 p.m. on Monday night I was given a despatch for Commandant Tom Hales. My instructions were to deliver it to Hyde's, Knockalucy, Ballinhassig, to be sent on from there by the usual despatch route to Tom Hales. I was then to return to my own area, keep men alert and, await orders. Bob Hales left Sheares' Street with me in the side car of the motor cycle. I do not know what the contents of the despatch for Tom Hales were. My engine broke. down near the Viaduct, due to the effects of rain during the preceding 28 hours. Bob Hales and I went on foot. across country to Knockalucy, where we arrived about midnight. Tadg Hyde set off at once. with the despatch to Ballinadee. I stayed at Hyde's that night.. "
Tuesday, April 25th
"...Next day Tuesday, I walked to my own house, Granig, Tracton, 10 miles distant, and brought my rifle and pistols with me..."
Wednesday, April 26th
"....Canon O'Leary, P.P. Tracton, sent for me and requested that my own arms and ammunition and those of the men of the Tracton Company be delivered to him with the understanding that he would keep them safely. I refused. No orders came to me from the Brigade during Easter week..."
Easter Rising Aftermath:
"....I was arrested on May 5th The following were also arrested:- Timothy Lynch, Granig, Tracton. John Noonan, Ballygrissane, Ballyfeard. William F. Noonan, do John O'Brien, Tracton. William. O'Brien, do Timothy Halloran, Ballingarry ... John Halloran. No arms were surrendered in the Company area and none were captured in raids. There were no Fianna or Cuman-na-mBan organisations in the area before 1916..."
The formal notice of arrest was presented to both Lynch brothers:
Notice to Persons with respect to whom an order is made under Regulation 14B, Defence of the Realm Regulations.
Name of Prisoner: Michael Francis Lynch
Address: Granig, Ballyfeard, Co. Cork
W.O. Number: 1765-F.
H.O.Number: 6345435
Notice is hereby given to the above named that an order has been made by the Secretary of State under Regulation 14b of the Defence of the Realm regulations, directing that he shall be interned at a place of internment, on the recommendations of a competent Military Authority on the ground that he is of hostile association and is a prominent member of the Irish Volunteers, or of an association known as the Citizens Army, which have promoted armed insurrection against his Majesty.
If within seven days from the date of his receiving this notice, the above named person submits to the Secretary of State any representations against the provisions of the said order, such representations will be referred to the Advisory Committee appointed for the purpose of advising the Secretary of State with respect to the internment and deportation of Aliens, and presided over by a Judge of the High Court and will be duly considered by the Committee that the order may, so far as it affects the above named prisoner, be revoked or varied without injury to public safety, or the defence of the Realm, he will revoke or vary the order in writing under his hand. Failing such revocation, or variation, the order will remain in force.
Lynch Family Archives – Folder 2 – 1915-1916
Both Michael and Tim were imprisoned in Cork Jail to await transfer to Dublin and trial. Legend has it that when neighbours alerted the family that the soldiers were coming to arrest them, Michael sat back smoking a cigarette and reading a paper while Tim went down on his knees to say the rosary. Michael was arrested, and the Tommies looked quizzically at Tim as he recited the rosary and said ‘You’re comin’ too mate’. The last view of the two brothers was a wave from Michael as Tim continued to say the prayers in the back of the truck.
All were placed in Cork jail where they remained until morning of May 11th when they were transferred to Richmond Jail, Dublin. Timothy Lynch was immediately moved to Wakefield Jail.
On May 18, Mary Lynch, her sister in law Alice and Kathleen Quinn visited Michael, Tim and Diarmuid in Richmond Barracks with the knowledge that Diarmuid was to be tried later that day in Courts Martial. At the trial, Diarmuid was sentenced to death for his role in the Rising.
Muriel McSweeney nee Murphy recalled visiting some of the prisoners in Richmond:
"I came to Dublin to see the prisoners who had been moved up there from Cork. I went to Richmond Barracks and found a Sergeant Major who when he heard my name was Murphy his own name admitted me at once and anyone else who happened to be a Murphy I saw Tomás and, I think, Terry and the Lynchs from Mionán Bridge near Bandon. These were Diarmuid's brothers, Micheál and another. The latter had not been a Volunteer Like many was arrested by mistake but Micheál had done a lot with his motor-bicycle. Micheál is, as far as I know, still living on the farm at Mionan Bridge. They were deported then and I was back in Cork..."
On June 1, 199 prisoners were moved from Richmond, with 100 going to Wakefield, 49 to Wandsworth and 50 to Knutsford. Included in the 100 men transferred to Wakefield was Michael Lynch. He remained there until June 9th when he and others became the first prisoners in Frongoch Prison Camp, North Wales. There he became the South Camp Staff Officer and in charge of the YMCA Hut.
Lynch was released with all the Frongoch prisoners during the Christmas amnesty 1916 and returned home on Christmas Eve.
Michael Lynch resumed as Officer in Charge for Tracton Irish Volunteers from late 1916 to early 1918.
1917 East Clare By-Election
Michael was next involved in the 1917 East Clare By-Election along with his motorcycle and side-car. A fellow prisoner from Frongoch, Thomas Pugh, 6 Churchill Terrace, Ballsbridge, Dublin. Statement No 397 to BMH. 19 June 1950 recalled: "....I had a lot of experience of electioneering work; I had been everything at elections, I had been presiding officer, polling clerk, a representative of the candidate and everything except a candidate. I knew all about electioneering and I was selected to go to East dare for de Valera's election. We opened the campaign for de Valera. J. K. O'Reilly was with me at a place called Broadford, and from the top of an outside car I sang "The Soldier's Song, it was the first time it was heard down there... Mick Lynch, Diarmuid Lynch's brother, from Cork was there shortly afterwards. He had an Indian combination and we toured the constituency. We were fired on at one place, probably by an R.I.C. man for it was a miniature rifle bullet which went through the car..."
Diarmuid was an Election Agent on behalf of de Valera.
Henry O'Mahony, The Glen, Monkstown, Co. Cork. Company Captain, Passage West. Battalion Adjutant. Battalion Vice 0/C recalled in October 1956: "..Early in 1918, it was decided to form a separate battalion of the four companies in the area Monkstown, Rochestown, Passage West and Ringaskiddy. Michael Lynch became Battalion 0/C. I became vice-0/C. I don't remember the name of the adjutant. Jack Barrett became Q.M. The strength of the battalion was then 200. Then came the threat of conscription when the battalion, strength went up to 350. When the threat had passed, our strength dwindled to 250, most of the older men left. Drilling was intensified during the period. From then to the end of the year, approaching the general election, we carried out routine parading and drilling.
For this area Diarmuid Lynch, Micheal's brother, was nominated Sinn Fein candidate to oppose the Nationalist candidate. With the other Volunteers in the area I canvassed and spoke on public platforms on behalf of our candidate who was elected. ..."
In early January 1918, Michael along with Tom Hales, Michael Leahy and Sean O'Sullivan and representatives of all Cork and Kerry Irish Volunteers took part in an official IRB enquiry into the inaction of the Munster Irish Volunteers during 1916. This was conducted by Diarmuid Lynch, Con Collins, Richard Mulcahy and Cathal Brugha.
The following month, Michael became involved in 'agrarian disturbances' in which he and other 'Sinn Fein followers' attempted to reinstate an evicted tenant on the farm of Mr. Hosford in Snugmore, Kinsale. As a result, Michael was arrested, tried and sentenced to six months in Cork jail.
Michael was imprisoned in Cork jail initially but ‘removed from Cork Jail to Mountjoy while on Hunger Strike early in April 1918. I relinquished the strike after 15 days on orders from Austin Stack and Michael Collins. Released from Mountjoy about June 1918’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
William Whelan, 3 Grosvenor Villa, Putland Road, Bray, Co. Wicklow recalled in his statement to the Bureau of Military History, that he was present at Lynch's release in June 1918: "After my return home I became more intimate with Michael Collins through Harry Boland and he detailed me for the job of taking a man out of Mountjoy. I believe his name was Mick Lynch. He was a Cork man, wearing a beard. At that time Mick Collins was staying in the Distillery at Jones' Road. I never met this Lynch man before but those who were with me knew him. He was due for release and Collins was afraid he would be arrested when he got outside the gate. One of the men with me was lame. The British did not re-arrest Lynch and we escorted him down to the Distillery where we all had breakfast with Collins..."
Henry O'Mahony in his statement recalled events of 1919 in October 1956:
"....Routine drilling continued throughout 1919. In the summer of this year the battalion 0/C., Micheál Lynch, became involved in agrarian trouble in Rochestown which led to a split among the Volunteers of the battalion. At this time, a ban had been imposed on hunting in the area by the Sinn Fein Executive. Micheál Lynch was a member of the Hunt - The South Union and attended their meetings in his red coat in spite of the ban, with the result that he dismissed from his post as battalion 0/C. by the Brigade 0/C., Terence McSwiney. The activities of Lynch in this respect and the agrarian trouble resulted in the disorganisation of the battalion. I was then asked by the brigade 0/C. to reorganise the area. After a lot of trouble, especially in the Rochestown area, I got the four companies going again, but it was some time before they functioned as a battalion. The companies worked. as separate units, however."
Was this a cover for other activities?
During April 1919-March 1920, Michael Lynch ‘occupied the position of Munster Representative on the Supreme Council I.R.B.’ and ‘in the spring of 1919, Michael Collins ordered me to ‘stay aloof’ from open IRA activities and assigned me to intelligence work’ with services rendered in ‘Cork, Dublin and Clonmel’ reporting to Michael Collins and Florence O’Donoghue, Adjutant, Cork Brigade IRA.
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
Lynch, in his 1935 statement to the Pensions Board commented that during 1st April 1918 and 31st March 1919 ‘among other services, I purchased rifles from American sailors then at Passage West and delivered them to the Cork Brigade Hdqrs.’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
During this period, Michael Lynch ‘arranged for the purchase of £200 worth of rifles and ammunition in London – which sum of money was given to me by Michael Collins for that purpose’ and those who were aware of the purchase ‘in London, those who had knowledge of that purchase of arms were Mr. Sean McGrath and a man named Twomey’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
From April 1 1920 and 31st March 1921, Michael Lynch ‘operated under Michael Collins Dublin and Florence O’Donoghue, Cork’ in the districts of ‘Cork, Dublin and Clonmel’ doing ‘intelligence work and bearer of secret despatches’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
Following Independence, Lynch took no part in the Civil War. In the mid 1920's, Michael became in involved in road construction contracting, building the road between Fountainstown and Myrtleville in Cork and thoroughbred horse sales in the United States before returning to Ireland and working with the Land Commission in Wicklow. He retired to Tracton and died in 1956.
Elected O/C of Ballingeary Irish Volunteers in 1914.. he recalled in his February 1948 deposition to the BMH: "....The whole Company attended the Manchester Martyrs' Commemoration in Cork in November, 1915, all armed with shot guns. The whole Company also attended the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork in 1916, similarly armed. ...We got a single shot, large bore, Snyder rifle from Jeremiah Twohig, School Teacher, with about a dozen rounds of ammunition for it. We had a German Mauser rifle, which Terence MacSwiney got for the Company from the Cork Committee. We had enough shot guns to arm the remainder of the men. Bayonets were made for the shot guns but never put on. In 1915 and up to Easter 1916, parades were held on one night each week and every Sunday. The normal training was Close order drill, arms drill, extended order drill, target practice with a .22 rifle and route marches. Terence MacSwiney came out to us frequently. We paid 2d or 3d a week into a Company fund for the purchase of equipment. We got also some discarded equipment of the original Company and a part of that Company's funds. We had haversacks, bandoliers and belts. We bought caps for the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork in 1916. We had no puttees.
The orders for Easter Sunday, 1916, came to us from Seán O'Hegarty a few days before. They were to the effect that the Company was to parade with all arms and equipment and a week's provisions at Ballingeary after first Mass on Easter Sunday and go to Kealkil to meet the Bantry Company there. This order was based on an instruction given to Seán O'Hegarty by Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney when they visited him at Ballingeary on the Sunday before Easter Sunday. They had then informed, him that his mission on Easter Sunday was to take charge of the Bantry and Ballingeary Companies at Kealkil, to take Kealkil Police Barracks and afterwards to block and bold the Pass of Keimeneigh. But, when he had, assembled the two Companies at Kealkil, he was to take no offensive action until and unless word was sent to him to do so by the Brigade. Peadar O'Hourihan was to bring the word. Seán O'Hegarty was to wait until 4 o'clock for it. The Company paraded on Saturday night and all were instructed to assemble in Ballingeary after first Mass next day. No one, except Seán O'Hegarty, had any definite information that action was contemplated on Easter Sunday, but all understood that it was a possibility.
When the Company was assembled in the village, and before it moved off to Kealkil, Peadar O'Hourihan arrived on a motor cycle and sidecar. He brought a written message from Brigade Headquarters to Seán Lynch to the effect that the Company was to go to Kealkil, meet the Bantry Company there and await further orders. A policeman named Bennett came along while Lynch was reading the despatch and did his best to have a look at it. The arms which the Company had that day were : One long Lee Enfield rifle (Seán O'Hegarty's) and 50 rounds. One Mauser rifle with 20 rounds. One old Snyder rifle with 12 rounds One .22 rifle with 100 rounds. Ten shot guns with about 400 rounds. Three .32 revolvers with about 60 rounds. Micheál Ó Cuill had brought Seán O'Hegarty's rifle out from Cork some time previously, walking from Mullinrue to Tuirindubh. Some of the shot guns were the property of members of the Company and some were on loan from local farmers. None had been purchased. Between. 100 and 200 cartridges had been loaded with slug. Four members of the Company walked to Kealkil; the remainder cycled. The cycling party arrived in Kealkil about one o'clock, and the men on foot a short time before the arrival of the Bantry Company. The Bantry men carried no arms - visibly anyhow. Just after our arrival a policeman from Kealkil went off on a bicycle in the Bantry direction. Scouts were posted and some exercised carried out. Two men on outpost duty were held up by police who wanted to know if they had licences for their shot guns.
No message came up to six o'clock; although Seán O'Hegarty's instructions were to wait until 4 o'clock; he waited until 6 o'clock before dismissing the men. All the police at Kealkil were at the Cross as we came through the village. They attempted to hold up some men and one Volunteer had been pulled off his bicycle. Seán O'Hegarty came up said asked the Sergeant if he was looking for trouble. The Sergeant said no, and it must have been clear to him from the attitude of the Volunteers that it would be inadvisable for him to provoke it. Seán O'Hegarty told Seán Lynch to take his men off, and the police did not interfere any further. All the man returned to Ballingeary and dispersed to their homes. On Monday, about 12 o'clock, or 1 Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney and Bob Hales came to Tuirindubh in a car from the East. Mary and Annie MacSwiney were staying there at the time. MacCurtain and MacSwiney walked to the house where Seán O'Hegarty was, some distance West of Tuirindubh. There they told him of the order cancelling the Easter exercises which they had received on Sunday. They had no information about the Rising which was then. actually beginning in Dublin, and had no doubt but that it had been postponed. In the course of discussing the situation, it was clear that they accepted the message received on Sunday as representing the decision of all parties in Dublin and their anxiety was to get to Dublin. as soon as possible to discover what had gone wrong and to try and get things going again. They did not give Seán O'Hegarty any instructions. He walked East to Tuirindubh with them and they left in the car, going towards Ballingeary, about 3 o'clock. 0n Monday night late a car in which was Tadg O'Leary, who worked in Suttons in Cork, and a driver came to Tuirindubh. O'Leary was looking for MacCurtain and MacSwiney. They were not there.
Mary MacSwiney went into Cork on Tuesday and Annie went on Thursday. To each of them Seán O'Hegarty gave a message for the Brigade Officers asking that instructions be Sent to him. He received none. On Thursday or Friday Dan Twomey, who had been in Cork, came out. He had only unofficial information and brought no instructions. On Saturday Seán O'Hegarty sent Pat Sweeney to Cork with a further request for instructions. Sweeney reported back that he could not get near the Volunteer Hall.
There were no arrests in the Company area. Most of the members of the Company were on the run for some time afterwards. No arms were surrendered and none, captured in raids. In the second week after Easter. Cavalry from Ballincollig raided as far West as Tuirindubh, subsequently retiring to Ballincollig...."
The orders for Easter Sunday, 1916, came to us from Seán O'Hegarty a few days before. They were to the effect that the Company was to parade with all arms and equipment and a week's provisions at Ballingeary after first Mass on Easter Sunday and go to Kealkil to meet the Bantry Company there. This order was based on an instruction given to Seán O'Hegarty by Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney when they visited him at Ballingeary on the Sunday before Easter Sunday. They had then informed, him that his mission on Easter Sunday was to take charge of the Bantry and Ballingeary Companies at Kealkil, to take Kealkil Police Barracks and afterwards to block and bold the Pass of Keimeneigh. But, when he had, assembled the two Companies at Kealkil, he was to take no offensive action until and unless word was sent to him to do so by the Brigade. Peadar O'Hourihan was to bring the word. Seán O'Hegarty was to wait until 4 o'clock for it. The Company paraded on Saturday night and all were instructed to assemble in Ballingeary after first Mass next day. No one, except Seán O'Hegarty, had any definite information that action was contemplated on Easter Sunday, but all understood that it was a possibility.
When the Company was assembled in the village, and before it moved off to Kealkil, Peadar O'Hourihan arrived on a motor cycle and sidecar. He brought a written message from Brigade Headquarters to Seán Lynch to the effect that the Company was to go to Kealkil, meet the Bantry Company there and await further orders. A policeman named Bennett came along while Lynch was reading the despatch and did his best to have a look at it. The arms which the Company had that day were : One long Lee Enfield rifle (Seán O'Hegarty's) and 50 rounds. One Mauser rifle with 20 rounds. One old Snyder rifle with 12 rounds One .22 rifle with 100 rounds. Ten shot guns with about 400 rounds. Three .32 revolvers with about 60 rounds. Micheál Ó Cuill had brought Seán O'Hegarty's rifle out from Cork some time previously, walking from Mullinrue to Tuirindubh. Some of the shot guns were the property of members of the Company and some were on loan from local farmers. None had been purchased. Between. 100 and 200 cartridges had been loaded with slug. Four members of the Company walked to Kealkil; the remainder cycled. The cycling party arrived in Kealkil about one o'clock, and the men on foot a short time before the arrival of the Bantry Company. The Bantry men carried no arms - visibly anyhow. Just after our arrival a policeman from Kealkil went off on a bicycle in the Bantry direction. Scouts were posted and some exercised carried out. Two men on outpost duty were held up by police who wanted to know if they had licences for their shot guns.
No message came up to six o'clock; although Seán O'Hegarty's instructions were to wait until 4 o'clock; he waited until 6 o'clock before dismissing the men. All the police at Kealkil were at the Cross as we came through the village. They attempted to hold up some men and one Volunteer had been pulled off his bicycle. Seán O'Hegarty came up said asked the Sergeant if he was looking for trouble. The Sergeant said no, and it must have been clear to him from the attitude of the Volunteers that it would be inadvisable for him to provoke it. Seán O'Hegarty told Seán Lynch to take his men off, and the police did not interfere any further. All the man returned to Ballingeary and dispersed to their homes. On Monday, about 12 o'clock, or 1 Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney and Bob Hales came to Tuirindubh in a car from the East. Mary and Annie MacSwiney were staying there at the time. MacCurtain and MacSwiney walked to the house where Seán O'Hegarty was, some distance West of Tuirindubh. There they told him of the order cancelling the Easter exercises which they had received on Sunday. They had no information about the Rising which was then. actually beginning in Dublin, and had no doubt but that it had been postponed. In the course of discussing the situation, it was clear that they accepted the message received on Sunday as representing the decision of all parties in Dublin and their anxiety was to get to Dublin. as soon as possible to discover what had gone wrong and to try and get things going again. They did not give Seán O'Hegarty any instructions. He walked East to Tuirindubh with them and they left in the car, going towards Ballingeary, about 3 o'clock. 0n Monday night late a car in which was Tadg O'Leary, who worked in Suttons in Cork, and a driver came to Tuirindubh. O'Leary was looking for MacCurtain and MacSwiney. They were not there.
Mary MacSwiney went into Cork on Tuesday and Annie went on Thursday. To each of them Seán O'Hegarty gave a message for the Brigade Officers asking that instructions be Sent to him. He received none. On Thursday or Friday Dan Twomey, who had been in Cork, came out. He had only unofficial information and brought no instructions. On Saturday Seán O'Hegarty sent Pat Sweeney to Cork with a further request for instructions. Sweeney reported back that he could not get near the Volunteer Hall.
There were no arrests in the Company area. Most of the members of the Company were on the run for some time afterwards. No arms were surrendered and none, captured in raids. In the second week after Easter. Cavalry from Ballincollig raided as far West as Tuirindubh, subsequently retiring to Ballincollig...."
Born 10 October 1890, Gurraneedmond, Donoughmore. Joined the Donoughmore Company of the Irish Volunteers in October 1915. While attending the Officers Training Course, he was sworn into the IRB by Seán O'Sullivan. On return from the officers Training Course, appointed O/C of the company.
".... Forty men from the company took part in the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork in 1916. Sixteen were armed with shotguns and some with croppy pikes. Some shotguns had been purchased at this time also a large quantity of shotgun ammunition. Thirteen croppy pikes had been made by local blacksmiths - Patrick Collins and Joseph Collins. The pike handles were supplied and fitted by Patrick Daly and his brother. The company was on parade on Friday evening, April 21st, 1916, when a dispatch arrived from Brigade Headquarters. It was received by me. It contained the instructions for the parade on Easter Sunday. The: company was dismissed and a Company Council meeting held. At this meeting, orders were issued, in accordance with the instructions received, for a mobilisation of the whole company at Coolmona on Easter Sunday at 11 a.m. sharp, with all arms, ammunition and equipment and two days' rations. Instructions were given to have the mobilization carried out as quickly as possible so as not to arouse the suspicions of the R.I.C. The men received their mobilisation orders during Saturday. We had no definite information that this was anything more than an ordinary parade, but the general feeling at the time was tense and we felt that the order might mean business. I had been at a brigade meeting in Cork on, I think, the second Sunday before Easter, and Tadgh Barry told me there was something on.
The arms which the company had on that day were: - seventeen shotguns, with 1,500 rounds of ammunition, thirteen pikes, two revolvers, with 40 rounds of ammunition. The company marched to Beeing, arriving there at 12.30, the time appointed in orders. Companies from Courtbrack, Whitechurch, Mourne Abbey, Mallow, Castletownroche and Nadd paraded there also. Michael Lynch arrived on a motor cycle, and some exercises were carried out. Later in the evening, Tomás MacCurtain arrived in a car. There were other officers with him. I think Terence MacSwiney was one of them. MacCurtain ordered the company to return to and remain under arms until further orders. The company marched back to its own area that night, and the men returned to their homes with instructions to be available at short notice. The car containing Tomás MacCurtain and the other officers had passed us at Beenalought going towards Donoughmore, when we were marching back.
On Monday and Tuesday, most of the officers were engaged in loading shotgun ammunition with slugs. On the Tuesday following Easter Week, a messenger arrived from Brigade H.Q. in Cork City to make arrangements for the removal and dumping of the arms belonging to the Cork City Battalion in our area. I dispatched two horses and carts, driven by members of the company, to the city. On their arrival, they were informed that the rifles had been handed over on the previous night to the Bishop of Cork, so they returned to their own area without the arms.
There were no arrests in the area after Easter Week. The Volunteer organisation continued to carry on, but was now operating more or less underground. Parades a were not held as frequently as prior to Easter Week. However, all members met and drilled in the fields in the district.
Early in 1917, following the release of the internees from Frongoch, the reorganisation of the Volunteers was undertaken. The strength of the Donoughmore Company at this stage was about 40. ..as the summer of 1917 advanced, the strength of the company reached about 50....the company took a hand in the formation and organisation of other Volunteer units in the surrounding districts. Our usual mode of procedure was to go on a route march into an area - usually on a Sunday evening - and to make contact with some of the locals who were interested. Our contacts were usually made with members of the local G.A.A. club.
There was no battalion organisation in the area at this period and Donoughmore Company was an independent unit of Cork Brigade. In my capacity as o/c of the company, I attended several Brigade Council meetings which at this time were mainly concerned with organisation work. The meetings were held at irregular intervals in Cork City, or in other suitable districts. Two members of the company - Jerh. Scanlan and Patrick Collins - were arrested about October, 1917. They were charged with unlawful assembly and were tried at the local Petty Sessions Court. They were each sentenced to I4 days imprisonment. They were released after three days hunger-strike.
There was a big influx of new recruits when the British threatened to enforce Conscription in the early part of 1918. The strength of the Donoughmore Company now reached about 100...the "old reliables" were engaged on the manufacture of home-made bombs and buckshot as well as re-loading cartridges. All available arms in the area were now collected in a series of raids which were carried out by selected men. In all cases, the arms, mainly shotguns, were surrendered voluntarily. Our armament at this time consisted of about twenty shotguns, a miniature rifle (.22), four revolvers (.38), 2,000 rounds shotgun ammunition, 100 rounds revolver and 500 rounds miniature rifle ammunition. Special attention was paid to the training of the company at this period, as an armed protest was inevitable should the British proceed to enforce Conscription. The threat of Conscription passed during the summer of 1918 and there was a slight reduction in the strength of the company. However, the vast majority of the new recruits continued to serve..... During the summer of 1918, week-end manoeuvres were carried out on several occasions. These operations, in which three or four neighbouring companies, and sometimes all the companies in the battalion, took part, were carried out under the control of one of the battalion officers. On these occasions, the men learned to move across country utilising the available cover, while selected men were being trained as scouts or signallers.
There was no activity in our own area in connection with the General Election in December, 1918, as the Sinn Féin candidate - Terence MacSwiney - was returned unopposed. However, I took a party of about 40 men from Donoughmore Company into Cork City to assist in election work there.
It was now decided to reorganise Cork Brigade, which contained about twenty battalions and embraced the whole of Cork County. The county was now divided into three areas and a separate brigade organisation was set up in each area. Our battalion (Donoughmore) now became a unit of Cork No. 1 Brigade, which included the areas of Mid and East Cork as well as Cork City. The battalions in the brigade were: - Cork City (Nos. 1 and 2), Ovens (No. 3), Cobh (No. 4), Whitechurch (No. 5), Donughmore (No. 6), Macroom (No. 7), Ballyvourney (No. 8), Passage West (No. 9). The first officers of this brigade were, I think: - 0/C - Tomás MacCurtain Vice 0/C - Terence MacSwiney Adjt. - Florrie O'Donoghue Q/M - Seán MacSwiney.
Normal training continued throughout 1919 and, in addition, we were busy on the manufacture of home-made bombs, collecting arms and organising functions to raise funds for the purchase of guns.
The Bowen-Colthurst family, one of whom shot Sheehy-Skeffington in Dublin during Easter Week, were resident in the Dripsey area, where they were more or less boycotted. They set up a cheese factory in the area and were being supplied with milk by about half a dozen farmers with an imperialist outlook. We decided to see that the boycott was fully enforced, so on August 15th 1919, I took a party of about ten men from Donoughmore to the vicinity of Dripsey, where we held up the milk carts on their way to the cheese factory. We spilled the milk and smashed up some of the carts - at the same time warning the drivers to inform the farmers for whom they worked, to discontinue supplying milk to the Bowen-Colthurst firm. As a result of this raid, the cheese factory went out of business. About this period, I took charge of a party of about half a dozen men from the company (Donoughmore) which carried out a number of raids for arms in the Nadd and Newberry, Mallow districts. We captured six shotguns and a small supply of ammunition.
There were two officers from outside the area 'on the run' in the district at this time - Ben O'Hickey, and Leo Murphy. In co-operation with three members of the company (Donoughmore), they arranged to attack two members of the R.I.C. in Berrings Towards the end of September, 1919. The members of. my company who took part in this attack were Jerh. Scanlon (1st Lieut.), Humphrey Kelleher and Dan McCarthy. The operation was undertaken on a Sunday morning as the R.I.C. men, who were armed with revolvers, left the church after Mass at Berrings. The R.I.C. resisted and one of them was seriously wounded. Two revolvers and some ammunition were taken by the raiding party, who returned to my company area.
Despite the fact that one of the men who took part was 1st Lieutenant of the company (Donoughmore), I was consulted about the proposed operation. Some days after the attack on the R.I.C. at Berrings, a Battalion Council meeting was held at Firmount. 12. This meeting was attended by the Brigade Adjutant (Florrie O'Donoghue). I raised the question of the activities of the men 'on the run' - Leo Murphy and Ben O'Hickey - and pointed out that they appeared to be taking control of the operations in the district. The Brigade Adjutant ruled that they had no authority to organise or undertake operations in the area without the prior consent of the Company 0/C.
On November 12th 1919, an ex-British officer - Dr. Sanderford - from Cork City was fowling in the area. He was held up by four members of the Donoughmore Company. His shotgun and ammunition and .38 revolver were taken from him. On the same date, three other members of the company - were operating on another road in order to make sure that this man was intercepted. Training was now becoming more intensive and special services - engineering, transport, intelligence - were now organised on a thorough basis. Selected men from each company and battalion were trained in these services. Beyond the normal training, there were no activities during the remaining portion of 1919.
The next operation in the company (Donoughmore) area was planned for February 20th 1920, when a strong party - about 20 - from the company took up ambush positions at Tullig on the Donoughmore-Coachford road about two miles from Donoughmore. We were on high ground overlooking the road. The majority of the party were at the western side. With the exception of two men, who were armed with rifles, the others carried shotguns. ..We took up positions about 3 p.m. to await a party of R.I.C. on their way back from an enquiry at Coachford. We remained in position until about 4.30 p.m., when we received word from one of our scouts that the R.I.C. had returned to Donoughmore by another road. Early in March, 1920, two members of the R.I.C. from Donoughmore were driven to the annual point-to-point races at Forest, near Blarney, by a shopkeeper named Michael R. Walsh. When I learned of their departure, I immediately set about making arrangements to ambush the party on their return journey. I mobilised a party of about twenty..We were armed with two rifles and a number of shotguns. We took up a position at Clonmoyle on the Donoughmore-Coachford road about 3.30 p.m. We were behind the roadside fence about miles from Coachford, but although we remained there until close on 6 p.m., the R.I.C. party did not pass. We then withdrew from the position and returned to our homes. We learned later that the R.I.C. men and their driver had returned to their base (Donoughmore) by another road...It was now decided at a meeting of the Company Council of Donoughmore Company to boycott Michael R. Walsh who had driven the members of the R.I.C. to the races. Notices regarding the boycott were posted up throughout the area, and within a matter of twenty-four hours Michael R. Walsh was without any customers. After about two months, Mr. Walsh decided to apologise for having co-operated with the enemy forces. lie apologised in public at the church gate one Sunday after Mass, and the boycott was then lifted. There was another boycott case in which two brothers - Philip and Tom Barrett - who helped to till the garden plot attached to the R.I.C. barrack, were similarly dealt with. The boycott in this case was lifted after negotiations with the local Catholic Curate - Fr. Smith - on somewhat similar terms.
All members of Donoughmore Company paraded under my command at the funerals of Tomás MacCurtain in March, 1920, and Terence MacSwiney in October, 1920. Tomás MacCurtain was murdered in his home by British forces, and Terence MacSwiney died on hunger-strike in Brixton Prison, London. Both men were, at the time of their deaths, 0/C, Cork 1 Brigade, I.R.A. On Easter Saturday night, 1920, I took a party of men from Donoughmore Company to Rylane, where we set fire to the evacuated R.I.C. barracks. This operation was carried out in accordance with the instructions in a general order from G.H.Q. that all evacuated enemy posts throughout the country should be destroyed on this date. Some days following the burning of Rylane R.I.C. barracks, I was arrested and taken to Cork Jail. I was removed to Crumlin Road. Jail, Belfast, about a week later. Three days later, I went on hunger-strike with a number of other I.R.A prisoners. On the evening of the third day of the strike, the prisoners were removed in a British warship to Wales, and on to Wormwood Scrubs Prison in London area. When I had been 24 days on hunger-strike, I was removed to an outside hospital, and some ten days later I was taken to the home of an Irish resident in London. Eventually I returned to my home area towards the end of May, 1920. Within a few days, I had. resumed my normal duties as 0/C of the company (Donoughmore), and on the evening of June 1st 1920 I matched the majority of the members of the unit to Healy's Bridge on the Lee mount road leading from Ballincollig to Blarney. We took positions on high ground overlooking the road to await any enemy reinforcements which might travel this road to the relief of the garrison of Blarney R.I.C. barracks, which was being attacked by a party of I.R.A. men drawn from the battalions in Cork City. We took our positions about 8 p.m. and blocked the road by felling a tree across it. A second tree was in the course of being sawn through when a party of military drove up to the first tree in a Crossly tender. Fire was immediately opened on the enemy by my section. This fusilade was replied to, and during a sharp exchange the enemy transport reversed out of the position, turned and made off towards Ballincollig We now moved to higher ground, still holding command of the road, until we were called off about 9.30 p.m. (I think). We had withdrawn some time when a party of military on foot arrived in the area. The men from my company (Donoughmore), and all other units engaged, now withdrew to their home areas. As I was not feeling quite fit after the Wormwood Scrubs hunger-strike, I did not continue on to my home district but billeted in a house on the way. As far as I can recollect, Donoughmore R.I.C. barracks, which had been evacuated some days before, was burned by my colleagues on their way back from Blarney. The next operation in which the members of Donoughmore Company took part was the attack on Carrigadrohid R.I.C. post by the men of Macroom Battalion on the night of June 9th 1920. On this occasion, the full company was mobilised and was engaged in road blocking and outpost duty on the Coachford road. All covering parties and outposts were armed - mainly with shotguns.
Towards the end of June, 1920, another abortive effort to engage the enemy occurred. On this occasion, about a dozen men from Donoughmore Company were mobilised at short notice in the vicinity of Crean's Cross on the Ballycunningham-Donoughmore road. They were to engage a patrol of two R.I.C. men and, one soldier who were reported to have gone towards Donoughmore. They had only been in their position a short time when they received information that the patrol had left the area by another route. The ambush party moved hurriedly across country in an effort to intercept the enemy near Matehy, but they were late, as the patrol had passed through the selected position. I was not present on this occasion as, due to the necessity for urgent mobilisation, word of the proposed operation could not be sent to me in time.
On the evening of July 14th 1920, a military lorry conveying stores- mainly camping equipment - was held up at Barracharrig on the Cork-Banteer road and destroyed by fire. ..This was another hurried job and only men in the vicinity at the time were engaged. Some members of the company (Donoughmore), under Dan McCarthy (1st Lieut.), carried out a raid on Kilmurry railway station on the night of July 16th 1920, and seized a quantity of petrol in tins. The captured stores were dumped in Donoughmore area.... Our next effort to engage the enemy also proved abortive, although we remained in position each evening from about 6 p.m. to 11 p.m. over a period of a week or so. We were awaiting a military lorry which was reported to have passed through the position occupied by. us at Kilcullen on the Donoughmore-Rylane road at least once a week. On this occasion, a party of about 50 men drawn from the company (Donoughmore) were on duty each evening, but the lorry did not travel. The party were armed - two with rifles and the remainder with shotguns - and 18. were in position on high ground at both sides of the road.
On the night of August 31st 1920, I mobilised eight members of Donoughmore Company at Stuake about midnight. I was armed with a rifle. The others had shotguns. We moved off about 4 a.m. to Inniscarra, where we met representatives from the other companies in the battalion (Donoughmore). The combined force, which numbered about 60, was in charge of the Battalion O/C (John J. O'Leary). I was allocated to a position on high ground north of the road from Dripsey to Inniscarra and about one mile from the latter. The majority of the party were on the same side of the road, but there were men on the southern side with the River Lee to their rear. All positions were occupied about 8 a.m. The whole party were extended over a distance of about 80 yards. We were awaiting a convoy of military. We had been in position, about two hours when four lorries of troops approached, our position from Dripsey. It was intended to allow the three leading lorries to pass through and to block the road by throwing a tree trunk across it as the last lorry entered the position. The leading lorries passed through as arranged, but the men deputed to block the road failed to do so and the fourth lorry passed through. As it was observed that the road block had failed, fire was opened on this lorry and we had to be satisfied with sniping at the retreating enemy. As we were within two miles of the strong enemy garrison at Ballincollig, we were ordered to withdraw from the area without delay. I returned to Donoughmore area with the other members of my party as the representatives from the other companies moved off towards their home districts.
About this time, a prison warder. named Griffin attached to Cork Jail was taken prisoner by the I.R.A. as he was not friendly to the I.R.A. prisoners who were on hunger-strike in that jail. He was removed to Goulane in Donoughmore Company area, where he was detained for about six weeks. He was then removed to Kilcullen, from where he escaped but was recaptured within 24 hours. He was transferred to Cork City about two months after he had been taken into the area. Information was received early in October, 1920, that the enemy forces were threatening to burn Dripsey Woollen Mills. Arrangements to guard the premises were made immediately, and I was instructed to post a strong guard in the vicinity of the premises. I mobilised 15 members of the company (Donoughmore), armed with shotguns, and we took up positions surrounding the mill each night for a week. As there was no activity by the enemy during this period, the guard was withdrawn. Acting on instructions from Battalion H.Q., I mobilised about twenty men from the company on October 20th 1920. We were about to proceed to Glencaum in Grenagh Company area, where it was intended to attack a military convoy in co-operation with men drawn from the other companies in the battalion, when word was received that the operation had been called off. It was now decided by the Brigade Council to impose a levy on all landholders and property owners in order to raise funds to place a "Flying Column" in the field on a full-time basis. This levy was called the Arms Fund Levy. The amount of the levy to be collected in each case depended, in the case of farmers, on the number of stock carried on the farm. The Poor Law Valuation of the premises governed the amount to be paid in other cases. The duty of collecting this levy fell on the shoulders of the officers of each company, and involved visits to each household in the company area to collect the amount of the levy assessed in each case. This work was carried on in addition to the normal training during the months of October, November and December, 1920.
Early in January, 1921, a Battalion Flying Column was formed in our battalion, area. The members of the column were drawn from the various companies in the battalion. They were assembled at a camp in Kilcullen on the border of Rylane and Donoughmore Company areas. The strength of the column was about 30. After about ten days training, some men returned to their own areas and they were replaced by others. The activities at the camp continued for about a month, by which time approximately 60 men had been trained in the care and use of the rifle. Owing to the scarcity of ammunition, the musketry course at the camp was fired with .22 ammunition and miniature rifles.
On the night of January 27th 1921, the column left Kilcullen about midnight and marched across country to the vicinity of Dripsey. We rested here in Shaughnessy's farmhouse in Peake until about 6 a.m. on January 28th 1921. The entire column - to the number of about 60- marched to a position which had already been selected by the Column 0/C (John J. O'Leary) and other battalion officers. Mce. Brew (2nd Lieut.) was now left in charge of the company area. The position extended from east to west parallel with the Dripsey Coachford road and extended for a distance of about 200 yards, and was on high ground overlooking the road. I was placed in charge of the party of men from my own company ... We were allocated to a position in the vicinity of Godfrey's Cross on eastern flank. We were under cover of a made trench about 10 yards from the road and were extended over a distance of about 25. yards. We were all armed with rifles. The remainder of the column, under the 0/C (John J. O'Leary), were extended over a distance of about 150 yards towards Coachford on my right. Scouts and outposts from the local companies were posted to the west, east and north of our positions. All sections were in position. about 6.30 a.m. A number of men had been allocated to prepare trees to be allowed to fall across the road as roadblocks at a given signal. All our men were north of the road. We remained in our positions until about 4 p.m. without any sign of enemy activity. About this time I noticed a man running across a field on the opposite side of the road. He was followed in a minute or two by a second man. I then became suspicious of their movements and put my glasses on the area where I had seen them. Within a few minutes I saw two columns of soldiers moving in single file at each side of the road. They were coming from the direction of Dripsey. Just at this time the Column 0/C (John J. O'Leary) made his appearance and I reported what I had seen. Fire was opened on our position immediately by the men on the road, and we replied. As it was now apparent that the enemy were aware of our position, the order to withdraw was given. The whole column now retired from our trench cover and moved to our rear in a northerly direction. After crossing the first fence to our rear, we were surprised by a party of military in the adjoining fields and had to change the direction of our withdrawal. We now moved west across a ploughed field, where we came under fire from the enemy. Four of our men (Tadgh McCarthy, Denis Murphy, Jim Barrett, and Patk. O'Mahoney) were wounded while crossing this field and were taken prisoners. When I crossed the fence running north to south at the western end of the ploughed field, I got into a boreen. Bullets were flying about as I crossed the fence, so I took time to fire five rounds at the pursuing enemy. forces. This slowed down their advance, so I crossed into the field at the opposite side of the boreen. I continued my withdrawal in a north westerly direction until I reached the vicinity of Coachford National School, where I made contact with the surviving members of the column. We then continued our withdrawal until we reached Woodfield, where we had some tea. Later we proceeded to Rylane area, where we billeted. During my withdrawal, after crossing the boreen I picked up a wounded man ( Lucey) and carried him on my back until I made contact with the others near Coachford School. I now learned that another member of the column - Tim Riordan - had been wounded.
We remained in Rylane area on the night of January 28th, and next day the column moved on to Coolmona. Arrangements were now made to transfer the wounded man - Tim Riordan - to Nadd area in Cork 11 Brigade. I was instructed to accompany him. We got a horse and trap from Patk. Looney to convey the wounded man to Nadd. The horse was driven by a local I.R.A. man - Tim O'Shea. We travelled by various by-roads to Nadd, which we reached safely and made the wounded man comfortable in his billet. I then arranged with the local M.O. (Dr. Riordan) to treat the wounded man. He travelled by a roundabout route to Nadd, where he extracted a bullet from the wound in Tim Riordan's thigh. I remained in Nadd district for two days attending to the wounded man. Dan Goggin, a First Aid man, stayed also. We both rejoined the column at Coolmona about February 1st 1921. During the engagement at Dripsey, seven of our men were taken prisoners, viz. Patk. O'Mahoney, John Lyons, Dan O'Callaghan, Denis Murphy, Tadgh McCarthy,. Tom O'Brien, and Jim Barrett. Denis Murphy and Jim Barrett were seriously wounded. The latter died of wounds while a prisoner. The others, with the exception of Denis Murphy, were later tried by court-martial by the British. They were found guilty of levying war, were sentenced to death and executed about the end of February, 1921. Denis Murphy was not tried at the same time, as he was too ill - due to his wounds - to stand his trial. When he was tried later, the Truce negotiations were taking place and he was sentenced. to a term of penal servitude.
On February 20th 1921, Mrs. Lindsay, a British loyalist who was alleged to have informed the British of the preparations for the Dripsey ambush, and her chauffeur were taken prisoners by the Battalion O/C (John J. O'Leary) and some other officers. They were transferred to Goulane, Donoughmore, where they were held for several days under a heavy guard supplied by my company (Donoughmore). At this stage, we got suspicious of the owner of the house when we learned that he had posted a letter in Donoughmore where he had gone to attend a funeral. We raided the Post Office before the mails were dispatched and recovered the letter, which was addressed to his solicitor in Cork City. There was no disclosure in it relative to Mrs. Lindsay and her man (Clarke), but it was deemed safer to move the prisoners to a new place of detention. They were now escorted into Rylane Company area, where they were detained until they were executed. I have no knowledge of the circumstances in which the prisoners were executed..."
On the night of the 17th February, IRA men entered Leemount House and removed Mrs Lindsay and her chauffeur, James Clark and took them to a house in the Rylane area. An intensive search was carried out by the authorities but, with the hostages being moved from house to house, without success. Mrs Lindsay, under duress, signed a letter which was sent to General Peter Strickland, the Commander of British Forces in Ireland, stating that if the IRA prisoners were executed, Mrs Lindsay and Clark would be shot. On the evening of Saturday 26 February Volunteer Michael Ingerton, an IRA dispatch rider who still had the appearance of teenager, cycled past the residence of General Strickland outside Victoria Barracks and, while doing so, dropped an envelope from his pocket. One of the two sentries on duty outside the general's house noticed the envelope fall to the ground and went to retrieve it in order to return it to its owner. On reaching the envelope he noticed that it was address to 'General Strickland, Victoria Barracks'. The man who had delivered it had cycled out of sight. In the envelope was a letter from Mrs Lindsay which read:
Dear Sir Peter,
I have just heard that some of the prisoners taken at Dripsey are to be executed on Monday and I write to get you to use your influence to prevent this taking place and try and reprieve them - I am a prisoner as I am sure you will know and I have been told that it will be a very serious matter for me if these men are executed. I have been told that my life will be forfeited for theirs as they believe that I was the direct cause of their capture. I implore you to spare these men for my sake.
Yours very truly,
M. Lindsay.
A covering letter was attached to Mrs Lindsay's correspondence:
To General Strickland,
Sixth Battalion Headquarters,
Sixth Southern Division,
Victoria Barracks, Cork.
We are holding Mrs Mary Lindsay and her Chauffeur, James Clarke as hostages. They have been convicted of spying and are under sentence of death. If the five of our men taken at Dripsey are executed on Monday morning as announced by your office, the two hostages will be shot.
Irish Republican Army
On receiving the letters General Strickland discussed the situation with General Sir Neville Macready, who was the commander-in-chief of British forces in Ireland. Both men doubted that the IRA would go so far as to execute a woman and decided that the executions should proceed.
Early on the morning of 28 February, a large crowd gathered outside the gates of the military detention barracks where the widow of Tomas MacCurtain had erected an altar to pray for those who were about to die. At eight o'clock a volley of shots rang out from inside the barrack walls. As the crowds outside the barracks slowly began to disperse more firing was heard at eight fifteen and at half-past eight. Rather than execute the men all at once, the military authorities had decided to execute them at intervals of fifteen minutes. On the night of the executions the IRA launched a number of attacks against British forces at different locations throughout Cork city, which resulted in six British soldiers being killed and four being wounded. Following the trial of Volunteer Denis Murphy on 9 March Mrs Lindsay and her servant James Clarke were executed by the IRA.
Denis Murphy’s court martial was held on 9th March and he was sentenced to death, but this was later commuted to 25 years penal servitude. Jim Barrett died of his wounds on 22nd March.
On 11th March, Mrs Lindsay and her chauffeur James Clark, were shot and buried in a common grave deep in the mountains. The following night Leemount House was burned down.)
".....When the funeral of Jim Barrett (Battalion Q/M), who died of wounds following Dripsey ambush, arrived in the area about the end of February, 1921, the Battalion 0/C (John J. O'Leary) issued an order that all shops should close during the burial in Donoughmore. As 0/C Donoughmore Company, I was responsible for seeing that the orders were carried out. One public house in the village opened during the funeral and admitted customers. I reported the matter at the next meeting of the Company Council and asked for instructions as to the action to be taken. When I was forcing the matter, I was threatened with court-martial by the Battalion 0/C (John J. O'Leary). As a result of the attitude adopted, I resigned my position as 0/C and returned to the rank and file. The officers of Donoughmore Company now were: - O/C - Dan McCarthy 1st Lt. - Maurice Brew 2nd Lt. - Paddy Murphy. I continued to serve as a member of Donoughmore Company and carried out all orders issued to me. I took part in the various activities of the company, such as blocking roads, demolishing bridges, making dumps and dug-outs. I served with the column up to the Truce. The officers of Donoughmore Company in the period 1915 - 1921 were: - 1915 - 1919. O/C - Jack Manning (witness) 1st Lt.- Joe Collins (left area Nov. 1919) 2nd Lt.- Jerh. Scanlon. November. 1919. O/C - Jack Manning (witness) (arrested Alp. 1920 1st Lt. - Paddy Collins 2nd Lt. - Maurice Brew. April, 1920. 0/C - Paddy Collins (apptd. Batt. Q/M & later Batt. Adjutant) 1st Lt. - Dan McCarthy 2nd Lt. - Maurice Brew. June, 1920. 0/C - Jack Manning (witness) (Resumed duty after release from Wormwood Scrubs). 1st Lt. - Dan McCarthy. 2nd Lt. - Maurice Brew. April, 1921. 0/C - Dan McCarthy 1st Lt. - Maurice Brew. 2nd Lt. - Paddy Murphy. 26. Rank at the Truce - member of Donoughmore Battalion Column. Strength of the column - about 30...."
".... Forty men from the company took part in the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork in 1916. Sixteen were armed with shotguns and some with croppy pikes. Some shotguns had been purchased at this time also a large quantity of shotgun ammunition. Thirteen croppy pikes had been made by local blacksmiths - Patrick Collins and Joseph Collins. The pike handles were supplied and fitted by Patrick Daly and his brother. The company was on parade on Friday evening, April 21st, 1916, when a dispatch arrived from Brigade Headquarters. It was received by me. It contained the instructions for the parade on Easter Sunday. The: company was dismissed and a Company Council meeting held. At this meeting, orders were issued, in accordance with the instructions received, for a mobilisation of the whole company at Coolmona on Easter Sunday at 11 a.m. sharp, with all arms, ammunition and equipment and two days' rations. Instructions were given to have the mobilization carried out as quickly as possible so as not to arouse the suspicions of the R.I.C. The men received their mobilisation orders during Saturday. We had no definite information that this was anything more than an ordinary parade, but the general feeling at the time was tense and we felt that the order might mean business. I had been at a brigade meeting in Cork on, I think, the second Sunday before Easter, and Tadgh Barry told me there was something on.
The arms which the company had on that day were: - seventeen shotguns, with 1,500 rounds of ammunition, thirteen pikes, two revolvers, with 40 rounds of ammunition. The company marched to Beeing, arriving there at 12.30, the time appointed in orders. Companies from Courtbrack, Whitechurch, Mourne Abbey, Mallow, Castletownroche and Nadd paraded there also. Michael Lynch arrived on a motor cycle, and some exercises were carried out. Later in the evening, Tomás MacCurtain arrived in a car. There were other officers with him. I think Terence MacSwiney was one of them. MacCurtain ordered the company to return to and remain under arms until further orders. The company marched back to its own area that night, and the men returned to their homes with instructions to be available at short notice. The car containing Tomás MacCurtain and the other officers had passed us at Beenalought going towards Donoughmore, when we were marching back.
On Monday and Tuesday, most of the officers were engaged in loading shotgun ammunition with slugs. On the Tuesday following Easter Week, a messenger arrived from Brigade H.Q. in Cork City to make arrangements for the removal and dumping of the arms belonging to the Cork City Battalion in our area. I dispatched two horses and carts, driven by members of the company, to the city. On their arrival, they were informed that the rifles had been handed over on the previous night to the Bishop of Cork, so they returned to their own area without the arms.
There were no arrests in the area after Easter Week. The Volunteer organisation continued to carry on, but was now operating more or less underground. Parades a were not held as frequently as prior to Easter Week. However, all members met and drilled in the fields in the district.
Early in 1917, following the release of the internees from Frongoch, the reorganisation of the Volunteers was undertaken. The strength of the Donoughmore Company at this stage was about 40. ..as the summer of 1917 advanced, the strength of the company reached about 50....the company took a hand in the formation and organisation of other Volunteer units in the surrounding districts. Our usual mode of procedure was to go on a route march into an area - usually on a Sunday evening - and to make contact with some of the locals who were interested. Our contacts were usually made with members of the local G.A.A. club.
There was no battalion organisation in the area at this period and Donoughmore Company was an independent unit of Cork Brigade. In my capacity as o/c of the company, I attended several Brigade Council meetings which at this time were mainly concerned with organisation work. The meetings were held at irregular intervals in Cork City, or in other suitable districts. Two members of the company - Jerh. Scanlan and Patrick Collins - were arrested about October, 1917. They were charged with unlawful assembly and were tried at the local Petty Sessions Court. They were each sentenced to I4 days imprisonment. They were released after three days hunger-strike.
There was a big influx of new recruits when the British threatened to enforce Conscription in the early part of 1918. The strength of the Donoughmore Company now reached about 100...the "old reliables" were engaged on the manufacture of home-made bombs and buckshot as well as re-loading cartridges. All available arms in the area were now collected in a series of raids which were carried out by selected men. In all cases, the arms, mainly shotguns, were surrendered voluntarily. Our armament at this time consisted of about twenty shotguns, a miniature rifle (.22), four revolvers (.38), 2,000 rounds shotgun ammunition, 100 rounds revolver and 500 rounds miniature rifle ammunition. Special attention was paid to the training of the company at this period, as an armed protest was inevitable should the British proceed to enforce Conscription. The threat of Conscription passed during the summer of 1918 and there was a slight reduction in the strength of the company. However, the vast majority of the new recruits continued to serve..... During the summer of 1918, week-end manoeuvres were carried out on several occasions. These operations, in which three or four neighbouring companies, and sometimes all the companies in the battalion, took part, were carried out under the control of one of the battalion officers. On these occasions, the men learned to move across country utilising the available cover, while selected men were being trained as scouts or signallers.
There was no activity in our own area in connection with the General Election in December, 1918, as the Sinn Féin candidate - Terence MacSwiney - was returned unopposed. However, I took a party of about 40 men from Donoughmore Company into Cork City to assist in election work there.
It was now decided to reorganise Cork Brigade, which contained about twenty battalions and embraced the whole of Cork County. The county was now divided into three areas and a separate brigade organisation was set up in each area. Our battalion (Donoughmore) now became a unit of Cork No. 1 Brigade, which included the areas of Mid and East Cork as well as Cork City. The battalions in the brigade were: - Cork City (Nos. 1 and 2), Ovens (No. 3), Cobh (No. 4), Whitechurch (No. 5), Donughmore (No. 6), Macroom (No. 7), Ballyvourney (No. 8), Passage West (No. 9). The first officers of this brigade were, I think: - 0/C - Tomás MacCurtain Vice 0/C - Terence MacSwiney Adjt. - Florrie O'Donoghue Q/M - Seán MacSwiney.
Normal training continued throughout 1919 and, in addition, we were busy on the manufacture of home-made bombs, collecting arms and organising functions to raise funds for the purchase of guns.
The Bowen-Colthurst family, one of whom shot Sheehy-Skeffington in Dublin during Easter Week, were resident in the Dripsey area, where they were more or less boycotted. They set up a cheese factory in the area and were being supplied with milk by about half a dozen farmers with an imperialist outlook. We decided to see that the boycott was fully enforced, so on August 15th 1919, I took a party of about ten men from Donoughmore to the vicinity of Dripsey, where we held up the milk carts on their way to the cheese factory. We spilled the milk and smashed up some of the carts - at the same time warning the drivers to inform the farmers for whom they worked, to discontinue supplying milk to the Bowen-Colthurst firm. As a result of this raid, the cheese factory went out of business. About this period, I took charge of a party of about half a dozen men from the company (Donoughmore) which carried out a number of raids for arms in the Nadd and Newberry, Mallow districts. We captured six shotguns and a small supply of ammunition.
There were two officers from outside the area 'on the run' in the district at this time - Ben O'Hickey, and Leo Murphy. In co-operation with three members of the company (Donoughmore), they arranged to attack two members of the R.I.C. in Berrings Towards the end of September, 1919. The members of. my company who took part in this attack were Jerh. Scanlon (1st Lieut.), Humphrey Kelleher and Dan McCarthy. The operation was undertaken on a Sunday morning as the R.I.C. men, who were armed with revolvers, left the church after Mass at Berrings. The R.I.C. resisted and one of them was seriously wounded. Two revolvers and some ammunition were taken by the raiding party, who returned to my company area.
Despite the fact that one of the men who took part was 1st Lieutenant of the company (Donoughmore), I was consulted about the proposed operation. Some days after the attack on the R.I.C. at Berrings, a Battalion Council meeting was held at Firmount. 12. This meeting was attended by the Brigade Adjutant (Florrie O'Donoghue). I raised the question of the activities of the men 'on the run' - Leo Murphy and Ben O'Hickey - and pointed out that they appeared to be taking control of the operations in the district. The Brigade Adjutant ruled that they had no authority to organise or undertake operations in the area without the prior consent of the Company 0/C.
On November 12th 1919, an ex-British officer - Dr. Sanderford - from Cork City was fowling in the area. He was held up by four members of the Donoughmore Company. His shotgun and ammunition and .38 revolver were taken from him. On the same date, three other members of the company - were operating on another road in order to make sure that this man was intercepted. Training was now becoming more intensive and special services - engineering, transport, intelligence - were now organised on a thorough basis. Selected men from each company and battalion were trained in these services. Beyond the normal training, there were no activities during the remaining portion of 1919.
The next operation in the company (Donoughmore) area was planned for February 20th 1920, when a strong party - about 20 - from the company took up ambush positions at Tullig on the Donoughmore-Coachford road about two miles from Donoughmore. We were on high ground overlooking the road. The majority of the party were at the western side. With the exception of two men, who were armed with rifles, the others carried shotguns. ..We took up positions about 3 p.m. to await a party of R.I.C. on their way back from an enquiry at Coachford. We remained in position until about 4.30 p.m., when we received word from one of our scouts that the R.I.C. had returned to Donoughmore by another road. Early in March, 1920, two members of the R.I.C. from Donoughmore were driven to the annual point-to-point races at Forest, near Blarney, by a shopkeeper named Michael R. Walsh. When I learned of their departure, I immediately set about making arrangements to ambush the party on their return journey. I mobilised a party of about twenty..We were armed with two rifles and a number of shotguns. We took up a position at Clonmoyle on the Donoughmore-Coachford road about 3.30 p.m. We were behind the roadside fence about miles from Coachford, but although we remained there until close on 6 p.m., the R.I.C. party did not pass. We then withdrew from the position and returned to our homes. We learned later that the R.I.C. men and their driver had returned to their base (Donoughmore) by another road...It was now decided at a meeting of the Company Council of Donoughmore Company to boycott Michael R. Walsh who had driven the members of the R.I.C. to the races. Notices regarding the boycott were posted up throughout the area, and within a matter of twenty-four hours Michael R. Walsh was without any customers. After about two months, Mr. Walsh decided to apologise for having co-operated with the enemy forces. lie apologised in public at the church gate one Sunday after Mass, and the boycott was then lifted. There was another boycott case in which two brothers - Philip and Tom Barrett - who helped to till the garden plot attached to the R.I.C. barrack, were similarly dealt with. The boycott in this case was lifted after negotiations with the local Catholic Curate - Fr. Smith - on somewhat similar terms.
All members of Donoughmore Company paraded under my command at the funerals of Tomás MacCurtain in March, 1920, and Terence MacSwiney in October, 1920. Tomás MacCurtain was murdered in his home by British forces, and Terence MacSwiney died on hunger-strike in Brixton Prison, London. Both men were, at the time of their deaths, 0/C, Cork 1 Brigade, I.R.A. On Easter Saturday night, 1920, I took a party of men from Donoughmore Company to Rylane, where we set fire to the evacuated R.I.C. barracks. This operation was carried out in accordance with the instructions in a general order from G.H.Q. that all evacuated enemy posts throughout the country should be destroyed on this date. Some days following the burning of Rylane R.I.C. barracks, I was arrested and taken to Cork Jail. I was removed to Crumlin Road. Jail, Belfast, about a week later. Three days later, I went on hunger-strike with a number of other I.R.A prisoners. On the evening of the third day of the strike, the prisoners were removed in a British warship to Wales, and on to Wormwood Scrubs Prison in London area. When I had been 24 days on hunger-strike, I was removed to an outside hospital, and some ten days later I was taken to the home of an Irish resident in London. Eventually I returned to my home area towards the end of May, 1920. Within a few days, I had. resumed my normal duties as 0/C of the company (Donoughmore), and on the evening of June 1st 1920 I matched the majority of the members of the unit to Healy's Bridge on the Lee mount road leading from Ballincollig to Blarney. We took positions on high ground overlooking the road to await any enemy reinforcements which might travel this road to the relief of the garrison of Blarney R.I.C. barracks, which was being attacked by a party of I.R.A. men drawn from the battalions in Cork City. We took our positions about 8 p.m. and blocked the road by felling a tree across it. A second tree was in the course of being sawn through when a party of military drove up to the first tree in a Crossly tender. Fire was immediately opened on the enemy by my section. This fusilade was replied to, and during a sharp exchange the enemy transport reversed out of the position, turned and made off towards Ballincollig We now moved to higher ground, still holding command of the road, until we were called off about 9.30 p.m. (I think). We had withdrawn some time when a party of military on foot arrived in the area. The men from my company (Donoughmore), and all other units engaged, now withdrew to their home areas. As I was not feeling quite fit after the Wormwood Scrubs hunger-strike, I did not continue on to my home district but billeted in a house on the way. As far as I can recollect, Donoughmore R.I.C. barracks, which had been evacuated some days before, was burned by my colleagues on their way back from Blarney. The next operation in which the members of Donoughmore Company took part was the attack on Carrigadrohid R.I.C. post by the men of Macroom Battalion on the night of June 9th 1920. On this occasion, the full company was mobilised and was engaged in road blocking and outpost duty on the Coachford road. All covering parties and outposts were armed - mainly with shotguns.
Towards the end of June, 1920, another abortive effort to engage the enemy occurred. On this occasion, about a dozen men from Donoughmore Company were mobilised at short notice in the vicinity of Crean's Cross on the Ballycunningham-Donoughmore road. They were to engage a patrol of two R.I.C. men and, one soldier who were reported to have gone towards Donoughmore. They had only been in their position a short time when they received information that the patrol had left the area by another route. The ambush party moved hurriedly across country in an effort to intercept the enemy near Matehy, but they were late, as the patrol had passed through the selected position. I was not present on this occasion as, due to the necessity for urgent mobilisation, word of the proposed operation could not be sent to me in time.
On the evening of July 14th 1920, a military lorry conveying stores- mainly camping equipment - was held up at Barracharrig on the Cork-Banteer road and destroyed by fire. ..This was another hurried job and only men in the vicinity at the time were engaged. Some members of the company (Donoughmore), under Dan McCarthy (1st Lieut.), carried out a raid on Kilmurry railway station on the night of July 16th 1920, and seized a quantity of petrol in tins. The captured stores were dumped in Donoughmore area.... Our next effort to engage the enemy also proved abortive, although we remained in position each evening from about 6 p.m. to 11 p.m. over a period of a week or so. We were awaiting a military lorry which was reported to have passed through the position occupied by. us at Kilcullen on the Donoughmore-Rylane road at least once a week. On this occasion, a party of about 50 men drawn from the company (Donoughmore) were on duty each evening, but the lorry did not travel. The party were armed - two with rifles and the remainder with shotguns - and 18. were in position on high ground at both sides of the road.
On the night of August 31st 1920, I mobilised eight members of Donoughmore Company at Stuake about midnight. I was armed with a rifle. The others had shotguns. We moved off about 4 a.m. to Inniscarra, where we met representatives from the other companies in the battalion (Donoughmore). The combined force, which numbered about 60, was in charge of the Battalion O/C (John J. O'Leary). I was allocated to a position on high ground north of the road from Dripsey to Inniscarra and about one mile from the latter. The majority of the party were on the same side of the road, but there were men on the southern side with the River Lee to their rear. All positions were occupied about 8 a.m. The whole party were extended over a distance of about 80 yards. We were awaiting a convoy of military. We had been in position, about two hours when four lorries of troops approached, our position from Dripsey. It was intended to allow the three leading lorries to pass through and to block the road by throwing a tree trunk across it as the last lorry entered the position. The leading lorries passed through as arranged, but the men deputed to block the road failed to do so and the fourth lorry passed through. As it was observed that the road block had failed, fire was opened on this lorry and we had to be satisfied with sniping at the retreating enemy. As we were within two miles of the strong enemy garrison at Ballincollig, we were ordered to withdraw from the area without delay. I returned to Donoughmore area with the other members of my party as the representatives from the other companies moved off towards their home districts.
About this time, a prison warder. named Griffin attached to Cork Jail was taken prisoner by the I.R.A. as he was not friendly to the I.R.A. prisoners who were on hunger-strike in that jail. He was removed to Goulane in Donoughmore Company area, where he was detained for about six weeks. He was then removed to Kilcullen, from where he escaped but was recaptured within 24 hours. He was transferred to Cork City about two months after he had been taken into the area. Information was received early in October, 1920, that the enemy forces were threatening to burn Dripsey Woollen Mills. Arrangements to guard the premises were made immediately, and I was instructed to post a strong guard in the vicinity of the premises. I mobilised 15 members of the company (Donoughmore), armed with shotguns, and we took up positions surrounding the mill each night for a week. As there was no activity by the enemy during this period, the guard was withdrawn. Acting on instructions from Battalion H.Q., I mobilised about twenty men from the company on October 20th 1920. We were about to proceed to Glencaum in Grenagh Company area, where it was intended to attack a military convoy in co-operation with men drawn from the other companies in the battalion, when word was received that the operation had been called off. It was now decided by the Brigade Council to impose a levy on all landholders and property owners in order to raise funds to place a "Flying Column" in the field on a full-time basis. This levy was called the Arms Fund Levy. The amount of the levy to be collected in each case depended, in the case of farmers, on the number of stock carried on the farm. The Poor Law Valuation of the premises governed the amount to be paid in other cases. The duty of collecting this levy fell on the shoulders of the officers of each company, and involved visits to each household in the company area to collect the amount of the levy assessed in each case. This work was carried on in addition to the normal training during the months of October, November and December, 1920.
Early in January, 1921, a Battalion Flying Column was formed in our battalion, area. The members of the column were drawn from the various companies in the battalion. They were assembled at a camp in Kilcullen on the border of Rylane and Donoughmore Company areas. The strength of the column was about 30. After about ten days training, some men returned to their own areas and they were replaced by others. The activities at the camp continued for about a month, by which time approximately 60 men had been trained in the care and use of the rifle. Owing to the scarcity of ammunition, the musketry course at the camp was fired with .22 ammunition and miniature rifles.
On the night of January 27th 1921, the column left Kilcullen about midnight and marched across country to the vicinity of Dripsey. We rested here in Shaughnessy's farmhouse in Peake until about 6 a.m. on January 28th 1921. The entire column - to the number of about 60- marched to a position which had already been selected by the Column 0/C (John J. O'Leary) and other battalion officers. Mce. Brew (2nd Lieut.) was now left in charge of the company area. The position extended from east to west parallel with the Dripsey Coachford road and extended for a distance of about 200 yards, and was on high ground overlooking the road. I was placed in charge of the party of men from my own company ... We were allocated to a position in the vicinity of Godfrey's Cross on eastern flank. We were under cover of a made trench about 10 yards from the road and were extended over a distance of about 25. yards. We were all armed with rifles. The remainder of the column, under the 0/C (John J. O'Leary), were extended over a distance of about 150 yards towards Coachford on my right. Scouts and outposts from the local companies were posted to the west, east and north of our positions. All sections were in position. about 6.30 a.m. A number of men had been allocated to prepare trees to be allowed to fall across the road as roadblocks at a given signal. All our men were north of the road. We remained in our positions until about 4 p.m. without any sign of enemy activity. About this time I noticed a man running across a field on the opposite side of the road. He was followed in a minute or two by a second man. I then became suspicious of their movements and put my glasses on the area where I had seen them. Within a few minutes I saw two columns of soldiers moving in single file at each side of the road. They were coming from the direction of Dripsey. Just at this time the Column 0/C (John J. O'Leary) made his appearance and I reported what I had seen. Fire was opened on our position immediately by the men on the road, and we replied. As it was now apparent that the enemy were aware of our position, the order to withdraw was given. The whole column now retired from our trench cover and moved to our rear in a northerly direction. After crossing the first fence to our rear, we were surprised by a party of military in the adjoining fields and had to change the direction of our withdrawal. We now moved west across a ploughed field, where we came under fire from the enemy. Four of our men (Tadgh McCarthy, Denis Murphy, Jim Barrett, and Patk. O'Mahoney) were wounded while crossing this field and were taken prisoners. When I crossed the fence running north to south at the western end of the ploughed field, I got into a boreen. Bullets were flying about as I crossed the fence, so I took time to fire five rounds at the pursuing enemy. forces. This slowed down their advance, so I crossed into the field at the opposite side of the boreen. I continued my withdrawal in a north westerly direction until I reached the vicinity of Coachford National School, where I made contact with the surviving members of the column. We then continued our withdrawal until we reached Woodfield, where we had some tea. Later we proceeded to Rylane area, where we billeted. During my withdrawal, after crossing the boreen I picked up a wounded man ( Lucey) and carried him on my back until I made contact with the others near Coachford School. I now learned that another member of the column - Tim Riordan - had been wounded.
We remained in Rylane area on the night of January 28th, and next day the column moved on to Coolmona. Arrangements were now made to transfer the wounded man - Tim Riordan - to Nadd area in Cork 11 Brigade. I was instructed to accompany him. We got a horse and trap from Patk. Looney to convey the wounded man to Nadd. The horse was driven by a local I.R.A. man - Tim O'Shea. We travelled by various by-roads to Nadd, which we reached safely and made the wounded man comfortable in his billet. I then arranged with the local M.O. (Dr. Riordan) to treat the wounded man. He travelled by a roundabout route to Nadd, where he extracted a bullet from the wound in Tim Riordan's thigh. I remained in Nadd district for two days attending to the wounded man. Dan Goggin, a First Aid man, stayed also. We both rejoined the column at Coolmona about February 1st 1921. During the engagement at Dripsey, seven of our men were taken prisoners, viz. Patk. O'Mahoney, John Lyons, Dan O'Callaghan, Denis Murphy, Tadgh McCarthy,. Tom O'Brien, and Jim Barrett. Denis Murphy and Jim Barrett were seriously wounded. The latter died of wounds while a prisoner. The others, with the exception of Denis Murphy, were later tried by court-martial by the British. They were found guilty of levying war, were sentenced to death and executed about the end of February, 1921. Denis Murphy was not tried at the same time, as he was too ill - due to his wounds - to stand his trial. When he was tried later, the Truce negotiations were taking place and he was sentenced. to a term of penal servitude.
On February 20th 1921, Mrs. Lindsay, a British loyalist who was alleged to have informed the British of the preparations for the Dripsey ambush, and her chauffeur were taken prisoners by the Battalion O/C (John J. O'Leary) and some other officers. They were transferred to Goulane, Donoughmore, where they were held for several days under a heavy guard supplied by my company (Donoughmore). At this stage, we got suspicious of the owner of the house when we learned that he had posted a letter in Donoughmore where he had gone to attend a funeral. We raided the Post Office before the mails were dispatched and recovered the letter, which was addressed to his solicitor in Cork City. There was no disclosure in it relative to Mrs. Lindsay and her man (Clarke), but it was deemed safer to move the prisoners to a new place of detention. They were now escorted into Rylane Company area, where they were detained until they were executed. I have no knowledge of the circumstances in which the prisoners were executed..."
On the night of the 17th February, IRA men entered Leemount House and removed Mrs Lindsay and her chauffeur, James Clark and took them to a house in the Rylane area. An intensive search was carried out by the authorities but, with the hostages being moved from house to house, without success. Mrs Lindsay, under duress, signed a letter which was sent to General Peter Strickland, the Commander of British Forces in Ireland, stating that if the IRA prisoners were executed, Mrs Lindsay and Clark would be shot. On the evening of Saturday 26 February Volunteer Michael Ingerton, an IRA dispatch rider who still had the appearance of teenager, cycled past the residence of General Strickland outside Victoria Barracks and, while doing so, dropped an envelope from his pocket. One of the two sentries on duty outside the general's house noticed the envelope fall to the ground and went to retrieve it in order to return it to its owner. On reaching the envelope he noticed that it was address to 'General Strickland, Victoria Barracks'. The man who had delivered it had cycled out of sight. In the envelope was a letter from Mrs Lindsay which read:
Dear Sir Peter,
I have just heard that some of the prisoners taken at Dripsey are to be executed on Monday and I write to get you to use your influence to prevent this taking place and try and reprieve them - I am a prisoner as I am sure you will know and I have been told that it will be a very serious matter for me if these men are executed. I have been told that my life will be forfeited for theirs as they believe that I was the direct cause of their capture. I implore you to spare these men for my sake.
Yours very truly,
M. Lindsay.
A covering letter was attached to Mrs Lindsay's correspondence:
To General Strickland,
Sixth Battalion Headquarters,
Sixth Southern Division,
Victoria Barracks, Cork.
We are holding Mrs Mary Lindsay and her Chauffeur, James Clarke as hostages. They have been convicted of spying and are under sentence of death. If the five of our men taken at Dripsey are executed on Monday morning as announced by your office, the two hostages will be shot.
Irish Republican Army
On receiving the letters General Strickland discussed the situation with General Sir Neville Macready, who was the commander-in-chief of British forces in Ireland. Both men doubted that the IRA would go so far as to execute a woman and decided that the executions should proceed.
Early on the morning of 28 February, a large crowd gathered outside the gates of the military detention barracks where the widow of Tomas MacCurtain had erected an altar to pray for those who were about to die. At eight o'clock a volley of shots rang out from inside the barrack walls. As the crowds outside the barracks slowly began to disperse more firing was heard at eight fifteen and at half-past eight. Rather than execute the men all at once, the military authorities had decided to execute them at intervals of fifteen minutes. On the night of the executions the IRA launched a number of attacks against British forces at different locations throughout Cork city, which resulted in six British soldiers being killed and four being wounded. Following the trial of Volunteer Denis Murphy on 9 March Mrs Lindsay and her servant James Clarke were executed by the IRA.
Denis Murphy’s court martial was held on 9th March and he was sentenced to death, but this was later commuted to 25 years penal servitude. Jim Barrett died of his wounds on 22nd March.
On 11th March, Mrs Lindsay and her chauffeur James Clark, were shot and buried in a common grave deep in the mountains. The following night Leemount House was burned down.)
".....When the funeral of Jim Barrett (Battalion Q/M), who died of wounds following Dripsey ambush, arrived in the area about the end of February, 1921, the Battalion 0/C (John J. O'Leary) issued an order that all shops should close during the burial in Donoughmore. As 0/C Donoughmore Company, I was responsible for seeing that the orders were carried out. One public house in the village opened during the funeral and admitted customers. I reported the matter at the next meeting of the Company Council and asked for instructions as to the action to be taken. When I was forcing the matter, I was threatened with court-martial by the Battalion 0/C (John J. O'Leary). As a result of the attitude adopted, I resigned my position as 0/C and returned to the rank and file. The officers of Donoughmore Company now were: - O/C - Dan McCarthy 1st Lt. - Maurice Brew 2nd Lt. - Paddy Murphy. I continued to serve as a member of Donoughmore Company and carried out all orders issued to me. I took part in the various activities of the company, such as blocking roads, demolishing bridges, making dumps and dug-outs. I served with the column up to the Truce. The officers of Donoughmore Company in the period 1915 - 1921 were: - 1915 - 1919. O/C - Jack Manning (witness) 1st Lt.- Joe Collins (left area Nov. 1919) 2nd Lt.- Jerh. Scanlon. November. 1919. O/C - Jack Manning (witness) (arrested Alp. 1920 1st Lt. - Paddy Collins 2nd Lt. - Maurice Brew. April, 1920. 0/C - Paddy Collins (apptd. Batt. Q/M & later Batt. Adjutant) 1st Lt. - Dan McCarthy 2nd Lt. - Maurice Brew. June, 1920. 0/C - Jack Manning (witness) (Resumed duty after release from Wormwood Scrubs). 1st Lt. - Dan McCarthy. 2nd Lt. - Maurice Brew. April, 1921. 0/C - Dan McCarthy 1st Lt. - Maurice Brew. 2nd Lt. - Paddy Murphy. 26. Rank at the Truce - member of Donoughmore Battalion Column. Strength of the column - about 30...."
No information available.
Office in Charge, Irish Volunteers, Lyre, Co. Cork. He recalled in his Bureau of Military History deposition in October 1947:
" ...A few of us heard that a parade of the Clogogh Company of Irish Volunteers would come off in Aiohill on the following Sunday. We settled on going there. This was in mid September, 1914. Three or four of us from around Lyre went. After some time the Clogough Company Carrie on in marching order - about 20 men carrying pikes and shot guns. Two cyclists arrived a short time before them and they stopped and were talking to the locals; the cyclists were Terry MacSwiney and a comrade from Cork. After some drill Terry MacSwiney addressed the whole crowd at some length and a number of new men fell in and were put through some drill. After a chat with Terry MacSwiney we said we would form a Company at Lyre, which we did right away. Our company numbered about 30 and We used to meet for drill once a week, go on a route march every Sunday and tried to start more Companies. A number would fall in for drill in most places, but some places would not go beyond that.
The Lyre Company was going fairly well and we went to Cork city for the Manchester Martyrs' parade in November, 1915. Our arms consisted of a dozen shot guns, a dozen pikes and a couple of small rifles. We had about 20 rounds for each shot gun and about 100 rounds for the two small rifles. We attended the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork city in 1916. We had about 30 men. I went through the course of training for Officers at Sheares Street, Cork. The Company took part in a route march to Aiohill where there was a parade with the Clogough, Ballinadee and local Companies. They went to Ballygurteen for a parade with Kilmeen and Dunmanway Companies. They had recruiting marches to Bealad, Sam's Cross, Lisivard, Ardfield and Barryroe. In most cases there was a speech, ep1aining the object of the Volunteers, and ending up in getting the locals to go through some drill. Terry MacSwiney called here, before Easter week. He told me that the Volunteers were to turn out on Easter Sunday, that they would be attacked themselves and that they would have the first of it. He said the Cork Volunteers and the Volunteers round Bandon Would move towards Macroom and we could go on North Ballineen way and join them North along, or we could go to Dunmanway and meet with the Dunmanway Company. We decided on the latter course. He said to take all the arms and ammunition we had, and overcoats. I am not sure if he mentioned blankets, but at Inchigeela he reminded me that we had not overcoats or blankets. Our Company had a meeting on Saturday evening arranging for Sunday and one question was asked but not answered; would we come back from this march? We made arrangements and the following morning, starting at 5 o'clock, we made our way to Dunmanway by car and on root. I think our number was nineteen, and Dunmanway Company had about the same, so I suggested that the two Companies should fall in as one, with Con Aherne in command. We marched on to Inchigeela and we were not long there when Terry MacSwiney and Bob Hales came on.
Terry MacSwiney told us the parade was called off and we should return home again. After some drill in the village we had refreshments and turned our faces back for Dunmanway, Tomas MacCurtain came down by appointment to Ballinacarriga before the Battalion Areas were defined. A man or two from all the Companies around attended and he divided the district into two Battalion areas - Clonakilty and Dunmanway. The names of the men who paraded on Easter Sunday were:- Charles Cullinane. John Cullinane. John Cahalane. Jerry Donovan. John Carey. Arthur O'Leary. Tim Crowley. James Meade. William Meade. Dan Bennett. Dan Leary. Jim Leary. John Donovan. Ned Sullivan. Maurice McCarthy. Bill Sutton. John Jones. We got a despatch from Ballinadee side in a couple of days, telling us to keep ready, that we would be called on to make a move soon. We carried on as usual and arranged for a parade on the next Sunday; which we went through, consisting of drill and field work. However, in a few days we heard of the arrests of the Hales and Terry MacSwiney and we concluded it was no use for us to be holding on any longer so we planked our arms and ammunition and waited developments. The military and police came around on the 4th of May and arrested Jim Leary, Tim and John Crowley, James and William Meade, John O'Keeffe John Donovan, Ned Sullivan, Peter Donovan, Maurice McCarthy. and myself. Jim Leery of Kilnelogue, the first name on the list of arrests, had a good Company drilling in Kilmeen soon after our Company started but they were not affiliated until later'.
Walsh was jailed in Frongoch and released at Christmas, 1916. Little is known of his activities after this time.
No information available
Langford participated in the formative years of The Gaelic League and Irish Volunteers. Founded the Lee Press in Cork's South Terrace in 1913 when aged 17 (still in operation today). Appointed 2nd Lieutenant of 'C' Company in 1914 and retained the position until late 1916.
He recalled in his statement to the Bureau of Military History in 1947:
"...From about 1909 until the establishment of the Irish Volunteers, An Dún in Queen Street was the centre of all advanced national activity in Cork City. I was Secretary in 1912. The whole building was rented by the Gaelic League, but was sub- let at times or in part to various national or cultural bodies. The O'Growney Branch of the Gaelic League held its classes and meetings there. That Branch was started in 1910 by persons interested in the Sinn Fein policy. Miss Gaffney, Miss Cashel, Dr. Alice Barry, Miss O'Leary, Annie Walsh, Tomás MacCurtain, Frank Daly, Seán O'Hegarty, Jerry Fawsitt, Martin Donovan, and Denis O'Neill were active in it from the start. There were several other Branches of the Gaelic League in Cork, but they confined their activities mainly to reviving the language. The members of the O'Growney Branch were interested and active in every forward national movement. The Cork Branch of the Gaelic League contained men like Pat Prior, Padraig de Burca, Seamus de Roiste, O'Connell (Sculptor) Seán Toibin, and the two brothers O'Driscoll from Douglas. The South Parish Branch had men like Seán Jennings, Donal Barrett and Seán Nolan. There was a Dramatic Society which had a room in An Dún. Daniel Corkery, Terence McSwiney, D.L. Kelleher, Dr. and Forbes were active in it. Terence MacSwiney was not a member of the O'Growney Branch. P.S. O'Hegarty used to lecture in An Dún. The Post Office Club had a room there also. The original Cork Pipers' Band was started there and the Fianna organisation held its first meeting in An Dún. Fianna lectures and drills were held there and it was the local Headquarters of the organisation
There was another Cork organisation which was active in Ant-British activities before the Volunteer movement started.. It was the A.O.H. American Alliance. The following were members:- Tomás MacCurtain, Eamon Coughlan, Seán Good, Tadg Barry, Harry Lorton, Pat Harris, Jerry Fawsitt, Frank Healy, B.L., Cobh, Seán Ó Tuama, Seán O'Leary, Domnal Óg O'Callaghan, Micheál Ó Cuill. From the O'Growney Branch of the A.O.H. American Alliance came all anti-British and anti-recruiting activity at that period. In the background there was always the I.R.B. under Seán O'Hegarty's. control and its activities were exercised mainly through the members of these two organisations.
After the public meeting for the formation of the Irish Volunteers in Dublin (25-11-1913) and before the public meeting in the City Hall, Cork (14-12-l9l3) a start was made in An Dún to enrol Volunteers and drill them. That affected only the group of men who were normally habitués of the Hall, but they took the lead in the preparations for the public meeting and in giving a good example themselves. A drill instructor, an ex-Army man named Collins, who worked came voluntari1y and drilled us. Tomás MacCurtain probably secured his services, as he also worked in Suttons at the time. ... and we had target practice in the Post Office room. Some of those I can remember at the early drills were Micheál Ó Cuill Seán O'Leary, Tadg Barry, Harry Lorton and David O'Connor. Maurice O'Connor, Solicitor, was joint Hon. of the first public meeting in the City Hall on 14th December, 1913. Admission was by invitation cards which had been printed and given to all the known reliable people to distribute to young men whom they hoped would join the Volunteers. These cards were green and white in colour. It was discovered on the night of the meeting that the A.O.H., who were very hostile, had printed duplicate cards of Invitation and had sent a strong contingent of their supporters to the meeting. The hall was full. Enro1mént forms had been distributed amongst the audience before the row started and between 400 and 500 had been filled up and banded in. All of these did not, however, turn up to subsequent parades.
At first the strength was small, but after a while it worked up to about 400 men in the city. Four Companies were formed - 'A', 'B', 'C' and 'D'; 'A' and 'B' in the South side 'C' and 'D'; in the North. This four Company formation was not changed time up to Easter, 1916. When the Redmondites came in the strength in Cork City went up to 2,000 Men, but they were absorbed into the existing Companies. I got my official membership from Liam de Roiste in An Dún and paid my first subscription there. I was one of the first Section Commanders appointed, and became 2nd Lieutenant of 'C' Company in 1914. The first instance the Officers were nominated, by the Committee, and there were some changes in the early days. Later, when we were in Fisher Street, elections for Officers took place, and most of the existing Officers were elected. These elections were before the Redmondites came in, and there were no elections time they were in the organisation.
When the split took place in Cork only 26 Volunteers continued to accept the leadership of the Committee out of the 1,400 or 1,500 in the organisation at the time. All the others accepted Redmond's policy and leadership. An O'Brienite political held in the City Hall before the split and after Redmond had made his Woodenbridge speech. In an effort to influence the general body of O'Brien's followers against the known policy of O'Brien himself in following Redmond's lead on the war, a pamphlet was prepared, mainly by Jerry Fawsitt, and printed by Mooney, Shandon Printing Works. It was headed "A11 for England League" and asked the O'Brienites to declare against the policy of offering the Irish Volunteers to the British War Office for service abroad. Donal óg O'Callaghan, Miceál ó Cuill and I distributed the pamphlet at the City Hall meeting. We got a reception, and it had no effect. The O'Brienites were as pro-English and as pro-war as the Redmondites. About the same time it was thought that Joe Devlin would take an anti-British attitude on the Volunteer question. He reviewed units of the Irish Volunteers at Middleton on 13th September, 1914, and, much to our surprise, spoke strongly in favour of the Empire. I was so annoyed that discipline was forgotten and I Shouted "Damn the Empire". The incident was referred to subsequently by Terence MacSwiney in his paper "Fianna Fail".
After the split, the Redmondites, led by Tom Byrne, raided the Hall in Fisher street while a parade was taking place at the Corn Market and carried off 28 Italian rifles. There was no ammunition for these rifles at the time, but a small quantity was got later and we had some of these rifles out on Easter Sunday. Although our numbers were very small after the split, the officers had practically all remained on our side, the four Company organisation was continued nominally and efforts made to build up the Companies again. Growth was slow up to 1915. The Hall in Sheares Street was taken early in 1915. A small course of training was run there that year by J.J. O'Connell, who was in Cork for a short time. A two-weeks' course, attended by almost 50 officers, was carried out there in January, 1916. The training was based on U.S. army system.
Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney made frequent visits to Dublin before Easter, 1916. Tomás was taking orders from the I.R.B. and they knew of the intended Rising some nine months beforehand. There was a meeting of the Cork officers five weeks before which I was present, and at which we were given to understand vaguely that something was to happen soon. No date was mentioned.
The Officers of 'C' Company at Easter, 1916, were :- Captain Paddy Healy. Paddy Cotter, Captain. - Paddy Cotter. 1st Lieut. - William Barry. 2nd Lieut. - Robaird Langford. Adjutant - J.P. McCarthy. Quartermaster - Paddy Healy. The following is a complete list of the officers and men (35) of 'C' Company who paraded on Easter Sunday, 1916:- Paddy Cotter. Captain. Bill Barry, Lieut. R.I.P. Robaird Langford, Lieut. James Barry. Arthur White. Mark Wickham. James O'Neill. Denis O'Neill. Ned Barry. T. Gaggin. Cross. R.I.P. Joe O'Sullivan. Dan Donovan. Seán Crowley. R.I.P. Tom Crowley. Walshe. Ned Walshe. Ned Cronin. Tom Barry. J.P. McCarthy. R.I.P. Jas. O'Mahony (Shinker) U.S.A -4- Liam O'Reilly. Mitchell, Parnell Place. R.I.P. Sean Ivers, Lower Road. Harry Mooney, Sean Prendergast. R.I.P. Gus O'Shea. P.J. Cronin. R.I.P. Dan Duggan (driver). R.I.P. Jack McGrath, Lower Road - Finglas Road, Dublin. Mick Manning. J. Wickham. Matt Wakefield. Dan Crowley. R.I.P.
I am unable to give the exact armament, but practically every man had a rifle or shot gun. There was a good number of Martini Henrys, a few Italian, a few Lee Metford and one Mauser rifle. The remainder had single barrel shot guns. There had been a distribution of S.B. shot guns time before and 'C' Company got about six. There was a fair amount of ammunition for them; filling of cartridges had been going on in the Hall for some time before Easter. The ammunition for the rifles was about 40 rounds per man, with the exception of the Mauser, for which there was very little. The officers had revolvers, and some few others may have had revolvers also. Every arm and every round of ammunition in the Company was out. Every man had been mobilised for the parade, and the arms of those who did not turn out were collected. We had no explosives in the Company.
Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney slept in the Hall in Sheares Street during Holy Week. I was in charge of the Guard. At about 02.30 hours on Saturday morning Fred Murray arrived at the Hall, having come off a train from Kerry, He told me that Casement had been captured but I do not remember that he said anything about the arms ship having been captured. My recollection is that he did not. He reported to Tomás MacCurtain and the news was a great shock. All the Cork Volunteers went to Confession on Easter Saturday night. There was tension and everyone felt the day had come. There was no definite information about what was intended but the general that something more than an ordinary parade was due on Sunday. When the men assembled in the Hall on Easter Sunday morning MacCurtain distributed First Aid outfits - this was the first time they had been issued. Every available weapon was secured. Five rifles, which were held by the O'Sheas in Dominick Street, were not brought to Sheares Street men assembled. They were sent for and the parade did not move off until they arrived. One hundred and fifty-four Volunteers, officers and men, entrained at Capwell Station. Dr. Jim Ryan arrived in the Hall at Sheares Street with MacNeill's countermanding order after the parade had moved off to he saw MacCurtain and MacSwiney. They had a car and went to Crooks town in it . The Volunteers left the train there and Sean O'Sullivan, who was in charge, was informed by MacCurtain that the exercises were cancelled.
We marched to Bealnablath, met the Ballinhassig men there and the Ballinadee men at Kilmurray and all marched to Macroom. A meeting of Senior Officers Was held at Macroom hut I was not present. My impression is that MacCurtain and MacSwiney did not know on Sunday the arms ship was lost. There was much dissatisfaction when it became known that we were to return to Cork. Sean O'Sullivan, C. O'Gorman, P. Cotter and myself, amongst the officers, were in favour of staying in Macroom. We returned to Cork by train on Sunday evening and the men took their arms to their homes. There were no arms in the Hall except the arms of the Guard. A Miss Perolz [came from] Dublin on a motor bike on Monday with Pearse's message "We start here at noon to-day". She went to the Hall but there was no Senior Officer there. It was late on Monday evening when MacCurtain and MacSwiney arrived in Cork and saw this message for the first time. I did not see Miss Perolz* but I heard she was in the Hall on Monday. Paddy Trahey was Guard Commander and was on duty at the Hall on Easter Monday. There was considerable confusion and everyone was worried by the absence of MacCurtain and MacSwiney. They stayed in the Hall on Monday night and the guard was maintained.
* [Marie Perolz (7 May 1874 – 12 December 1950) was also known as Mary Perolz. She was an advanced Irish nationalist, whose career mirrored that of her husband, James Michael 'Citizen' Flanagan and her friend Constance Markievicz. She was a member of the radical women's group Inghinidhe na hÉireann (Daughters of Ireland) and the Irish Volunteers women's auxiliary Cumann na mBan. By 1916, Perolz was a committed revolutionary, having joined Cumann na mBan and the syndicalist Irish Citizen Army, of which her friend Constance Markievicz was a leading officer. She was a friend of James Connolly and in contact with Jim Larkin, the leaders of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union. She worked for the Irish Women Workers' Union (IWWU), and attended Trade Union Congress meetings at Sligo on its behalf. Perolz was registered at the official owner of Spark, a weekly socialist newspaper published between February 1915 and April 1916, edited by Markievicz. At an important public meeting in March 1916, she spoke as Markievicz, who was banned under the Defence of the Realm Act 1914 from making appearances. Perolz read the text of Markievicz's speech and read the exclusion order imposed, and answered the questions of the audience.
During the Easter Rising Perolz took a vital message from Padraic Pearse to Waterford, Cork, Limerick and Tipperary calling out the troops. As she cycled through Cork she met Tomás Mac Curtain and Terence MacSwiney in their broken-down car, on their way to inform volunteers that the Rising was cancelled. On the flyleaf of a pocket book, she was carrying was written the secret message from Pearse: "We go into action at noon today. PHP." The initialled notepaper took Mac Curtain and MacSwiney by surprise, as they had expected orders to be signed rather than initialled. She got back to Dublin by Wednesday of Easter Week. After the Rising Perolz hid out in Tralee, but she was betrayed and arrested on 2 May 1916, and brought to Dublin Castle under escort and imprisoned at Mountjoy Jail. The charge against her was her 'ownership' of James Connolly's Spark, 'the seditious weekly paper'. Sedition was a felonious crime, equivalent to treason, and could carry the death penalty. On 5 June, General Maxwell was still awaiting orders for her deportation to England. Constance Markievicz, detained under Defence of the Realm Regulation 14B, was sent to Oxford Jail. Kathleen Lynn was sent to Bath women's prison. James Connolly's secretary Winifred Carney went with Marie, Helena Molony, Brighid Foley, and Ellen Ryan to Aylesbury Prison. From an initial tally of 73 arrests, these were the only women imprisoned in England after the Rising.They finally left Dublin on 20 June 1916. Perolz was sent to serve a sentence at Lewes Prison.
Perolz' arrest scandalized her family; several resolved to change their surname to 'Prole', to disassociate themselves from her. After questions in the British parliament and a court appearance, Perolz and Breda Foley were released in July 1916. They were issued with travel warrants and expected to use them to go home to Ireland, landing at Dun Laoghaire. Immediately she was made Acting President of the Irish Women Workers' Union in Markievicz's stead. Perolz married James Michael Flanagan, a leftist affectionately known as 'Citizen Flanagan', in 1919. They lived at 127 Botanic Road, Glasnevin, Dublin. She continued to work for women's rights in the labour movement. She died on 12 December 1950.]
"....On Tuesday about 12 o'clock I was in the Hall and I saw the message. Its text was "We start here at noon to-day". It did not contain the words "Carry out your instructions". It was in manuscript on paper. about the size of an envelope. It was signed "P.H.P.", not "P.H. Pearse". There was some question of the authenticity. Tomás said he had never known Pearse to sign in that way before. Mary MacSwiney was in the Hall and she took part in the discussion about what to be taken. She said in effect : "Was a fine body of men like the Irish Volunteers to be dragged at the tail of a rabble like the Citizen Army " There was comment that the messenger was not a Volunteer but a Citizen Army messenger. I have the impression that a further message came in confirmation of Pearse's message but not see it nor the person who brought it. The messenger is supposed to have been a Miss Brennan, or someone who went under the name of Brennan, and a member of the citizen Army In any case, Tomás finally accepted the Pearse message as being genuine when it was known that fighting was actually taking place in Dublin. I was in the Hall all day on Monday. The atmosphere was very tense and strained. The younger officers particularly wanted to fight, and were resentful of the waiting policy adopted by the leaders. They expressed their views, but the weight of the influence and authority of the older men - as they regarded the Brigade Officers - was against them. A lead from them would have taken the majority of the Cork men into the fight in some way. Action in the city may have been inadvisable, but there was nothing to prevent the Volunteers mobilising outside the city on Monday or Tuesday.
On Tuesday night a railwayman named Pat Duggan came to the Hall and said he had been called out to armoured train to Dublin. He was willing to train if he got instructions so. He saw Tomás and Terry but they would not take the responsibility of giving him an order. No move against the Volunteers was made by the Military or police up to the Thursday of Easter Week, On that day the Auxiliary Bishop, Dr. Cohalan, was at a function at St. Francis Hall, Cove Street. He sent a message to MacCurtain and MacSwiney, and I, with, I think, Pat Trahey, was sent over to him. He would not discuss anything with us, but gave us a written message for the Brigade Officers. MacCurtain and MacSwiney saw him later and negotiations for the surrender of arms began. Lord Mayor Butterfield took part in these negotiations, and it was finally agreed to give the arms into the custody of the Lord Mayor at his house on the South Mall. The question of surrender was put to a vote of the men assembled in the Hall on the Monday after Easter Monday. The surrender had then taken place in Dublin. There were from 100 to 140 men in the Hall, and about 90% of those present voted for the surrender, but all the arms were not, in fact, handed in to the Lord Mayor and I and others took the bolts out of the rifles that were handed in. The Volunteers did not believe the British would. keep their side of the agreement, and were not surprised when they seized the rifles soon afterwards. The strongest opposition to the surrender came from the Junior officers.
A Dominican, Fr. Ayres, was Chaplain to the Cork Volunteers before 1916. He was transferred to Tralee. It was he who called to the Police Barracks to see Casement. He told the Kerry Officers who the prisoner was and that he could be rescued. I knew Fr. Ayres well; he gave me a book on tactics. Early in 1917, after the release of the internees, there was an inquiry of some kind into the action taken by the Cork Volunteer leaders at Easter, 1916. It was held in the Grianan in Queen Street under cover of a Gaelic League dance. At that meeting or inquiry, Tom Hales charged MacCurtain and. MacSwiney with having let down the Volunteers in Cork. To a question put by Hales, MacCurtain replied that he had known of the intended Rising several months beforehand. As far as I remember, neither MacCurtain nor MacSwiney made any claim that they knew on Easter Sunday that the "Aud" had been captured. There was a representative from this inquiry. About that time I printed 500 copies of a four page pamphlet for the Brigade, which was, I believe, a record and explanation of what happened in Cork at Easter, 1916. I printed it in the Hall in Sheares Street on a hand press. Paddy Cotter had made the hand press, and. the type was procured in Dublin by Diarmuid Lynch early in 1915. He bought it from Patrick Mahon, Barnhall Street, at the request of the Brigade Officers and brought it down to Cork. There were two cases of type. I printed a number of other documents with it for the Brigade. I was not in the I.R.B. before 1916. Michael Collins took me in Dublin in 1917. I do not think there was a circle of I.R.B. in 'C' Company before Easter 1916"
Langford continued his activities during 1917-18, becoming the Captain of A Company, 1st Battalion Cork No. 1 Brigade. After the Treaty, he took the Republican side and operated the mobile field printing press during the Civil War.
He recalled in his statement to the Bureau of Military History in 1947:
"...From about 1909 until the establishment of the Irish Volunteers, An Dún in Queen Street was the centre of all advanced national activity in Cork City. I was Secretary in 1912. The whole building was rented by the Gaelic League, but was sub- let at times or in part to various national or cultural bodies. The O'Growney Branch of the Gaelic League held its classes and meetings there. That Branch was started in 1910 by persons interested in the Sinn Fein policy. Miss Gaffney, Miss Cashel, Dr. Alice Barry, Miss O'Leary, Annie Walsh, Tomás MacCurtain, Frank Daly, Seán O'Hegarty, Jerry Fawsitt, Martin Donovan, and Denis O'Neill were active in it from the start. There were several other Branches of the Gaelic League in Cork, but they confined their activities mainly to reviving the language. The members of the O'Growney Branch were interested and active in every forward national movement. The Cork Branch of the Gaelic League contained men like Pat Prior, Padraig de Burca, Seamus de Roiste, O'Connell (Sculptor) Seán Toibin, and the two brothers O'Driscoll from Douglas. The South Parish Branch had men like Seán Jennings, Donal Barrett and Seán Nolan. There was a Dramatic Society which had a room in An Dún. Daniel Corkery, Terence McSwiney, D.L. Kelleher, Dr. and Forbes were active in it. Terence MacSwiney was not a member of the O'Growney Branch. P.S. O'Hegarty used to lecture in An Dún. The Post Office Club had a room there also. The original Cork Pipers' Band was started there and the Fianna organisation held its first meeting in An Dún. Fianna lectures and drills were held there and it was the local Headquarters of the organisation
There was another Cork organisation which was active in Ant-British activities before the Volunteer movement started.. It was the A.O.H. American Alliance. The following were members:- Tomás MacCurtain, Eamon Coughlan, Seán Good, Tadg Barry, Harry Lorton, Pat Harris, Jerry Fawsitt, Frank Healy, B.L., Cobh, Seán Ó Tuama, Seán O'Leary, Domnal Óg O'Callaghan, Micheál Ó Cuill. From the O'Growney Branch of the A.O.H. American Alliance came all anti-British and anti-recruiting activity at that period. In the background there was always the I.R.B. under Seán O'Hegarty's. control and its activities were exercised mainly through the members of these two organisations.
After the public meeting for the formation of the Irish Volunteers in Dublin (25-11-1913) and before the public meeting in the City Hall, Cork (14-12-l9l3) a start was made in An Dún to enrol Volunteers and drill them. That affected only the group of men who were normally habitués of the Hall, but they took the lead in the preparations for the public meeting and in giving a good example themselves. A drill instructor, an ex-Army man named Collins, who worked came voluntari1y and drilled us. Tomás MacCurtain probably secured his services, as he also worked in Suttons at the time. ... and we had target practice in the Post Office room. Some of those I can remember at the early drills were Micheál Ó Cuill Seán O'Leary, Tadg Barry, Harry Lorton and David O'Connor. Maurice O'Connor, Solicitor, was joint Hon. of the first public meeting in the City Hall on 14th December, 1913. Admission was by invitation cards which had been printed and given to all the known reliable people to distribute to young men whom they hoped would join the Volunteers. These cards were green and white in colour. It was discovered on the night of the meeting that the A.O.H., who were very hostile, had printed duplicate cards of Invitation and had sent a strong contingent of their supporters to the meeting. The hall was full. Enro1mént forms had been distributed amongst the audience before the row started and between 400 and 500 had been filled up and banded in. All of these did not, however, turn up to subsequent parades.
At first the strength was small, but after a while it worked up to about 400 men in the city. Four Companies were formed - 'A', 'B', 'C' and 'D'; 'A' and 'B' in the South side 'C' and 'D'; in the North. This four Company formation was not changed time up to Easter, 1916. When the Redmondites came in the strength in Cork City went up to 2,000 Men, but they were absorbed into the existing Companies. I got my official membership from Liam de Roiste in An Dún and paid my first subscription there. I was one of the first Section Commanders appointed, and became 2nd Lieutenant of 'C' Company in 1914. The first instance the Officers were nominated, by the Committee, and there were some changes in the early days. Later, when we were in Fisher Street, elections for Officers took place, and most of the existing Officers were elected. These elections were before the Redmondites came in, and there were no elections time they were in the organisation.
When the split took place in Cork only 26 Volunteers continued to accept the leadership of the Committee out of the 1,400 or 1,500 in the organisation at the time. All the others accepted Redmond's policy and leadership. An O'Brienite political held in the City Hall before the split and after Redmond had made his Woodenbridge speech. In an effort to influence the general body of O'Brien's followers against the known policy of O'Brien himself in following Redmond's lead on the war, a pamphlet was prepared, mainly by Jerry Fawsitt, and printed by Mooney, Shandon Printing Works. It was headed "A11 for England League" and asked the O'Brienites to declare against the policy of offering the Irish Volunteers to the British War Office for service abroad. Donal óg O'Callaghan, Miceál ó Cuill and I distributed the pamphlet at the City Hall meeting. We got a reception, and it had no effect. The O'Brienites were as pro-English and as pro-war as the Redmondites. About the same time it was thought that Joe Devlin would take an anti-British attitude on the Volunteer question. He reviewed units of the Irish Volunteers at Middleton on 13th September, 1914, and, much to our surprise, spoke strongly in favour of the Empire. I was so annoyed that discipline was forgotten and I Shouted "Damn the Empire". The incident was referred to subsequently by Terence MacSwiney in his paper "Fianna Fail".
After the split, the Redmondites, led by Tom Byrne, raided the Hall in Fisher street while a parade was taking place at the Corn Market and carried off 28 Italian rifles. There was no ammunition for these rifles at the time, but a small quantity was got later and we had some of these rifles out on Easter Sunday. Although our numbers were very small after the split, the officers had practically all remained on our side, the four Company organisation was continued nominally and efforts made to build up the Companies again. Growth was slow up to 1915. The Hall in Sheares Street was taken early in 1915. A small course of training was run there that year by J.J. O'Connell, who was in Cork for a short time. A two-weeks' course, attended by almost 50 officers, was carried out there in January, 1916. The training was based on U.S. army system.
Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney made frequent visits to Dublin before Easter, 1916. Tomás was taking orders from the I.R.B. and they knew of the intended Rising some nine months beforehand. There was a meeting of the Cork officers five weeks before which I was present, and at which we were given to understand vaguely that something was to happen soon. No date was mentioned.
The Officers of 'C' Company at Easter, 1916, were :- Captain Paddy Healy. Paddy Cotter, Captain. - Paddy Cotter. 1st Lieut. - William Barry. 2nd Lieut. - Robaird Langford. Adjutant - J.P. McCarthy. Quartermaster - Paddy Healy. The following is a complete list of the officers and men (35) of 'C' Company who paraded on Easter Sunday, 1916:- Paddy Cotter. Captain. Bill Barry, Lieut. R.I.P. Robaird Langford, Lieut. James Barry. Arthur White. Mark Wickham. James O'Neill. Denis O'Neill. Ned Barry. T. Gaggin. Cross. R.I.P. Joe O'Sullivan. Dan Donovan. Seán Crowley. R.I.P. Tom Crowley. Walshe. Ned Walshe. Ned Cronin. Tom Barry. J.P. McCarthy. R.I.P. Jas. O'Mahony (Shinker) U.S.A -4- Liam O'Reilly. Mitchell, Parnell Place. R.I.P. Sean Ivers, Lower Road. Harry Mooney, Sean Prendergast. R.I.P. Gus O'Shea. P.J. Cronin. R.I.P. Dan Duggan (driver). R.I.P. Jack McGrath, Lower Road - Finglas Road, Dublin. Mick Manning. J. Wickham. Matt Wakefield. Dan Crowley. R.I.P.
I am unable to give the exact armament, but practically every man had a rifle or shot gun. There was a good number of Martini Henrys, a few Italian, a few Lee Metford and one Mauser rifle. The remainder had single barrel shot guns. There had been a distribution of S.B. shot guns time before and 'C' Company got about six. There was a fair amount of ammunition for them; filling of cartridges had been going on in the Hall for some time before Easter. The ammunition for the rifles was about 40 rounds per man, with the exception of the Mauser, for which there was very little. The officers had revolvers, and some few others may have had revolvers also. Every arm and every round of ammunition in the Company was out. Every man had been mobilised for the parade, and the arms of those who did not turn out were collected. We had no explosives in the Company.
Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney slept in the Hall in Sheares Street during Holy Week. I was in charge of the Guard. At about 02.30 hours on Saturday morning Fred Murray arrived at the Hall, having come off a train from Kerry, He told me that Casement had been captured but I do not remember that he said anything about the arms ship having been captured. My recollection is that he did not. He reported to Tomás MacCurtain and the news was a great shock. All the Cork Volunteers went to Confession on Easter Saturday night. There was tension and everyone felt the day had come. There was no definite information about what was intended but the general that something more than an ordinary parade was due on Sunday. When the men assembled in the Hall on Easter Sunday morning MacCurtain distributed First Aid outfits - this was the first time they had been issued. Every available weapon was secured. Five rifles, which were held by the O'Sheas in Dominick Street, were not brought to Sheares Street men assembled. They were sent for and the parade did not move off until they arrived. One hundred and fifty-four Volunteers, officers and men, entrained at Capwell Station. Dr. Jim Ryan arrived in the Hall at Sheares Street with MacNeill's countermanding order after the parade had moved off to he saw MacCurtain and MacSwiney. They had a car and went to Crooks town in it . The Volunteers left the train there and Sean O'Sullivan, who was in charge, was informed by MacCurtain that the exercises were cancelled.
We marched to Bealnablath, met the Ballinhassig men there and the Ballinadee men at Kilmurray and all marched to Macroom. A meeting of Senior Officers Was held at Macroom hut I was not present. My impression is that MacCurtain and MacSwiney did not know on Sunday the arms ship was lost. There was much dissatisfaction when it became known that we were to return to Cork. Sean O'Sullivan, C. O'Gorman, P. Cotter and myself, amongst the officers, were in favour of staying in Macroom. We returned to Cork by train on Sunday evening and the men took their arms to their homes. There were no arms in the Hall except the arms of the Guard. A Miss Perolz [came from] Dublin on a motor bike on Monday with Pearse's message "We start here at noon to-day". She went to the Hall but there was no Senior Officer there. It was late on Monday evening when MacCurtain and MacSwiney arrived in Cork and saw this message for the first time. I did not see Miss Perolz* but I heard she was in the Hall on Monday. Paddy Trahey was Guard Commander and was on duty at the Hall on Easter Monday. There was considerable confusion and everyone was worried by the absence of MacCurtain and MacSwiney. They stayed in the Hall on Monday night and the guard was maintained.
* [Marie Perolz (7 May 1874 – 12 December 1950) was also known as Mary Perolz. She was an advanced Irish nationalist, whose career mirrored that of her husband, James Michael 'Citizen' Flanagan and her friend Constance Markievicz. She was a member of the radical women's group Inghinidhe na hÉireann (Daughters of Ireland) and the Irish Volunteers women's auxiliary Cumann na mBan. By 1916, Perolz was a committed revolutionary, having joined Cumann na mBan and the syndicalist Irish Citizen Army, of which her friend Constance Markievicz was a leading officer. She was a friend of James Connolly and in contact with Jim Larkin, the leaders of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union. She worked for the Irish Women Workers' Union (IWWU), and attended Trade Union Congress meetings at Sligo on its behalf. Perolz was registered at the official owner of Spark, a weekly socialist newspaper published between February 1915 and April 1916, edited by Markievicz. At an important public meeting in March 1916, she spoke as Markievicz, who was banned under the Defence of the Realm Act 1914 from making appearances. Perolz read the text of Markievicz's speech and read the exclusion order imposed, and answered the questions of the audience.
During the Easter Rising Perolz took a vital message from Padraic Pearse to Waterford, Cork, Limerick and Tipperary calling out the troops. As she cycled through Cork she met Tomás Mac Curtain and Terence MacSwiney in their broken-down car, on their way to inform volunteers that the Rising was cancelled. On the flyleaf of a pocket book, she was carrying was written the secret message from Pearse: "We go into action at noon today. PHP." The initialled notepaper took Mac Curtain and MacSwiney by surprise, as they had expected orders to be signed rather than initialled. She got back to Dublin by Wednesday of Easter Week. After the Rising Perolz hid out in Tralee, but she was betrayed and arrested on 2 May 1916, and brought to Dublin Castle under escort and imprisoned at Mountjoy Jail. The charge against her was her 'ownership' of James Connolly's Spark, 'the seditious weekly paper'. Sedition was a felonious crime, equivalent to treason, and could carry the death penalty. On 5 June, General Maxwell was still awaiting orders for her deportation to England. Constance Markievicz, detained under Defence of the Realm Regulation 14B, was sent to Oxford Jail. Kathleen Lynn was sent to Bath women's prison. James Connolly's secretary Winifred Carney went with Marie, Helena Molony, Brighid Foley, and Ellen Ryan to Aylesbury Prison. From an initial tally of 73 arrests, these were the only women imprisoned in England after the Rising.They finally left Dublin on 20 June 1916. Perolz was sent to serve a sentence at Lewes Prison.
Perolz' arrest scandalized her family; several resolved to change their surname to 'Prole', to disassociate themselves from her. After questions in the British parliament and a court appearance, Perolz and Breda Foley were released in July 1916. They were issued with travel warrants and expected to use them to go home to Ireland, landing at Dun Laoghaire. Immediately she was made Acting President of the Irish Women Workers' Union in Markievicz's stead. Perolz married James Michael Flanagan, a leftist affectionately known as 'Citizen Flanagan', in 1919. They lived at 127 Botanic Road, Glasnevin, Dublin. She continued to work for women's rights in the labour movement. She died on 12 December 1950.]
"....On Tuesday about 12 o'clock I was in the Hall and I saw the message. Its text was "We start here at noon to-day". It did not contain the words "Carry out your instructions". It was in manuscript on paper. about the size of an envelope. It was signed "P.H.P.", not "P.H. Pearse". There was some question of the authenticity. Tomás said he had never known Pearse to sign in that way before. Mary MacSwiney was in the Hall and she took part in the discussion about what to be taken. She said in effect : "Was a fine body of men like the Irish Volunteers to be dragged at the tail of a rabble like the Citizen Army " There was comment that the messenger was not a Volunteer but a Citizen Army messenger. I have the impression that a further message came in confirmation of Pearse's message but not see it nor the person who brought it. The messenger is supposed to have been a Miss Brennan, or someone who went under the name of Brennan, and a member of the citizen Army In any case, Tomás finally accepted the Pearse message as being genuine when it was known that fighting was actually taking place in Dublin. I was in the Hall all day on Monday. The atmosphere was very tense and strained. The younger officers particularly wanted to fight, and were resentful of the waiting policy adopted by the leaders. They expressed their views, but the weight of the influence and authority of the older men - as they regarded the Brigade Officers - was against them. A lead from them would have taken the majority of the Cork men into the fight in some way. Action in the city may have been inadvisable, but there was nothing to prevent the Volunteers mobilising outside the city on Monday or Tuesday.
On Tuesday night a railwayman named Pat Duggan came to the Hall and said he had been called out to armoured train to Dublin. He was willing to train if he got instructions so. He saw Tomás and Terry but they would not take the responsibility of giving him an order. No move against the Volunteers was made by the Military or police up to the Thursday of Easter Week, On that day the Auxiliary Bishop, Dr. Cohalan, was at a function at St. Francis Hall, Cove Street. He sent a message to MacCurtain and MacSwiney, and I, with, I think, Pat Trahey, was sent over to him. He would not discuss anything with us, but gave us a written message for the Brigade Officers. MacCurtain and MacSwiney saw him later and negotiations for the surrender of arms began. Lord Mayor Butterfield took part in these negotiations, and it was finally agreed to give the arms into the custody of the Lord Mayor at his house on the South Mall. The question of surrender was put to a vote of the men assembled in the Hall on the Monday after Easter Monday. The surrender had then taken place in Dublin. There were from 100 to 140 men in the Hall, and about 90% of those present voted for the surrender, but all the arms were not, in fact, handed in to the Lord Mayor and I and others took the bolts out of the rifles that were handed in. The Volunteers did not believe the British would. keep their side of the agreement, and were not surprised when they seized the rifles soon afterwards. The strongest opposition to the surrender came from the Junior officers.
A Dominican, Fr. Ayres, was Chaplain to the Cork Volunteers before 1916. He was transferred to Tralee. It was he who called to the Police Barracks to see Casement. He told the Kerry Officers who the prisoner was and that he could be rescued. I knew Fr. Ayres well; he gave me a book on tactics. Early in 1917, after the release of the internees, there was an inquiry of some kind into the action taken by the Cork Volunteer leaders at Easter, 1916. It was held in the Grianan in Queen Street under cover of a Gaelic League dance. At that meeting or inquiry, Tom Hales charged MacCurtain and. MacSwiney with having let down the Volunteers in Cork. To a question put by Hales, MacCurtain replied that he had known of the intended Rising several months beforehand. As far as I remember, neither MacCurtain nor MacSwiney made any claim that they knew on Easter Sunday that the "Aud" had been captured. There was a representative from this inquiry. About that time I printed 500 copies of a four page pamphlet for the Brigade, which was, I believe, a record and explanation of what happened in Cork at Easter, 1916. I printed it in the Hall in Sheares Street on a hand press. Paddy Cotter had made the hand press, and. the type was procured in Dublin by Diarmuid Lynch early in 1915. He bought it from Patrick Mahon, Barnhall Street, at the request of the Brigade Officers and brought it down to Cork. There were two cases of type. I printed a number of other documents with it for the Brigade. I was not in the I.R.B. before 1916. Michael Collins took me in Dublin in 1917. I do not think there was a circle of I.R.B. in 'C' Company before Easter 1916"
Langford continued his activities during 1917-18, becoming the Captain of A Company, 1st Battalion Cork No. 1 Brigade. After the Treaty, he took the Republican side and operated the mobile field printing press during the Civil War.
Captain and Office in Charge, Irish Volunteers Dungourney.
"....The Company travelled to Cork by train from Mogeely Station, arriving in Cork about 8.30 p.m. They wore met at Cork by two City Volunteers who took them via Oliver Plunket Street (then Old George's Street) to the Volunteer Hall.... The arms in the Company at Easter, 1916, were:- One rifle .297250 with a small quantity of ammunition. Forty shot guns, with about 20 rounds each. Two revolvers, with a small quantity of ammunition. Twenty pikes, made locally. We had no explosives. The shot guns were owned by the men themselves, or were on loan from local farmers. The arms actually taken to Cork on Easter Saturday wore the rifle, the two revolvers, and about 26 shot guns. The Company went to Mass at St. Francis, Liberty Street, on Sunday morning and afterwards paraded with the Cork City Companies, took the train to Crookstown and marched to Macroom. They were not then in possession of any further information as to the intentions of the Brigade Officers, or the purpose of the parade. It was only when they saw so many of the Cork Volunteers going to Holy Communion on Sunday morning that they began to suspect something unusual was on... When the parade was dismissed in Crookstown the Company returned to Cork by train, and travelled back to Mogee1y by train also the same evening. Some of the Dungourney lads had gone into Mullaney's public house, opposite Glanmire Railway Station, While waiting for their train. They were caught there by the police, and, in the subsequent prosecutions, the police said they were not travellers because they (the police) were aware that the men had slept in Cork the previous night. No order came to the Company during Easter Week.
At the end of that week, or the, beginning of the next week, Sergeant Gilroy sent Maurice Donovan, Ladysbridge is to warn my brother Maurice that he would be arrested on a particular night. Maurice left home but the raid did not take place that night. Next day Sergeant Gilroy came himself and told me the order had been cancelled ... A few days later police, under an Inspector and Head Constable, raided for Maurice, They threatened to arrest me if he was not available, but they did not do so. About two weeks later Maurice came back and was later arrested at home. He was taken to Cork and subsequently to Wakefield. There were no other arrests in the Company Area. Men were interrogated in connection with arms, and efforts were made by the police to get arms surrendered to them, though no actual searches for arms were made. James Kelleher was approached by the police in this way and told. that the only way he could save himself from arrest and internment was to hand in the arms. He collected twelve or more shot guns and handed them in at Ballynoe R.I.C. Barracks. These were the only arms surrendered in the Company area...."
Thomas "Tom" Hales was an Irish Republican Army (IRA) volunteer and politician from West Cork. Born at Knocknacurra, Ballinadee, near Bandon on a family farm owned by his father Robert who was an activist in the Land War and a reputed member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood.
"....The Ballinadee Company was organised early in 1915 and the first public parade was to Bandon on the first Sunday in May. 24 men took part in it. The Company strength continued to grow steadily until at Easter, 1916, it was almost 100 men. Terence MacSwiney took a great interest in the Company and came out to us frequently. Daithi Barry often came for a week, and Ernest Blythe was here for a few days during which we went on a Sunday parade to Ballinaspittal.
Parades were held on two evenings a week and a route march on Sundays. These marches were usually to neighbouring towns or villages, and one of their objects was to encourage recruiting for the Volunteers. In this way Sections, some of which afterwards developed into Companies, were organised at Bandon, Kilbrittan, Gaggin, Kilpatrick, Farnevane and Neweostown, Aiohill and Ballinaspittal. R.I.C. men usually accompanied these marches. On one occasion early in 1915 we marched to Innishannon and met there the Cyclist Company from Cork City who brought us twelve Mauser rifles.
Seventeen officers and men from the Company took part in the O'Donovan Rossa funeral in Dublin, all armed with rifles. The Company also took part in the St. Patrick's Day demonstration in Cork City in 1916. On that occasion when we got off the train at Bandon on the return journey we were attacked by a mob of roughs from the town who threw stone and mud as we marched from the Railway Station. A halt was called, bayonets were fixed, and this had the effect of clearing the mob.
A big parade and exercises, in which all the local Companies took part, was held in Clonakilty in March or April, 1916. On the Sunday before Easter Sunday, 1916, orders were given for the usual parade on the following Sunday, and instructions were given the men to bring rations tar a two-day exercise. general order for these Easter exercises bad been issued by the Volunteer Executive in Dublin long beforehand.
On Wednesday, 19th April, 1916, I was with Tomás MacCurtain in his own house at Blackpool. He instructed me to take charge of the Battalion, comprising the Companies at Ballinadee, Bandon, Kilpatrick, Gaggin, Farnavane and Newcestown, Kilbrittan, Ballinhassig and Aiohill, on Easter Sunday, and to march to Kilmurray where he would meet us with the Cork City Battalion on the road to Macroom. We wore to bring all arms and equipment. He made it plain that this march had a serious purpose. He said we were going to get arms, that did not say at what point. An attempt may be made to prevent our movements, and we may have to fight. But we were to go to the place where we w ere to meet him at all costs and not to fight unless attacked. He said arms were coming and we may have to fight for our likes. I was not to create unnecessary hardship or take out any man who did not know what was before him. He did riot tell me directly that a Rising was fixed for Easter Sunday, but rather left me with the impression that in getting the arms we may become involved in a fight, or that an attempt may be made to prevent us from moving to the place where we were to get the arms. MacCurtain told me that our destination on the march was Carriganimma, and that any further instructions would be given by himself or his command at or after leaving Kilmurray if any alteration was necessary. I had no direct information myself and no contact with Dublin at the time, so that I could act only in the light of the instructions given to me by MacCurtain as Brigade 0.C.
Forty-eight Officers and men of the Ballinadee Company mobilised at Brown's Cross in the early hours of Easter Sunday morning. They were armed with twelve Mauser and eight Lee Enfield rifles, with about 150 rounds per man for the Lee Enfield's and 20 rounds each for the Mausers, a few miniature rifles and about twenty shotguns. Nearly all had revolvers in addition and there was a fair supply of revolver ammunition. These were all picked men and they constituted perhaps the best armed, trained and equipped Company in the County Cork at the time. We marched to Kilmurray, where we had 11 o'clock Mass. The Cork City contingent then arrived and Seán O'Sullivan took charge of the whole force. I was informed we were going to Macroom, probably by Seán O'Sullivan, but I was not told then that the parade was cancelled. It was at the bridge two miles East of Macroom I saw MacCurtain; I think MacSwiney was with him. He did not get out of the car but gave some instructions to Sean O'Sullivan. we went on into Macroom. Discussing the possibility of a fight with Sean O'Sullivan on the road to Macroom, he said, "the most we could do was to create a moral effect" One man in my Battalion, - Harmon from Ballinaspittal, marched the whole way from Ballinaspittal to Macroom that day, which must be a record. There was a nucleus of a Section in Ballinsapittal but he was the only man to parade.
In Macroom, before the men wore dismissed, Sean O'Sullivan held a consultation with the principal officers in regard to the advisability of proceeding to our original destination - Carriganimma - under such awful weather conditions (it was raining fair hell at the time.) He Said that we would not go to Carriganimma, where other men were to meet us, because of the bad weather, and said that the enemy had refused action that day in not interfering with our march. Chris. O'Gorman and myself opposed the decision not to go on and urged him to proceed as arranged. The other officers took the line of least resistance when the matter was put to them in this fashion. Neither MacCurtain nor Mac5wthey were present. Sean O'Sullivan said nothing about a countermanding order having been received, nor did he mention the loss of the arms ship. He announced the decision to return to our own areas and said the Cork City men were returning to Cork by train. We came back on the train as tar as Crookstown with the Cork Companies and stayed in the village until. the early hours of Monday morning. It rained continuously until about 4 or 5 a.m. The Companies then marched back to their own areas. Vie were very disappointed...".
Michael Lynch in his deposition to the Bureau of Military History recalled that he was given a despatch for Commandant Tom Hales. ‘ my instructions were to deliver it to Hydes, Knokalucy, Ballinhassig, to be sent on from there by the usual despatch route to Tom Hales. I was then to return to my own area, keep men alert and await orders. Bob Hales left Sheares’ Street with me in the side car of the motor-cycle. I do not know what the contents of the despatch for Tom Hales were. My engine broke down near the Viaduct, due to the effects of rain during the preceding 28 hours. Bob Hales and I went on foot across country to Knockalucy, where we arrived about midnight. Tadgh Hyde set off at once with the despatch to Ballinadee. I stayed at Hyde’s that night.’
Statement by Michael Lynch. BMH Archives. S351. Lynch Family Archives.
In his 1935 Pensions Board Statement, Michael Lynch recalls that the despatch ‘was to the effect that Comdt.Tom Hales should keep in contact with his men and await further orders.’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
Tom Hales continued with his statement:
"On Easter Monday evening about 6 o'clock an order came from Cork, per Billy Crowley, to stand to. We mobilised in three or four houses and remained mobilised during the week.
I think it was on Friday we next heard from the Brigade. This was an order to send in two horses and carts to bring out the rifles of the Cork city Companies. The horses and carts went in that Friday night but returned without the rifles, the men reporting that a change had taken place and some agreement Come to about arms. Michael McCarthy of Dunmanway came on Thursday or Friday and said "What is left of us west are willing to fight." I sent a message by McCarthy to Sean O'Hegarty in Ballingeary proposing a joining up of our forces and an attack on Macroom. When McCarthy returned to me after going to Dunmanway and Ballingeary he said he feared any attempt then would be hopeless. Things had gone too far and we would have no chance. I agreed. I think it was on Friday that Pat Higgins came from Cork with news of the agreement to surrender arms. I was entirely against it; I would not countenance it and I refused to carry it out in this area. Liam de Rotate came on a similar mission on Saturday or Sunday and again I refused to agree. The Company had been mobilised up to this and I now took steps to ensure the safety of the arms. I left my own home and went to O'Donoghue's, Rathout, which was far less likely to be raided. I advised my brothers, Robert and William, to come there also and to bring the arms they had at home. Unfortunately they did not take that advice. My brother, Sean Hales, was at pig fair in Bandon on Tuesday, 2nd May, and had scouts on the watch for any movements of R.I.C. or military. He noticed the hasty movements of individual R.I.C. officers on seeing him. He was then on the alert at the top of the Square in Bandon. Suddenly a squad appeared about 150 yards from him. He knew their mission and made off at once across the fields westward. He sent word to me that we would all be arrested and to take no chances. This was double confirmation of my action and of my anticipation of what we may expect. Sean was not arrested until five weeks afterwards. R.I.C. were raiding night and day for him. He chanced one visit home to see how things were and was captured.
Pat Higgins came again on Tuesday night, May 2nd, and brought me an instruction from the Brigade to disarm. We were to take no offensive action and cause no Incidents. I refused to carry out any order to surrender arms. Next night (Wednesday), about in the morning, Terence MacSwiney and Sean Hyde arrived at my house. I was at O'Donoghue's. Terry sent for me but I refused to come over and warned them that they were in danger of capture if they stayed in the house. I did not see Terry at all. My father told me afterwards that he also warned them not to stay in the house but Terry said an agreement had been come to and it was quite all right. Early next morning the house was surrounded by about 100 military and a force of police; County Inspector Tweedy as in charge. My brothers, Robert and William Hales, wanted to resist, they had two Mauser rifles and some ammunition, but Terry would not permit it, and Terry, Robert, William and Sean Hyde were arrested. The two Mauser rifles were captured. There was another German rifle in the house which they did not get. The remainder of the Company arms had been put in places of safety. I escaped arrest and did all I could to keep the organisation together
Early in 1917 an enquiry was held In Cork into the action of the Brigade Officers at Easter, 1916. I was there, so was Michal Hyde, and most or the units of the Brigade were represented by one of their Officers. My accusation against the Brigade Officers at the time was that we had been left in a fog, that arms had been lost unnecessarily and that the loss of arms all over the South was due to the action of Cork. I felt that the same situation could arise again arid that something should be done to ensure that the same confusion would not arise. I was hard on the Brigade Officers and both of them felt very keenly about it. There was no mention of the effect of the loss of the arms ship at this enquiry. Tomás MacCurtain said to me later, "If I live I will redeem 1916." The Enquiry was carried out by Diarmuid Lynch and Dick Mulcahy. The A.O.H. American Alliance had a few members in this area before 1916. They were good and they got a few rifles. There was no connection with the I.R.B. and no official I.R.B. organisation in the area before 1916. There were 15 or 16 members of Fianna in the area before 1916. We did not take them out on Easter Sunday.
Tom Hales and his brothers, Sean, Bob and William, fought with the IRA in west Cork during the Irish War of Independence. A fifth brother, Donal, settled in Genoa from 1913, was appointed Irish Consular and Commercial Agent for Italy in February 1919. In this capacity he played a leading propaganda role; several letters from Michael Collins to Donal Hales still exist which were used by Hales to promote international awareness in Italian publications. Donal oversaw a failed attempt to import a substantial amount of weapons and ammunition (captured Austrian stock from the World War I) from Genoa in the spring of 1921. During the War, Tom was captured by the British Army in Cork and was badly beaten and tortured in an effort to make him disclose the whereabouts of prominent IRA figures, including Michael Collins. He never broke, though his co-accused, Patrick Harte suffered brain damage and died in hospital insane.
During the Irish Civil War, the Hales brothers fought on opposite sides. Tom Hales commanded the Flying Column which attacked the Free State Army convoy at Béal na Bláth which resulted in the death of his friend, Michael Collins. Shortly thereafter, Sean Hales was shot dead under controversial circumstances connected with the bitter Civil War.
Hales was elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil Teachta Dála (TD) for the Cork West constituency at the 1933 general election, but failed to retain his seat as an independent candidate at the 1937 general election. He also unsuccessfully contested the 1944 general election as an independent candidate and the 1948 general election as a candidate for Clann na Poblachta.
Hales died in 1966.
"....The Ballinadee Company was organised early in 1915 and the first public parade was to Bandon on the first Sunday in May. 24 men took part in it. The Company strength continued to grow steadily until at Easter, 1916, it was almost 100 men. Terence MacSwiney took a great interest in the Company and came out to us frequently. Daithi Barry often came for a week, and Ernest Blythe was here for a few days during which we went on a Sunday parade to Ballinaspittal.
Parades were held on two evenings a week and a route march on Sundays. These marches were usually to neighbouring towns or villages, and one of their objects was to encourage recruiting for the Volunteers. In this way Sections, some of which afterwards developed into Companies, were organised at Bandon, Kilbrittan, Gaggin, Kilpatrick, Farnevane and Neweostown, Aiohill and Ballinaspittal. R.I.C. men usually accompanied these marches. On one occasion early in 1915 we marched to Innishannon and met there the Cyclist Company from Cork City who brought us twelve Mauser rifles.
Seventeen officers and men from the Company took part in the O'Donovan Rossa funeral in Dublin, all armed with rifles. The Company also took part in the St. Patrick's Day demonstration in Cork City in 1916. On that occasion when we got off the train at Bandon on the return journey we were attacked by a mob of roughs from the town who threw stone and mud as we marched from the Railway Station. A halt was called, bayonets were fixed, and this had the effect of clearing the mob.
A big parade and exercises, in which all the local Companies took part, was held in Clonakilty in March or April, 1916. On the Sunday before Easter Sunday, 1916, orders were given for the usual parade on the following Sunday, and instructions were given the men to bring rations tar a two-day exercise. general order for these Easter exercises bad been issued by the Volunteer Executive in Dublin long beforehand.
On Wednesday, 19th April, 1916, I was with Tomás MacCurtain in his own house at Blackpool. He instructed me to take charge of the Battalion, comprising the Companies at Ballinadee, Bandon, Kilpatrick, Gaggin, Farnavane and Newcestown, Kilbrittan, Ballinhassig and Aiohill, on Easter Sunday, and to march to Kilmurray where he would meet us with the Cork City Battalion on the road to Macroom. We wore to bring all arms and equipment. He made it plain that this march had a serious purpose. He said we were going to get arms, that did not say at what point. An attempt may be made to prevent our movements, and we may have to fight. But we were to go to the place where we w ere to meet him at all costs and not to fight unless attacked. He said arms were coming and we may have to fight for our likes. I was not to create unnecessary hardship or take out any man who did not know what was before him. He did riot tell me directly that a Rising was fixed for Easter Sunday, but rather left me with the impression that in getting the arms we may become involved in a fight, or that an attempt may be made to prevent us from moving to the place where we were to get the arms. MacCurtain told me that our destination on the march was Carriganimma, and that any further instructions would be given by himself or his command at or after leaving Kilmurray if any alteration was necessary. I had no direct information myself and no contact with Dublin at the time, so that I could act only in the light of the instructions given to me by MacCurtain as Brigade 0.C.
Forty-eight Officers and men of the Ballinadee Company mobilised at Brown's Cross in the early hours of Easter Sunday morning. They were armed with twelve Mauser and eight Lee Enfield rifles, with about 150 rounds per man for the Lee Enfield's and 20 rounds each for the Mausers, a few miniature rifles and about twenty shotguns. Nearly all had revolvers in addition and there was a fair supply of revolver ammunition. These were all picked men and they constituted perhaps the best armed, trained and equipped Company in the County Cork at the time. We marched to Kilmurray, where we had 11 o'clock Mass. The Cork City contingent then arrived and Seán O'Sullivan took charge of the whole force. I was informed we were going to Macroom, probably by Seán O'Sullivan, but I was not told then that the parade was cancelled. It was at the bridge two miles East of Macroom I saw MacCurtain; I think MacSwiney was with him. He did not get out of the car but gave some instructions to Sean O'Sullivan. we went on into Macroom. Discussing the possibility of a fight with Sean O'Sullivan on the road to Macroom, he said, "the most we could do was to create a moral effect" One man in my Battalion, - Harmon from Ballinaspittal, marched the whole way from Ballinaspittal to Macroom that day, which must be a record. There was a nucleus of a Section in Ballinsapittal but he was the only man to parade.
In Macroom, before the men wore dismissed, Sean O'Sullivan held a consultation with the principal officers in regard to the advisability of proceeding to our original destination - Carriganimma - under such awful weather conditions (it was raining fair hell at the time.) He Said that we would not go to Carriganimma, where other men were to meet us, because of the bad weather, and said that the enemy had refused action that day in not interfering with our march. Chris. O'Gorman and myself opposed the decision not to go on and urged him to proceed as arranged. The other officers took the line of least resistance when the matter was put to them in this fashion. Neither MacCurtain nor Mac5wthey were present. Sean O'Sullivan said nothing about a countermanding order having been received, nor did he mention the loss of the arms ship. He announced the decision to return to our own areas and said the Cork City men were returning to Cork by train. We came back on the train as tar as Crookstown with the Cork Companies and stayed in the village until. the early hours of Monday morning. It rained continuously until about 4 or 5 a.m. The Companies then marched back to their own areas. Vie were very disappointed...".
Michael Lynch in his deposition to the Bureau of Military History recalled that he was given a despatch for Commandant Tom Hales. ‘ my instructions were to deliver it to Hydes, Knokalucy, Ballinhassig, to be sent on from there by the usual despatch route to Tom Hales. I was then to return to my own area, keep men alert and await orders. Bob Hales left Sheares’ Street with me in the side car of the motor-cycle. I do not know what the contents of the despatch for Tom Hales were. My engine broke down near the Viaduct, due to the effects of rain during the preceding 28 hours. Bob Hales and I went on foot across country to Knockalucy, where we arrived about midnight. Tadgh Hyde set off at once with the despatch to Ballinadee. I stayed at Hyde’s that night.’
Statement by Michael Lynch. BMH Archives. S351. Lynch Family Archives.
In his 1935 Pensions Board Statement, Michael Lynch recalls that the despatch ‘was to the effect that Comdt.Tom Hales should keep in contact with his men and await further orders.’
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
Tom Hales continued with his statement:
"On Easter Monday evening about 6 o'clock an order came from Cork, per Billy Crowley, to stand to. We mobilised in three or four houses and remained mobilised during the week.
I think it was on Friday we next heard from the Brigade. This was an order to send in two horses and carts to bring out the rifles of the Cork city Companies. The horses and carts went in that Friday night but returned without the rifles, the men reporting that a change had taken place and some agreement Come to about arms. Michael McCarthy of Dunmanway came on Thursday or Friday and said "What is left of us west are willing to fight." I sent a message by McCarthy to Sean O'Hegarty in Ballingeary proposing a joining up of our forces and an attack on Macroom. When McCarthy returned to me after going to Dunmanway and Ballingeary he said he feared any attempt then would be hopeless. Things had gone too far and we would have no chance. I agreed. I think it was on Friday that Pat Higgins came from Cork with news of the agreement to surrender arms. I was entirely against it; I would not countenance it and I refused to carry it out in this area. Liam de Rotate came on a similar mission on Saturday or Sunday and again I refused to agree. The Company had been mobilised up to this and I now took steps to ensure the safety of the arms. I left my own home and went to O'Donoghue's, Rathout, which was far less likely to be raided. I advised my brothers, Robert and William, to come there also and to bring the arms they had at home. Unfortunately they did not take that advice. My brother, Sean Hales, was at pig fair in Bandon on Tuesday, 2nd May, and had scouts on the watch for any movements of R.I.C. or military. He noticed the hasty movements of individual R.I.C. officers on seeing him. He was then on the alert at the top of the Square in Bandon. Suddenly a squad appeared about 150 yards from him. He knew their mission and made off at once across the fields westward. He sent word to me that we would all be arrested and to take no chances. This was double confirmation of my action and of my anticipation of what we may expect. Sean was not arrested until five weeks afterwards. R.I.C. were raiding night and day for him. He chanced one visit home to see how things were and was captured.
Pat Higgins came again on Tuesday night, May 2nd, and brought me an instruction from the Brigade to disarm. We were to take no offensive action and cause no Incidents. I refused to carry out any order to surrender arms. Next night (Wednesday), about in the morning, Terence MacSwiney and Sean Hyde arrived at my house. I was at O'Donoghue's. Terry sent for me but I refused to come over and warned them that they were in danger of capture if they stayed in the house. I did not see Terry at all. My father told me afterwards that he also warned them not to stay in the house but Terry said an agreement had been come to and it was quite all right. Early next morning the house was surrounded by about 100 military and a force of police; County Inspector Tweedy as in charge. My brothers, Robert and William Hales, wanted to resist, they had two Mauser rifles and some ammunition, but Terry would not permit it, and Terry, Robert, William and Sean Hyde were arrested. The two Mauser rifles were captured. There was another German rifle in the house which they did not get. The remainder of the Company arms had been put in places of safety. I escaped arrest and did all I could to keep the organisation together
Early in 1917 an enquiry was held In Cork into the action of the Brigade Officers at Easter, 1916. I was there, so was Michal Hyde, and most or the units of the Brigade were represented by one of their Officers. My accusation against the Brigade Officers at the time was that we had been left in a fog, that arms had been lost unnecessarily and that the loss of arms all over the South was due to the action of Cork. I felt that the same situation could arise again arid that something should be done to ensure that the same confusion would not arise. I was hard on the Brigade Officers and both of them felt very keenly about it. There was no mention of the effect of the loss of the arms ship at this enquiry. Tomás MacCurtain said to me later, "If I live I will redeem 1916." The Enquiry was carried out by Diarmuid Lynch and Dick Mulcahy. The A.O.H. American Alliance had a few members in this area before 1916. They were good and they got a few rifles. There was no connection with the I.R.B. and no official I.R.B. organisation in the area before 1916. There were 15 or 16 members of Fianna in the area before 1916. We did not take them out on Easter Sunday.
Tom Hales and his brothers, Sean, Bob and William, fought with the IRA in west Cork during the Irish War of Independence. A fifth brother, Donal, settled in Genoa from 1913, was appointed Irish Consular and Commercial Agent for Italy in February 1919. In this capacity he played a leading propaganda role; several letters from Michael Collins to Donal Hales still exist which were used by Hales to promote international awareness in Italian publications. Donal oversaw a failed attempt to import a substantial amount of weapons and ammunition (captured Austrian stock from the World War I) from Genoa in the spring of 1921. During the War, Tom was captured by the British Army in Cork and was badly beaten and tortured in an effort to make him disclose the whereabouts of prominent IRA figures, including Michael Collins. He never broke, though his co-accused, Patrick Harte suffered brain damage and died in hospital insane.
During the Irish Civil War, the Hales brothers fought on opposite sides. Tom Hales commanded the Flying Column which attacked the Free State Army convoy at Béal na Bláth which resulted in the death of his friend, Michael Collins. Shortly thereafter, Sean Hales was shot dead under controversial circumstances connected with the bitter Civil War.
Hales was elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil Teachta Dála (TD) for the Cork West constituency at the 1933 general election, but failed to retain his seat as an independent candidate at the 1937 general election. He also unsuccessfully contested the 1944 general election as an independent candidate and the 1948 general election as a candidate for Clann na Poblachta.
Hales died in 1966.
Tadgh, a native of Blarney Street was the last Irish Volunteer killed by the British forces in the revolutionary years. Just some three weeks before the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, he was shot dead on November 15th, by a British sentry at Ballykinlar internment camp Co.Down.
Born to a working class family in 1880, he was schooled at the Blarney Street National School and then the North Monastery. Later he went on to work for four years in Our Lady’s Asylum and around 1909 his interest in journalism was becoming recognised. He began to write for the newly-established Cork Accent and went onto become a staff writer on the Cork Free Press (1910-1916) as a direct competitor to the Redmonite Cork Examiner. Barry specialised in GAA affairs and wrote under the pen-name of ‘An Ciotog’. This love of the game was born out of action, Tadgh was a delegate to both county and national GAA boards, he trained the first camogie team in Cork and (second in Ireland), Fainne an Lae he was a referee and Leading member of the Sunday’s Well club. These were not to be the only areas of service to his county for Tadgh, as he was to become radicalised. Tadgh was to commit to the idea of a free Ireland and the ideals of James Connolly, he would be a founding member of and secretary to the original Sinn Fein in Cork (1906-08) and prominent within the Cork Branch of the ITGWU.
Diarmuid Lynch recalls Tadgh Barry was a member of the IRB in Cork:
"...The Circle at Cork City - to which I was transferred. about 1910 - Was then in its infancy with a small membership which included: Sean O'Hegarty Centre), Thomas Barry, Tomas MacCurtain, Sean Murphy, Domnall Og O'Callaghan, Diarmaid Fawsitt, Bob Langford, Tadgh Barry, Tommy O'Riordan, Tommy 0'Mahony, Sean O'Sullivan, Billy O'Shea. .."
As a founding member of the Cork corps of the Irish Volunteers in 1913 he became an Officer and had previous experience from training of the Fianna in Cork from 1911, alongside Tomas MacCurtain and Sean O’Hegarty. Tadgh shared a platform with Connolly in Cork on two separate occasions and was on active service during the 1916 rising. Barry was selected Cork delegate to the historic October Sinn Fein convention in the Mansion House 1917. During this period he kept up his writing and was a regular for his union paper the Voice of Labour on topics of workers’ rights and the way forward for society. In 1916 he had the first descriptive book on hurling published entitled ‘Hurling and how to play it’. Barry also wrote poetry and had several collections published including Songs and(c)rhymes of a gaolbird published shortly after his release from prison in 1917 for delivering a seditious speech, he was released early after a hunger strike.
By early 1918, O'Sullivan had a weekly column with the 'Southern Star'.
In May 1918 he was arrested again by British forces in the ‘German Plot’ and was one of the senior Republicans arrested across Ireland and the only Republican lifted in Cork. Upon his release in 1919 he became full time Branch Secretary to the ITGWU Cork and was to the fore in the farm labourer’s widespread actions for a decent living wage between 1919-1920 and also the Dock’s strike of 1920.
Elected Alderman in the 1920 municipal elections which achieved the first Republican Corporation of Cork, he won on a joint ITGWU/Sinn Fein ticket representing the Sunday’s Well and Blarney Street areas. He now sat in a position to represent the interests of the workers and citizens of Cork along-side his comrades the Lord Mayor Tomas MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney. In this arena Barry and his allies pushed through many achievements for the workers and citizens of Cork. But this was not to last.
1920 brought new British tactics and the Axillaries (Black and Tans) were set loose on Cork City. The targeting of buildings ‘representing’ new ideals such as a free Ireland and burning them to the ground was the preferred method to leave a lasting statement. Both the now ‘Republican’ City Hall and the ITGWU Offices on Camden Quay were targeted and gutted. 1920 brought the murder of the Lord Mayor of Cork Tomas MacCurtain in the family home and the death of Terence MacSwiney on hunger strike in Brixton jail on October 24th. Following the loss of MacCurtain and MacSwiney, the Corporation gathered at the Court House to elect a new Lord Mayor. Barry and eight other councillors were arrested. He was transported to Ballykinlar internment camp in Co.Down. Here he was in the company of 2000 other revolutionaries including Sean Lemass. Tadgh whilst incarcerated kept busy and spent much time teaching fellow detainees Irish. He was noted for flying the ‘red flag’ over his barracks to the great annoyance of the British.
On November 15th 1921 whilst saying farewell to comrades leaving the camp, O'Sullivan was slow to walk back and was shot through the heart by a sentry. His funeral was the largest ever seen in Cork and on route over 30,000 marched behind his coffin in Dublin, almost all public bodies in Ireland passed a resolution of sympathy. Cork was closed, the cortege was led by the Cork IRA with bishops, priests, TD’s, Lord Mayors and representatives from many other cities in attendance. Michael Collins was in attendance even though he was the chief negotiator for the Irish delegation in the peace talks taking place in London.
Michael O'Flanagan, 19 Ratoath Road, Cabra West, Dublin recalled the killing of Barry in his statement to the Bureau of Military History:
".....It was during the visit of Staines and his British counterpart that Tadgh Barry, one of the prisoners, was shot dead by a sentry on duty at one of the look-out posts. It appears that Barry was standing on a bucket waving to some of his friends from Cork who were being released on parole. The sentry ordered the crowd of prisoners away from the boundary but they did not go quickly enough for him, so he opened fire during the course of which Parry was fatally wounded. This incident led to intense indignation on the part of the prisoners present who were all for rushing the sentry with a view to retaliation. They felt that the shooting of Barry, who was a most lovable type and a Labour leader of repute from Cork County, was uncalled for. The Camp Officers had a good deal of trouble in restraining the outraged feelings of his comrades. Our Officers pointed out to Barry's comrades that precipitate action at this stage was undesirable in view of the fact that the Dáil representative Mr. Staines was in the Camp and it was best that the investigation of the shooting should be left to him and his British counterpart. I am aware that the matter was investigated by Staines and the British representative but I did not hear the outcome of this investigation. Nothing further of an untoward nature happened during the remainder of my internment in Ballykinlar from which I was released in December of 1921.
http://www.bureauofmilitaryhistory.ie/reels/Bmh/BMH.WS0908.pdf#page=26
Jeremiah Joseph "Ginger" O'Connell (1887–1944) was a general (later demoted to colonel) in the Irish Defence Forces.
Born in County Mayo and educated at University College Dublin, he spent the years 1912-1914 in the United States Army. He returned to Ireland in 1914 and joined the Irish Volunteers, becoming Chief of Inspection in 1915. At the time the 1916 Rising, O'Connell was operating in Dublin under instruction from Joseph Plunkett; he was dispatched to Cork by Eoin MacNeill to prevent the Easter Rising. He was arrested and interned, spending time in Wandsworth Prison with Arthur Griffith.
During the Irish War of Independence, he was a member of the Irish Republican Army headquarters staff, as Assistant Director of Training and, after the killing of Dick McKee, as Director of Training.
In the IRA split after Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty, he supported the treaty and was made Deputy Chief of Staff in the National Army. On 26 June 1922, he was kidnapped by anti-treaty forces in reprisal for the arrest of an anti-treaty officer; his kidnapping was a precipitating factor in the formal outbreak of the Irish Civil War, when government pro-treaty forces two days later attacked anti-treaty forces occupying the Four Courts. O'Connell survived the fighting and spent the rest of the civil war as General Officer Commanding the Curragh Command.
He held various positions in the Irish Defence Forces, including head of intelligence, until his death in 1944, aged 57.
Born in County Mayo and educated at University College Dublin, he spent the years 1912-1914 in the United States Army. He returned to Ireland in 1914 and joined the Irish Volunteers, becoming Chief of Inspection in 1915. At the time the 1916 Rising, O'Connell was operating in Dublin under instruction from Joseph Plunkett; he was dispatched to Cork by Eoin MacNeill to prevent the Easter Rising. He was arrested and interned, spending time in Wandsworth Prison with Arthur Griffith.
During the Irish War of Independence, he was a member of the Irish Republican Army headquarters staff, as Assistant Director of Training and, after the killing of Dick McKee, as Director of Training.
In the IRA split after Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty, he supported the treaty and was made Deputy Chief of Staff in the National Army. On 26 June 1922, he was kidnapped by anti-treaty forces in reprisal for the arrest of an anti-treaty officer; his kidnapping was a precipitating factor in the formal outbreak of the Irish Civil War, when government pro-treaty forces two days later attacked anti-treaty forces occupying the Four Courts. O'Connell survived the fighting and spent the rest of the civil war as General Officer Commanding the Curragh Command.
He held various positions in the Irish Defence Forces, including head of intelligence, until his death in 1944, aged 57.
O'Donoghue made his submission to the Bureau of Military History on 17 December 1947:
"....A Company of National Volunteers, started by the local A.O.H. Branch, existed in the district in 1914. It was about 100 strong. The Company ceased to exist shortly after the outbreak of the European war. I was the only member of that Company who joined Carriganimme Company of the Irish Volunteers. A few joined Clondrohid Company. I took the initiative in calling the first meeting for the formation of a Company of Irish Volunteers in September, 1915. That was as a result of communication with Sean. Nolan of the Cork City Battalion, whose acquaintance I made in the Cork City Gaelic League a few years earlier.
In August, 1915, an Aeridheacht was held at Millstreet under the auspices of the Gaelic League and an address was delivered by Padraig Pearse. A number of Volunteers from Cork City attended the Aeridheacht in uniform, travelling by train to Macroom and cycling from there through Carriganimma. The presence of uniformed Volunteers in this remote village naturally attracted a good deal of attention. The party on their return in the evening were accompanied by Pearse, who travelled in a waggonette. They stopped. at Carriganimma and approached a number of local young men, asking them to join the movement. Sean Nolan and I interviewed the local Curate, the late Revd. John Casey, brother to the late Bishop Casey of Ross. He agreed to support the movement and arrangements were made for a public meeting after Mass on the first Sunday in September. At Mass on that Sunday Father Casey appealed strongly to the young men to join. The meeting was held. There was no Chairman. Sean Nolan addressed it, and about 25 men joined afterwards. Sean Nolan was subsequently charged at Macroom with having made statements likely to prejudice British recruiting at this meeting, but the charge was dismissed.
Soon after the start the following Officers were elected, and there was no change of Officers down to Easter, 1916:- Captain: Paud O'Donoghue. 1st Lieutenant: Redmond Walsh. There were no other Officers. The area of the Company was the North West half of the parish of Clondrohid.
Every Sunday an Officer from Cork City visited Carriganimma and drilled the Company. Parades were also held on two nights each week. The usual training was close order foot drill, arms drill, extended order drill, target practice and manoeuvres. Terence MacSwiney and Daithi Barry, who were Volunteer organisers, occasionally attended the week night parades. The Company attended a parade in Millstreet addressed by Terence MacSwiney. About 35 men from the Company attended the Manchester Martyrs' Commemoration in Cork November; in 1915, where addresses were delivered by Sean McDermott and Herbert Pun. About the same number attended the St. Patrick's a Day in Cork in 1916. I attended the training course under J.J O'Connell in Sheares' Street, Cork, in January, 1916.
The strength of the Company at the end of 1915 was about 35 men. At Easter, 191, it was about 40, I think it was about the end of March, 1916, that Terence MacSwiney came to me and asked my opinion as to what I thought of the Company - how many of them would turn out in a serious emergency. I expressed the opinion that about 70%, of the Company would turn out. He asked me what support we would be likely to get outside the Company, that is, from the people generally, and I said I thought not very much as we were not then taken very seriously. I. questioned him about the Citizen Army, as I had a feeling they would strike on their own and that public reaction to such action on their part would be bad. He told. me they would not act on their own. I was going to the Presentation College, Cork, in 1910. James Connolly held a series of meetings in Cork at that time. I heard him speak at Emmett Place. His policy did not appeal to me. I know he gave a lecture in An Dun but I was not present at it. Seamus Meade told me that the Gaelic League gave an undertaking afterwards that Connolly would be allowed to speak there again, Orders were received to assemble at Macroom on Easter Sunday, 1916. The so orders were written and, I think, were signed by Pat Higgins. Verbal instructions were later given, I think, by Dan Corkery to parade at Carriganimma. We mobilized everybody, and the following paraded: - Paud. O'Donoghue Redmond Walsh Edmond Walsh Dan Kelleher Patrick Kelleher James Cotter Patrick Cotter James Cotter Jerome Cotter James Roche Stephen Roche John O'Shea John Sweeney Carroll Patrick Kelleher Cornelius Kelleher James Walsh William O'Connell Daniel Corcoran Patrick O'Shea Timothy O'Shea Cornelius Dennehy Patrick Dennehy Cornelius Dennehy Cornelius Murphy Jeremiah Kelleher Cornelius Kelleher Hugh Twomey
The arms which we had were:- One .22 rifle, with. plenty of ammunition. Fourteen shot guns, with 60 rounds. Four .32 revolvers, with 12 rounds. 2 lbs. gelignite. -3- some of the shot guns were the property of members of the Company, others had been loaned by local farmers. The revolvers bad been in the area since the time of the Redmond/ O'Brien conflicts. They were given to us on request. Companies from Macroom, Kilnamartyra, Ballinagree and Clondrobid also assembled at Carriganimmia. all Companies remained there during the day and some exercises were carried out. Sean Nolan arrived in the evening and spoke to Dan Conkemy, but I do not know if he brought any message
Miceál Lynch of Ballyfeard arrived about 8 p.m. with instructions that the exercises were cancelled. We had no information of what was happening in. other areas. All the men were dismissed that night. Miceál Lynch stayed the night with me and returned to Cork next day. We received no order to stand to during the week, but the Company was mobilised on Thursday night. Macroom was contacted and we were advised to disperse and await further orders. I think this area was a Battalion before Easter, 1916. Several meetings of representatives of Macroom Kilnamartyra, Carriganimma, Clondrohid, Ballinagree and Kilmurray Companies were held in the Hall in School Lane, Macroom. Terence MacSwiney attended a few of these meetings, and we had others at which he was not present. I have the impression that some ten days or so before Easter we were advised to resist arrest if any attempt was made to arrest us. No order regarding arms was received during Easter Week. No arms were lost or surrendered in the Company area. There were no arrests, but I was raided for by police arid military on several occasions and was on the run for some months. I was sworn into the I.R.B. by Sean O'Sullivan, Cork, in October, 1915, and appointed centre. I took on four members of the Company before Easter, 1916. That. was the total strength of the local circle at Easter. There were no Fianna or Cuman-na-mBan organisations in my company area before 1916..."
"....A Company of National Volunteers, started by the local A.O.H. Branch, existed in the district in 1914. It was about 100 strong. The Company ceased to exist shortly after the outbreak of the European war. I was the only member of that Company who joined Carriganimme Company of the Irish Volunteers. A few joined Clondrohid Company. I took the initiative in calling the first meeting for the formation of a Company of Irish Volunteers in September, 1915. That was as a result of communication with Sean. Nolan of the Cork City Battalion, whose acquaintance I made in the Cork City Gaelic League a few years earlier.
In August, 1915, an Aeridheacht was held at Millstreet under the auspices of the Gaelic League and an address was delivered by Padraig Pearse. A number of Volunteers from Cork City attended the Aeridheacht in uniform, travelling by train to Macroom and cycling from there through Carriganimma. The presence of uniformed Volunteers in this remote village naturally attracted a good deal of attention. The party on their return in the evening were accompanied by Pearse, who travelled in a waggonette. They stopped. at Carriganimma and approached a number of local young men, asking them to join the movement. Sean Nolan and I interviewed the local Curate, the late Revd. John Casey, brother to the late Bishop Casey of Ross. He agreed to support the movement and arrangements were made for a public meeting after Mass on the first Sunday in September. At Mass on that Sunday Father Casey appealed strongly to the young men to join. The meeting was held. There was no Chairman. Sean Nolan addressed it, and about 25 men joined afterwards. Sean Nolan was subsequently charged at Macroom with having made statements likely to prejudice British recruiting at this meeting, but the charge was dismissed.
Soon after the start the following Officers were elected, and there was no change of Officers down to Easter, 1916:- Captain: Paud O'Donoghue. 1st Lieutenant: Redmond Walsh. There were no other Officers. The area of the Company was the North West half of the parish of Clondrohid.
Every Sunday an Officer from Cork City visited Carriganimma and drilled the Company. Parades were also held on two nights each week. The usual training was close order foot drill, arms drill, extended order drill, target practice and manoeuvres. Terence MacSwiney and Daithi Barry, who were Volunteer organisers, occasionally attended the week night parades. The Company attended a parade in Millstreet addressed by Terence MacSwiney. About 35 men from the Company attended the Manchester Martyrs' Commemoration in Cork November; in 1915, where addresses were delivered by Sean McDermott and Herbert Pun. About the same number attended the St. Patrick's a Day in Cork in 1916. I attended the training course under J.J O'Connell in Sheares' Street, Cork, in January, 1916.
The strength of the Company at the end of 1915 was about 35 men. At Easter, 191, it was about 40, I think it was about the end of March, 1916, that Terence MacSwiney came to me and asked my opinion as to what I thought of the Company - how many of them would turn out in a serious emergency. I expressed the opinion that about 70%, of the Company would turn out. He asked me what support we would be likely to get outside the Company, that is, from the people generally, and I said I thought not very much as we were not then taken very seriously. I. questioned him about the Citizen Army, as I had a feeling they would strike on their own and that public reaction to such action on their part would be bad. He told. me they would not act on their own. I was going to the Presentation College, Cork, in 1910. James Connolly held a series of meetings in Cork at that time. I heard him speak at Emmett Place. His policy did not appeal to me. I know he gave a lecture in An Dun but I was not present at it. Seamus Meade told me that the Gaelic League gave an undertaking afterwards that Connolly would be allowed to speak there again, Orders were received to assemble at Macroom on Easter Sunday, 1916. The so orders were written and, I think, were signed by Pat Higgins. Verbal instructions were later given, I think, by Dan Corkery to parade at Carriganimma. We mobilized everybody, and the following paraded: - Paud. O'Donoghue Redmond Walsh Edmond Walsh Dan Kelleher Patrick Kelleher James Cotter Patrick Cotter James Cotter Jerome Cotter James Roche Stephen Roche John O'Shea John Sweeney Carroll Patrick Kelleher Cornelius Kelleher James Walsh William O'Connell Daniel Corcoran Patrick O'Shea Timothy O'Shea Cornelius Dennehy Patrick Dennehy Cornelius Dennehy Cornelius Murphy Jeremiah Kelleher Cornelius Kelleher Hugh Twomey
The arms which we had were:- One .22 rifle, with. plenty of ammunition. Fourteen shot guns, with 60 rounds. Four .32 revolvers, with 12 rounds. 2 lbs. gelignite. -3- some of the shot guns were the property of members of the Company, others had been loaned by local farmers. The revolvers bad been in the area since the time of the Redmond/ O'Brien conflicts. They were given to us on request. Companies from Macroom, Kilnamartyra, Ballinagree and Clondrobid also assembled at Carriganimmia. all Companies remained there during the day and some exercises were carried out. Sean Nolan arrived in the evening and spoke to Dan Conkemy, but I do not know if he brought any message
Miceál Lynch of Ballyfeard arrived about 8 p.m. with instructions that the exercises were cancelled. We had no information of what was happening in. other areas. All the men were dismissed that night. Miceál Lynch stayed the night with me and returned to Cork next day. We received no order to stand to during the week, but the Company was mobilised on Thursday night. Macroom was contacted and we were advised to disperse and await further orders. I think this area was a Battalion before Easter, 1916. Several meetings of representatives of Macroom Kilnamartyra, Carriganimma, Clondrohid, Ballinagree and Kilmurray Companies were held in the Hall in School Lane, Macroom. Terence MacSwiney attended a few of these meetings, and we had others at which he was not present. I have the impression that some ten days or so before Easter we were advised to resist arrest if any attempt was made to arrest us. No order regarding arms was received during Easter Week. No arms were lost or surrendered in the Company area. There were no arrests, but I was raided for by police arid military on several occasions and was on the run for some months. I was sworn into the I.R.B. by Sean O'Sullivan, Cork, in October, 1915, and appointed centre. I took on four members of the Company before Easter, 1916. That. was the total strength of the local circle at Easter. There were no Fianna or Cuman-na-mBan organisations in my company area before 1916..."
Member of the IRB, Gaelic League and founder member of the Dunmanway IV - later Commanding Officer.
While Ahern did not make a statement to the Bureau of Military History, Edward Young in his April 1956 deposition is a treasure trove of information :
"Terence McSwiney, I understand, then appointed Con Ahearne as 0/C of the units in Dunmanway area and instructed him to mobilise Lyre, Behagh, Ballinacarriga and Dunmanway units on Easter Sunday morning and to march to Inchigeela under arms. He was given a specified time two hours, I think, from time of mobilisation to reach the assembly point with his force.
On Easter Sunday morning, 1916, the Dunmanway Company under Con Ahearne, 0/C., Michael McCarthy, 1st Lieutenant, and Tadgh O'Shea, 2nd Lieutenant, assembled after 8.30 a.m. Mass at the Market Square, Dunmanway. Lyre Company under Jim Walsh, 0/C., were already on parade as they had marched to Mass in Dunmanway. Nearly all members of Dunmanway Company were on parade.... All men on parade were armed mainly with shotguns. A few carried rifles and revolvers and all carried 24 hours rations. The parade under Con Ahearne moved off between 10 a.m. 5. and 10.15 a.m. We marched to Inchigeela where we arrived at noon. The parade was followed by two members of the R.I.C... on our way we had to pass by Inchigeela R.I.C. Barracks and, before reaching this point, we were instructed to be prepared for an attack by the R.I.C. This, however, did not take place and we reached Inchigeela without incident. On our arrival, we were congratulated by Tomas McCurtain (Brigade 0/C.) on our punctuality. Units from several other districts were already on parade and our unit took up its allotted position. The combined force was then drilled by Tomas McCurtain, who later reviewed the parade. After the march past, the parade was dismissed the whole force being ordered to reassemble about two hours later. On reassembly, all units were ordered to return to their home areas and to await further orders. The journey back to Dunmanway was undertaken in a downpour of rain and it was close on midnight when the parade was, dismissed in Dunmanway.
On the Tuesday of Easter Week 1916, Michael McCarthy (1st Lieut.) Dunmanway Company, cycled to Ballinadee to seek instructions from Tom Hales, who was 0/C. of the area. He returned with instructions to 'stand to' until further orders were received from Cork or Dublin. All during Easter Week we were awaiting orders, but none arrived. When news of the surrender in Dublin came to hand all arms held by the Dunmanway Company were dumped. "
During the first week in May 1916, Aherne and others of the Dunmanway Company were arrested, moved to Cork prison and later to prisons in England.
Edward Young continues in his BMH deposition: "....The return of the officers (Con Ahearne 0/C. and Tadgh O'Shea, 2nd Lieutenant) led to a renewed effort at reorganising the Irish Volunteers in the area and, within a short time, the strength of the Dunmanway Company began to increase. The officers were: 0/C. Con Ahearne; 1st Lieutenant Michael McCarthy; 2nd Lieutenant, Tadgh O'Shea...."
Ahern was arrested and jailed with others following a demonstration following the death of Tomas Ashe in September 1917 and released the following month when they began hunger strike.
Ahern continued as O/C of the Dunmanway IRA from 1918 to the Truce forming part of the Third Cork Brigade.
Edward Young comments: "...There was little activity in the area in connection with the General Election in December 1918. We were, however, engaged on protection duty at meetings and on work on the political side for Sinn Féin. I remember that during the election campaign the R.I.C. tried to arrest Mick Collins when he came to address a meeting in Dunmanway There was a baton charge at the meeting against which the Volunteers (including Ahearne)defended themselves, and so enabled Mick Collins to get away from the meeting and escape through Fr. Carmody's house..."
During the summer of 1919 all Volunteers were engaged in organising and collecting the First Dáil Éireann Loan. About this time also we were engaged in dealing with the boycott of Belfast goods. Goods consigned from firms in Belfast were seized at the railway station and in some cases destroyed.
About the middle of September 1920, Ahearne and others travelled to Kilbrittain in Bandon Battalion area.... for a course of training at a camp in Clonbuig. Tom Barry was 0/C. Others at this camp were Sean Hales, Ham Deasy, Con Crowley, Denis O'Brien, Jack Roche, 'Spud' Murphy, Stephen O'Neill, Flyer' Nyhan. The total number at the camp was between 20 and 25. The camp was carried on for one week and, during this time, we were instructed in the use of arms, the throwing of bombs, guard duty, as well as going through a course of physical training. At the conclusion of this camp we (Con Ahearne, Michael McCarthy and witness) returned to Dunmanway area where we put selected men from the various companies in the area through a somewhat similar course....
Aherne took part in various raids and ambushes in the area during the War of Independence including Dunmanway RIC Barracks October 1920,
While Ahern did not make a statement to the Bureau of Military History, Edward Young in his April 1956 deposition is a treasure trove of information :
"Terence McSwiney, I understand, then appointed Con Ahearne as 0/C of the units in Dunmanway area and instructed him to mobilise Lyre, Behagh, Ballinacarriga and Dunmanway units on Easter Sunday morning and to march to Inchigeela under arms. He was given a specified time two hours, I think, from time of mobilisation to reach the assembly point with his force.
On Easter Sunday morning, 1916, the Dunmanway Company under Con Ahearne, 0/C., Michael McCarthy, 1st Lieutenant, and Tadgh O'Shea, 2nd Lieutenant, assembled after 8.30 a.m. Mass at the Market Square, Dunmanway. Lyre Company under Jim Walsh, 0/C., were already on parade as they had marched to Mass in Dunmanway. Nearly all members of Dunmanway Company were on parade.... All men on parade were armed mainly with shotguns. A few carried rifles and revolvers and all carried 24 hours rations. The parade under Con Ahearne moved off between 10 a.m. 5. and 10.15 a.m. We marched to Inchigeela where we arrived at noon. The parade was followed by two members of the R.I.C... on our way we had to pass by Inchigeela R.I.C. Barracks and, before reaching this point, we were instructed to be prepared for an attack by the R.I.C. This, however, did not take place and we reached Inchigeela without incident. On our arrival, we were congratulated by Tomas McCurtain (Brigade 0/C.) on our punctuality. Units from several other districts were already on parade and our unit took up its allotted position. The combined force was then drilled by Tomas McCurtain, who later reviewed the parade. After the march past, the parade was dismissed the whole force being ordered to reassemble about two hours later. On reassembly, all units were ordered to return to their home areas and to await further orders. The journey back to Dunmanway was undertaken in a downpour of rain and it was close on midnight when the parade was, dismissed in Dunmanway.
On the Tuesday of Easter Week 1916, Michael McCarthy (1st Lieut.) Dunmanway Company, cycled to Ballinadee to seek instructions from Tom Hales, who was 0/C. of the area. He returned with instructions to 'stand to' until further orders were received from Cork or Dublin. All during Easter Week we were awaiting orders, but none arrived. When news of the surrender in Dublin came to hand all arms held by the Dunmanway Company were dumped. "
During the first week in May 1916, Aherne and others of the Dunmanway Company were arrested, moved to Cork prison and later to prisons in England.
Edward Young continues in his BMH deposition: "....The return of the officers (Con Ahearne 0/C. and Tadgh O'Shea, 2nd Lieutenant) led to a renewed effort at reorganising the Irish Volunteers in the area and, within a short time, the strength of the Dunmanway Company began to increase. The officers were: 0/C. Con Ahearne; 1st Lieutenant Michael McCarthy; 2nd Lieutenant, Tadgh O'Shea...."
Ahern was arrested and jailed with others following a demonstration following the death of Tomas Ashe in September 1917 and released the following month when they began hunger strike.
Ahern continued as O/C of the Dunmanway IRA from 1918 to the Truce forming part of the Third Cork Brigade.
Edward Young comments: "...There was little activity in the area in connection with the General Election in December 1918. We were, however, engaged on protection duty at meetings and on work on the political side for Sinn Féin. I remember that during the election campaign the R.I.C. tried to arrest Mick Collins when he came to address a meeting in Dunmanway There was a baton charge at the meeting against which the Volunteers (including Ahearne)defended themselves, and so enabled Mick Collins to get away from the meeting and escape through Fr. Carmody's house..."
During the summer of 1919 all Volunteers were engaged in organising and collecting the First Dáil Éireann Loan. About this time also we were engaged in dealing with the boycott of Belfast goods. Goods consigned from firms in Belfast were seized at the railway station and in some cases destroyed.
About the middle of September 1920, Ahearne and others travelled to Kilbrittain in Bandon Battalion area.... for a course of training at a camp in Clonbuig. Tom Barry was 0/C. Others at this camp were Sean Hales, Ham Deasy, Con Crowley, Denis O'Brien, Jack Roche, 'Spud' Murphy, Stephen O'Neill, Flyer' Nyhan. The total number at the camp was between 20 and 25. The camp was carried on for one week and, during this time, we were instructed in the use of arms, the throwing of bombs, guard duty, as well as going through a course of physical training. At the conclusion of this camp we (Con Ahearne, Michael McCarthy and witness) returned to Dunmanway area where we put selected men from the various companies in the area through a somewhat similar course....
Aherne took part in various raids and ambushes in the area during the War of Independence including Dunmanway RIC Barracks October 1920,
Ernest Blythe recalled O'Driscoll in his BMH statement of April 1954:
"...I also was able to get a unit going in Eyeries, where the principal local man was Sean O'Driscoll, whom I afterwards met in Belfast gaol, and who later on was in the Civic Guards..."
Sean O'Driscoll (C/O 6thBatt-Brigade active Column-Interned in "The Scrubs" [Wormwood Scrubs Prison] with his brother Diarmuid from February to June 1920
O'Driscoll was part of the Third West Cork Flying Brigade. He recalled in his statement to the BMH: "On the last day of March, 1921, the Third West Cork Brigade flying column, led by Tom Barry, attacked and destroyed Rosscarbery RIC Barracks. Having silently entered the village shortly after 1.00 a.m. they took up a position near the post office, about thirty yards from the barracks, which was surrounded by barbed wire. The upper windows of the buildings opposite the barracks were then occupied and the rear of the building was also covered. A small party of I.R.A. men then removed their boots and carried a 400 lb. bomb, which had been constructed by an ex-British Royal Engineer, to the front door of the barracks. When the device exploded most of the blast went outwards and failed to breach the doorway as had been expected. As the dust settled the garrison opened fire and a fierce battle ensued between the police and their attackers, with both sides using rifles and Mills bombs.
After two hours the police had been driven out of the front ground floor rooms into those at the back but eventually were forced to the top storey of the barracks where they continued their defence. When the IRA exploded two smaller bombs in the ground floor rooms the ceilings collapsed. The floors then caught fire and within minutes the entire building was an inferno. Forced into a single back room, the police garrison then surrendered.
Sergeant Ambrose Shea and Constables Bowles were killed in the attack and it is believed that and Constable Kinsella died of his wounds some time later. Eight other constables were wounded. The police lowered their more seriously wounded members through a back window and left the barracks by the same route. The bodies of Sergeant Shea and Constables Bowles could not be reached as they lay in the ground floor of the burning barracks where they had been killed early in the attack. The surviving RIC men were not fired on as they took shelter in, amongst other places, the local Convent of Mercy. The I.R.A. suffered no casualties during the attack and dawn was breaking as the retreated from the town. From then until the truce over two months later Rosscarbery was free of British forces..."
O'Driscoll married Annie (nee O’Mara -Captain 6th Batt (Flagmount) East Clare Brigade -Cumann na mBan) and later owned Knappogue Castle from 1926 to 1945.
"...I also was able to get a unit going in Eyeries, where the principal local man was Sean O'Driscoll, whom I afterwards met in Belfast gaol, and who later on was in the Civic Guards..."
Sean O'Driscoll (C/O 6thBatt-Brigade active Column-Interned in "The Scrubs" [Wormwood Scrubs Prison] with his brother Diarmuid from February to June 1920
O'Driscoll was part of the Third West Cork Flying Brigade. He recalled in his statement to the BMH: "On the last day of March, 1921, the Third West Cork Brigade flying column, led by Tom Barry, attacked and destroyed Rosscarbery RIC Barracks. Having silently entered the village shortly after 1.00 a.m. they took up a position near the post office, about thirty yards from the barracks, which was surrounded by barbed wire. The upper windows of the buildings opposite the barracks were then occupied and the rear of the building was also covered. A small party of I.R.A. men then removed their boots and carried a 400 lb. bomb, which had been constructed by an ex-British Royal Engineer, to the front door of the barracks. When the device exploded most of the blast went outwards and failed to breach the doorway as had been expected. As the dust settled the garrison opened fire and a fierce battle ensued between the police and their attackers, with both sides using rifles and Mills bombs.
After two hours the police had been driven out of the front ground floor rooms into those at the back but eventually were forced to the top storey of the barracks where they continued their defence. When the IRA exploded two smaller bombs in the ground floor rooms the ceilings collapsed. The floors then caught fire and within minutes the entire building was an inferno. Forced into a single back room, the police garrison then surrendered.
Sergeant Ambrose Shea and Constables Bowles were killed in the attack and it is believed that and Constable Kinsella died of his wounds some time later. Eight other constables were wounded. The police lowered their more seriously wounded members through a back window and left the barracks by the same route. The bodies of Sergeant Shea and Constables Bowles could not be reached as they lay in the ground floor of the burning barracks where they had been killed early in the attack. The surviving RIC men were not fired on as they took shelter in, amongst other places, the local Convent of Mercy. The I.R.A. suffered no casualties during the attack and dawn was breaking as the retreated from the town. From then until the truce over two months later Rosscarbery was free of British forces..."
O'Driscoll married Annie (nee O’Mara -Captain 6th Batt (Flagmount) East Clare Brigade -Cumann na mBan) and later owned Knappogue Castle from 1926 to 1945.
Eugene Walsh from Gaggin was the Captain of Clogagh Company, Irish Volunteers.
Walsh was among 17 men who mobilised on Easter Sunday and marched to Macroom. While Walsh did not complete a submission for the Bureau of Military History, his brother Michael recalled events in his BMH deposition on the early days of the Cloggah Company:
".... parades were held two or three times a week and a route march or exercise on every Sunday. We had no ex-servicemen in the Company and had to do the best we could with drill from what we were able to get ourselves out of drill books. Night parades were sometimes held to adjoining areas and these and the Sunday parades wore partly for the purpose of recruiting as well as for training. A Sunday parade was held in Barryroe in the last week of November, 1915. Terence MacSwiney was there with the Ballinadee Company. He addressed a meeting at which Jeremiah O'Brien presided. A Section was formed but made little progress until 1917. Sunday parades were also held to Ardfield and Enniskeane in the Winter of 1915-16. About 60 men from the Clogough Company attended the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork in 1916 and, 1 think, about the same number at the Manchester Martyrs' parade In 1915.
The arms which we had, at Easter, 1916, were: one Mauser rifle, 25 single-barrelled shot guns, with 500 rounds of ammunition, 3 old rifles, a Spanish revolver and, 12 pikes. The pikes were made locally by a blacksmith names Thomas Collins of Clashmore, Desertserges; they had 9ft. ash handles. The Mauser rifle we got from Ballinadee in exchange for a service rifle which we had taken off a British soldier home on leave. The police were looking for this service rifle and we gave it to Ba11inadee in exchange for the Mauser. I am not sure if bayonets were fixed to the shotguns at that time. I think it was probably after 1916 that we made bayonets for the shot guns. I had purchased the Spanish revolver myself and had bought the three old rifles from Flyer Nyhan's father immediately before Easter, 1916. We had plenty of cartridges as we had made our own buckshot and filled a number of cartridges with them. I had. a machine for filling cartridges. I had also about 10 lbs. of gelignite, which I used in my own business, and some fuse. All the men had belts, bandoliers and caps. Only two had full uniform. The men paid 3d a week into a fund for equipment and out of this fund the equipment was purchased. ...We got the orders for Easter, 1916, verbally from Ballinadee. There was regular communication between this house and Tom Hales at Ballinadee. I, or some member of the family, used to go over frequently, and Tom, Seán and Willie Hales used to come here. The orders were that we were to parade with all arms, ammunition and equipment and one or two days' rations. We got that order on the Wednesday or Thursday of Holy Week. We had reason to think it was something more than an ordinary parade. A few of us who were in close touch with Seán Hales had been given to understand it was serious. We were told we were to go to Macroom but we did not know where we were to go beyond that. We assembled at Gaggin about 7 o'clock on Easter Sunday morning and went across the fields to Tinkers' Cross. Between there and Kilmurray we met the Ballinadee Company and marched with them to Kilmurray where we had Mass. Going into Macroom from there Tom Hales was in charge and. my brother second-in charge. Seán Hales and I were vanguard. We met a policeman -3- coming towards us with a knapsack and a bicycle. I asked Seán would we let him pass. He said he had no orders and we were to let him pass. We went into Macroom and were dismissed there. We came back to Crookstown in the train. The evening was so wet most of the Company stayed there until the early hours of Monday Morning. Some marched back to their own areas as far as Clogough and Ballinascarthy - over 16 miles. The men were very fit. They had had twelve months' training at long marches. The men generally felt very disappointed at the Cancellation of whatever action was intended on Easter Sunday. They were most enthusiastic going out, although they did not know what they were going out for. They were ready and anxious to take part in whatever was going on. .."
Daniel Donovan, Burrane, Timoleague, Co. Cork recalled in his BMH deposition 1957 the Cloggagh Company:
".....When the British threatened to enforce conscription in the spring of 1918, there was a substantial increase in the membership of the Clogagh Company. The strength of the unit now reached about 60. There was no change in the officers. At this time, all arms mainly shotguns which were not already held by members of the Volunteers were collected in raids in which the majority of the members took part. The total armament held by the company now was about 15 shotguns, with a small supply of shotgun cartridges. In addition to collecting arms, making buckshot and refilling cartridges, the members of the unit were engaged in organising the general public to resist conscription and in collecting subscriptions for the anti-conscription fund. When the conscription scare had passed; towards mid-summer, the majority of the new recruits who had joined up in the early part of the year dropped out. Normal training continued throughout 1918, and occasionally during the summer and early autumn three or four neighbouring companies took part in combined operations on Sunday evenings. The object of these manoeuvres was to train the men to move across country utilising available cover. The next event of importance was the general election which was held an December, 1918. There was very little activity in our area in connection with the event, as the Sinn Féin candidate was returned unopposed...."
Early in July, 1920, Eugene Walsh retired from the I.R.A. He was replaced as 0/C by Tim Sexton.
Years later, a difference of opinion arose between John Walsh and Eugene Walsh as regards events in 1916:
John Walsh of Willsgrove, Enniskeane, Co. Cork in his BMH deposition dated 30 August, 1947 stated that: " The orders for Easter, 1916, came to us from Ballinadee, but I do not remember how they came or who gave them. They were to the effect that we were to march to Macroom on Easter Sunday, leaving here at dawn, and bring all arms, ammunition and equipment and two days' rations. We did not know where we were to go beyond that, and we had no information that this was anything more than an ordinary exercise. The order must have come from Tom Hales, as it was usual for orders to come to us from Ballinadee through Clogough Company. We had no direct communication with Cork, At one o'clock on Easter Saturday that order was cancelled by Eugene Walsh, the Captain of Clogough Company, who came to me. He and most of his Company were at Confession at Aiohill. He asked. me why we had not gone to Confession and I said we did not think there was any need for it as we were not going into war. I do not know if Eugene Walsh had got this cancellation order from Toni Bales or from anywhere else, but the order never went to Lyre Company and Walsh did not give any instructions to have it sent on to Lyre. The result was that Lyre marched on Easter Sunday and we did not. We were to meet on Easter Saturday night and we did meet I reported to the Company Captain, Con O'Mahony, the orders I had got from Eugene Walsh, and it was decided to meet again on Sunday and hold the usual parade, We held an ordinary parade of the Company on Easter Sunday...."
The next month, September 1947, Eugene Walsh made a statement to Florence O'Donoghue regarding the deposition by John Walsh. "...in reference to Aiohill Company, I have seen a copy of a statement made by John Walsh, Wilsgrove, Enniskeane, Co. Cork, concerning the history of that Unit in the period up to and including Easter Week, 1916. The statement was sent to me by Major F. O'Donoghue of the Bmh, who has informed me that he had the written permission of John Walsh to send me a copy of his statement. The allegation made by John Walsh in his statement that I cancelled the orders for the Easter Sunday 1916 parade of the Aiohill Company on Easter Saturday is absolutely untrue. I gave no such order to John Walsh or to anybody else, and I had no authority to give or purport to give such an order. I did not meet John Walsh on that Easter Saturday; I did not go to confession at Aiohill on that day, and, to my know1edge, no member of my Company went to Confession in Aiohill that day. The fact that I paraded with my own Company and went with it to Macroom on Easter Sunday, 1916, is evidence that I would not think of issuing such an order to another Company. I have read the statement made by my brother, Michael Walsh, in reference to the Clogough Company, of which I was Company Captain, and I agree with everything it contains...."
Walsh was among 17 men who mobilised on Easter Sunday and marched to Macroom. While Walsh did not complete a submission for the Bureau of Military History, his brother Michael recalled events in his BMH deposition on the early days of the Cloggah Company:
".... parades were held two or three times a week and a route march or exercise on every Sunday. We had no ex-servicemen in the Company and had to do the best we could with drill from what we were able to get ourselves out of drill books. Night parades were sometimes held to adjoining areas and these and the Sunday parades wore partly for the purpose of recruiting as well as for training. A Sunday parade was held in Barryroe in the last week of November, 1915. Terence MacSwiney was there with the Ballinadee Company. He addressed a meeting at which Jeremiah O'Brien presided. A Section was formed but made little progress until 1917. Sunday parades were also held to Ardfield and Enniskeane in the Winter of 1915-16. About 60 men from the Clogough Company attended the St. Patrick's Day parade in Cork in 1916 and, 1 think, about the same number at the Manchester Martyrs' parade In 1915.
The arms which we had, at Easter, 1916, were: one Mauser rifle, 25 single-barrelled shot guns, with 500 rounds of ammunition, 3 old rifles, a Spanish revolver and, 12 pikes. The pikes were made locally by a blacksmith names Thomas Collins of Clashmore, Desertserges; they had 9ft. ash handles. The Mauser rifle we got from Ballinadee in exchange for a service rifle which we had taken off a British soldier home on leave. The police were looking for this service rifle and we gave it to Ba11inadee in exchange for the Mauser. I am not sure if bayonets were fixed to the shotguns at that time. I think it was probably after 1916 that we made bayonets for the shot guns. I had purchased the Spanish revolver myself and had bought the three old rifles from Flyer Nyhan's father immediately before Easter, 1916. We had plenty of cartridges as we had made our own buckshot and filled a number of cartridges with them. I had. a machine for filling cartridges. I had also about 10 lbs. of gelignite, which I used in my own business, and some fuse. All the men had belts, bandoliers and caps. Only two had full uniform. The men paid 3d a week into a fund for equipment and out of this fund the equipment was purchased. ...We got the orders for Easter, 1916, verbally from Ballinadee. There was regular communication between this house and Tom Hales at Ballinadee. I, or some member of the family, used to go over frequently, and Tom, Seán and Willie Hales used to come here. The orders were that we were to parade with all arms, ammunition and equipment and one or two days' rations. We got that order on the Wednesday or Thursday of Holy Week. We had reason to think it was something more than an ordinary parade. A few of us who were in close touch with Seán Hales had been given to understand it was serious. We were told we were to go to Macroom but we did not know where we were to go beyond that. We assembled at Gaggin about 7 o'clock on Easter Sunday morning and went across the fields to Tinkers' Cross. Between there and Kilmurray we met the Ballinadee Company and marched with them to Kilmurray where we had Mass. Going into Macroom from there Tom Hales was in charge and. my brother second-in charge. Seán Hales and I were vanguard. We met a policeman -3- coming towards us with a knapsack and a bicycle. I asked Seán would we let him pass. He said he had no orders and we were to let him pass. We went into Macroom and were dismissed there. We came back to Crookstown in the train. The evening was so wet most of the Company stayed there until the early hours of Monday Morning. Some marched back to their own areas as far as Clogough and Ballinascarthy - over 16 miles. The men were very fit. They had had twelve months' training at long marches. The men generally felt very disappointed at the Cancellation of whatever action was intended on Easter Sunday. They were most enthusiastic going out, although they did not know what they were going out for. They were ready and anxious to take part in whatever was going on. .."
Daniel Donovan, Burrane, Timoleague, Co. Cork recalled in his BMH deposition 1957 the Cloggagh Company:
".....When the British threatened to enforce conscription in the spring of 1918, there was a substantial increase in the membership of the Clogagh Company. The strength of the unit now reached about 60. There was no change in the officers. At this time, all arms mainly shotguns which were not already held by members of the Volunteers were collected in raids in which the majority of the members took part. The total armament held by the company now was about 15 shotguns, with a small supply of shotgun cartridges. In addition to collecting arms, making buckshot and refilling cartridges, the members of the unit were engaged in organising the general public to resist conscription and in collecting subscriptions for the anti-conscription fund. When the conscription scare had passed; towards mid-summer, the majority of the new recruits who had joined up in the early part of the year dropped out. Normal training continued throughout 1918, and occasionally during the summer and early autumn three or four neighbouring companies took part in combined operations on Sunday evenings. The object of these manoeuvres was to train the men to move across country utilising available cover. The next event of importance was the general election which was held an December, 1918. There was very little activity in our area in connection with the event, as the Sinn Féin candidate was returned unopposed...."
Early in July, 1920, Eugene Walsh retired from the I.R.A. He was replaced as 0/C by Tim Sexton.
Years later, a difference of opinion arose between John Walsh and Eugene Walsh as regards events in 1916:
John Walsh of Willsgrove, Enniskeane, Co. Cork in his BMH deposition dated 30 August, 1947 stated that: " The orders for Easter, 1916, came to us from Ballinadee, but I do not remember how they came or who gave them. They were to the effect that we were to march to Macroom on Easter Sunday, leaving here at dawn, and bring all arms, ammunition and equipment and two days' rations. We did not know where we were to go beyond that, and we had no information that this was anything more than an ordinary exercise. The order must have come from Tom Hales, as it was usual for orders to come to us from Ballinadee through Clogough Company. We had no direct communication with Cork, At one o'clock on Easter Saturday that order was cancelled by Eugene Walsh, the Captain of Clogough Company, who came to me. He and most of his Company were at Confession at Aiohill. He asked. me why we had not gone to Confession and I said we did not think there was any need for it as we were not going into war. I do not know if Eugene Walsh had got this cancellation order from Toni Bales or from anywhere else, but the order never went to Lyre Company and Walsh did not give any instructions to have it sent on to Lyre. The result was that Lyre marched on Easter Sunday and we did not. We were to meet on Easter Saturday night and we did meet I reported to the Company Captain, Con O'Mahony, the orders I had got from Eugene Walsh, and it was decided to meet again on Sunday and hold the usual parade, We held an ordinary parade of the Company on Easter Sunday...."
The next month, September 1947, Eugene Walsh made a statement to Florence O'Donoghue regarding the deposition by John Walsh. "...in reference to Aiohill Company, I have seen a copy of a statement made by John Walsh, Wilsgrove, Enniskeane, Co. Cork, concerning the history of that Unit in the period up to and including Easter Week, 1916. The statement was sent to me by Major F. O'Donoghue of the Bmh, who has informed me that he had the written permission of John Walsh to send me a copy of his statement. The allegation made by John Walsh in his statement that I cancelled the orders for the Easter Sunday 1916 parade of the Aiohill Company on Easter Saturday is absolutely untrue. I gave no such order to John Walsh or to anybody else, and I had no authority to give or purport to give such an order. I did not meet John Walsh on that Easter Saturday; I did not go to confession at Aiohill on that day, and, to my know1edge, no member of my Company went to Confession in Aiohill that day. The fact that I paraded with my own Company and went with it to Macroom on Easter Sunday, 1916, is evidence that I would not think of issuing such an order to another Company. I have read the statement made by my brother, Michael Walsh, in reference to the Clogough Company, of which I was Company Captain, and I agree with everything it contains...."
Born in Ballydaly, Millstreet. Commanding Office of the Rathduane, Millstreet Irish Volunteers Company.
O'Brien and 29 others from the Rathduane IV Company mobilised on Easter Sunday and carried out field exercises south of Millstreet while awaiting orders. None came and so by 6pm, the Company marched back to the town and were dismissed.
Denis O'Keeffe recalled in his statement, that O'Brien ".... was very much puzzled by this parade and the fact that nothing had happened on Sunday, because he had got information about ten days before from Dan Dennehy, Adjutant of the Rathmore Company, that an important. job was timed for Easter Sunday and to be in readiness. Then he got that information special efforts were made in the Company to have everything in the best order possible for Easter Sunday. Cartridges were loaded with slugs, and all the shot guns it was possible to get were secured... The arms of Rathduane Company on that day were:- Six shot guns, with about 600 rounds of which about 200 had been loaded with slug. Twelve pikes. One .45 revolver and 12 rounds. Twelve sticks of gelignite, which Denis O'Brien had got When leaving the Course in Cork in January. We had no rifles....
By Easter Tuesday, April 25th, ".... There were only four serviceable shot guns in the Company. Denis O'Brien had a Mauser rifle and 20 rounds, which he had got from Jerry Twomey in Millstreet on Sunday, He also had the .45 revolver. Five men were mobilised, viz., Denis O'Brien, Tim Murphy, Pat Twohig, Denis O'Keeffe and Tim Collins. We took 200 or 300 rounds of shot gun ammunition, 4 shot guns, the rifle and revolver, with What ammunition we had for them. We went by the Southern road to Mount Leader, South of Millstreet, and took up a position covering the R.I.C. Barracks at a distance of 600 yards. We arrived in the position at about 12 noon arid waited for a considerable time for someone to get in touch with us. No one did, except someone who brought us tea and had no information. About 5 or 6 o'clock, when no one had made contact with us, Denis O'Brien decided he would go into the town and seek information, leaving the other men in position. He vent in from the East, saw the Barracks shut up and barred, and no sign of a policeman anywhere. He went to Radley's forge, as he believed him to be connected with the Volunteers, but was unable to get any information. He went back to his party. They remained in position till nightfall, and then, as no one had made contact With them, they returned to their own area. Before going to Millstreet on Tuesday, Denis O'Brien had left orders that the remainder of the Company be mobilized to await any further order. On his return he found that this had been done. The men were then dismissed, after arrangements had been made to mobilise them quickly it any further message came. They were available at short notice during the remainder of the week, but no order came to the Company. Denis O'Brien never questioned Twomey afterwards as to the circumstances in which he gave the order on Tuesday...."
O'Brien avoided arrest on May 10th when combined British and RIC forces raided his home and remained on the run for some time afterwards.
Nothing is known of his activities after 1916.
O'Brien and 29 others from the Rathduane IV Company mobilised on Easter Sunday and carried out field exercises south of Millstreet while awaiting orders. None came and so by 6pm, the Company marched back to the town and were dismissed.
Denis O'Keeffe recalled in his statement, that O'Brien ".... was very much puzzled by this parade and the fact that nothing had happened on Sunday, because he had got information about ten days before from Dan Dennehy, Adjutant of the Rathmore Company, that an important. job was timed for Easter Sunday and to be in readiness. Then he got that information special efforts were made in the Company to have everything in the best order possible for Easter Sunday. Cartridges were loaded with slugs, and all the shot guns it was possible to get were secured... The arms of Rathduane Company on that day were:- Six shot guns, with about 600 rounds of which about 200 had been loaded with slug. Twelve pikes. One .45 revolver and 12 rounds. Twelve sticks of gelignite, which Denis O'Brien had got When leaving the Course in Cork in January. We had no rifles....
By Easter Tuesday, April 25th, ".... There were only four serviceable shot guns in the Company. Denis O'Brien had a Mauser rifle and 20 rounds, which he had got from Jerry Twomey in Millstreet on Sunday, He also had the .45 revolver. Five men were mobilised, viz., Denis O'Brien, Tim Murphy, Pat Twohig, Denis O'Keeffe and Tim Collins. We took 200 or 300 rounds of shot gun ammunition, 4 shot guns, the rifle and revolver, with What ammunition we had for them. We went by the Southern road to Mount Leader, South of Millstreet, and took up a position covering the R.I.C. Barracks at a distance of 600 yards. We arrived in the position at about 12 noon arid waited for a considerable time for someone to get in touch with us. No one did, except someone who brought us tea and had no information. About 5 or 6 o'clock, when no one had made contact with us, Denis O'Brien decided he would go into the town and seek information, leaving the other men in position. He vent in from the East, saw the Barracks shut up and barred, and no sign of a policeman anywhere. He went to Radley's forge, as he believed him to be connected with the Volunteers, but was unable to get any information. He went back to his party. They remained in position till nightfall, and then, as no one had made contact With them, they returned to their own area. Before going to Millstreet on Tuesday, Denis O'Brien had left orders that the remainder of the Company be mobilized to await any further order. On his return he found that this had been done. The men were then dismissed, after arrangements had been made to mobilise them quickly it any further message came. They were available at short notice during the remainder of the week, but no order came to the Company. Denis O'Brien never questioned Twomey afterwards as to the circumstances in which he gave the order on Tuesday...."
O'Brien avoided arrest on May 10th when combined British and RIC forces raided his home and remained on the run for some time afterwards.
Nothing is known of his activities after 1916.
Nothing is known of Sean Collins.
Seamus Courtney was born in Cork City in 1897. His father Daniel, a blacksmith, was originally from Passage West. His mother Kate was from the Gortatlea area in Kerry. The Courtney’s lived in a small one bed roomed terraced house in the Hibernian Buildings just off Albert Road in Cork. The Courtney family home was right in the heart of Cork’s Jewish quarter, or ‘Jewtown’ as it was known to the locals, and at its height in 1910 had about 350 Jews living there, many originating from Lithuania, mostly all congregating in or around the Hibernian Buildings. Despite the large Jewish community, a significant proportion of the local families were also Irish Catholics. Many of these were staunch nationalists, including the Courtneys.
In 1912 when Seamus was fifteen years old, and having only just left school, he joined the Cork branch of the Irish National Boy Scouts, (Na Fianna Eireann), which at that early stage held meetings at the Gaelic League headquarters An Dún in Queen Street. The Cork City Fianna branch had only been in existence for about a year but Seamus’ leadership qualities soon became apparent and he quickly rose up through the ranks and became leader of the Cork City Sluagh shortly after he joined. His leadership skills were also recognized beyond Cork City and he was soon in command of the Cork County Fianna by 1914. At that time there were branches throughout the county in places such as Blarney, Cobh, Douglas, Blackrock and Youghal. Courtney also represented Cork on the Munster Fianna Council, which had delegates from Tipperary, Waterford, Limerick and Kerry.
By this stage Seamus also became associated with the Irish Volunteers and while he devoted the greater part of his time organizing, recruiting and training the Fianna, he was also regarded as an experienced and valuable officer by the Volunteer hierarchy in Cork, and he assisted in training of new Volunteer recruits. At the Munster Fianna Convention held in Limerick in the summer of 1915 Courtney was appointed Commandant or O/C of the entire Munster Fianna organization. He delegated his previous role as head of the Cork Fianna to his able deputy and close friend Sean Healy.
In January 1916 Seamus took part in a week long ‘Officers Course’ held at Irish Volunteers HQ in Sheares Street, Cork City. Following orders received from IV Cork City Battalion O/C Sean O’Sullivan, in the days leading up to the Easter Rising, Seamus Courtney and Sean Healy mobilized about 20 senior Fianna Eireann officers at the Volunteers Hall in Sheares Street. On Easter Sunday morning the Fianna paraded in the Hall and several of them remained at Sheares Street for the rest of the week on standby.
Following the Rising the Fianna and Irish Volunteers were re-organised in Cork. In March 1917 a meeting of Fianna and Volunteer officers at Sheares Street was raided by the police and the names of those present, including Seamus Courtney and Sean Healy of the Fianna, were recorded. A week later, during the night Seamus and Sean were both arrested at their homes. The other officers had been tipped off about the imminent arrests but Courtney and Healy were not told as it was felt that they would not be arrested as they were too young. They were brought to the Bridewell detention centre in the city. They were charged with illegal drilling at the hall in Sheares Street, when they were clearly not doing anything of the sort and, despite their protests, were sentenced to eighteen months hard labour. It was subsequently reduced to three months on account of their age. They were sent to Cork Gaol. They served the full three months in harsh conditions and were released.
The Fianna organized a large welcome reception for Seamus and Sean the night of their release and the following Saturday another function was held where a presentation was made to each of them in the form of specially made inscribed Fianna wallets with ten pounds inside.
Once settled back into the regular routine of work and the movement, Seamus suggested to Sean and the other officers, about the possibility of inviting Countess Markievicz down from Dublin on behalf of the local branch of Fianna Eireann. Markievicz was only recently released from prison herself, and Seamus felt it would be a boost for the movement in Cork, a tribute to her and an honour for the Cork Fianna to have her as a guest in the city. Markievicz accepted the invite and Seamus began making plans for her stay. He booked City Hall for the occasion and arranged a full concert programme complete with a céilidh afterwards. He placed an advert in the local newspaper announcing her visit and arranged a horse drawn open carriage to collect her from the train station. The visit was a tremendous success and the streets were thronged with thousands of Corkonians hoping to catch a glimpse of this famous rebel woman. The concert itself was another triumph and Markievicz received a standing ovation when she took to the stage. Tomás Mac Curtain and Terence MacSwiney were so impressed with Seamus taking the initiative of organising the whole event and his tireless efforts with the Fianna, that they co-opted him onto the Battalion Council of the Irish Volunteers.
In October of that year (1917) another round up of senior Cork Volunteer and Fianna officers took place, this time there was no tip off and in total about 60 senior Republicans, including Seamus, found themselves behind bars. Following sentencing, they all received various terms of hard labour. A meeting of the prisoners was held and it was decided to start a hunger strike. Four days later they were all released under the ‘Cat and Mouse’ act.
Towards the end of spring, 1918, Seamus’ health rapidly deteriorated, due to ill treatment he received, and the hard labour conditions, during his two prison stays and the brief hunger strike. He gave up his job as secretary of the Transport Workers Union (TWU) and also found himself unable to devote his time to Fianna activities. He went to stay with his Aunt on their farm near Ballymacelligott in Kerry. It was hoped the fresh air and a well needed rest would help Seamus back to his feet however about five weeks later word was sent to his comrades in Cork that he was in a bad way and was not expected to pull through. He requested to see his old friend Sean Healy and following a visit Sean remarked that he was “shocked at the change in him in such a short time”. Two weeks after Sean’s visit to Kerry, on the 22nd of July 1918, Seamus passed away aged only 21 years old.
Seamus’ coffin was sent from Kerry to Cork by train and was draped with a tricolour by the Kerry Fianna. A huge crowd met the train and followed the Fianna guard of honour through the streets of Cork to the South Parish Church. A large crowd attended his funeral the next day, which was organized by Sean Healy and the Cork Fianna. The burial took place at Passage West.
In 1912 when Seamus was fifteen years old, and having only just left school, he joined the Cork branch of the Irish National Boy Scouts, (Na Fianna Eireann), which at that early stage held meetings at the Gaelic League headquarters An Dún in Queen Street. The Cork City Fianna branch had only been in existence for about a year but Seamus’ leadership qualities soon became apparent and he quickly rose up through the ranks and became leader of the Cork City Sluagh shortly after he joined. His leadership skills were also recognized beyond Cork City and he was soon in command of the Cork County Fianna by 1914. At that time there were branches throughout the county in places such as Blarney, Cobh, Douglas, Blackrock and Youghal. Courtney also represented Cork on the Munster Fianna Council, which had delegates from Tipperary, Waterford, Limerick and Kerry.
By this stage Seamus also became associated with the Irish Volunteers and while he devoted the greater part of his time organizing, recruiting and training the Fianna, he was also regarded as an experienced and valuable officer by the Volunteer hierarchy in Cork, and he assisted in training of new Volunteer recruits. At the Munster Fianna Convention held in Limerick in the summer of 1915 Courtney was appointed Commandant or O/C of the entire Munster Fianna organization. He delegated his previous role as head of the Cork Fianna to his able deputy and close friend Sean Healy.
In January 1916 Seamus took part in a week long ‘Officers Course’ held at Irish Volunteers HQ in Sheares Street, Cork City. Following orders received from IV Cork City Battalion O/C Sean O’Sullivan, in the days leading up to the Easter Rising, Seamus Courtney and Sean Healy mobilized about 20 senior Fianna Eireann officers at the Volunteers Hall in Sheares Street. On Easter Sunday morning the Fianna paraded in the Hall and several of them remained at Sheares Street for the rest of the week on standby.
Following the Rising the Fianna and Irish Volunteers were re-organised in Cork. In March 1917 a meeting of Fianna and Volunteer officers at Sheares Street was raided by the police and the names of those present, including Seamus Courtney and Sean Healy of the Fianna, were recorded. A week later, during the night Seamus and Sean were both arrested at their homes. The other officers had been tipped off about the imminent arrests but Courtney and Healy were not told as it was felt that they would not be arrested as they were too young. They were brought to the Bridewell detention centre in the city. They were charged with illegal drilling at the hall in Sheares Street, when they were clearly not doing anything of the sort and, despite their protests, were sentenced to eighteen months hard labour. It was subsequently reduced to three months on account of their age. They were sent to Cork Gaol. They served the full three months in harsh conditions and were released.
The Fianna organized a large welcome reception for Seamus and Sean the night of their release and the following Saturday another function was held where a presentation was made to each of them in the form of specially made inscribed Fianna wallets with ten pounds inside.
Once settled back into the regular routine of work and the movement, Seamus suggested to Sean and the other officers, about the possibility of inviting Countess Markievicz down from Dublin on behalf of the local branch of Fianna Eireann. Markievicz was only recently released from prison herself, and Seamus felt it would be a boost for the movement in Cork, a tribute to her and an honour for the Cork Fianna to have her as a guest in the city. Markievicz accepted the invite and Seamus began making plans for her stay. He booked City Hall for the occasion and arranged a full concert programme complete with a céilidh afterwards. He placed an advert in the local newspaper announcing her visit and arranged a horse drawn open carriage to collect her from the train station. The visit was a tremendous success and the streets were thronged with thousands of Corkonians hoping to catch a glimpse of this famous rebel woman. The concert itself was another triumph and Markievicz received a standing ovation when she took to the stage. Tomás Mac Curtain and Terence MacSwiney were so impressed with Seamus taking the initiative of organising the whole event and his tireless efforts with the Fianna, that they co-opted him onto the Battalion Council of the Irish Volunteers.
In October of that year (1917) another round up of senior Cork Volunteer and Fianna officers took place, this time there was no tip off and in total about 60 senior Republicans, including Seamus, found themselves behind bars. Following sentencing, they all received various terms of hard labour. A meeting of the prisoners was held and it was decided to start a hunger strike. Four days later they were all released under the ‘Cat and Mouse’ act.
Towards the end of spring, 1918, Seamus’ health rapidly deteriorated, due to ill treatment he received, and the hard labour conditions, during his two prison stays and the brief hunger strike. He gave up his job as secretary of the Transport Workers Union (TWU) and also found himself unable to devote his time to Fianna activities. He went to stay with his Aunt on their farm near Ballymacelligott in Kerry. It was hoped the fresh air and a well needed rest would help Seamus back to his feet however about five weeks later word was sent to his comrades in Cork that he was in a bad way and was not expected to pull through. He requested to see his old friend Sean Healy and following a visit Sean remarked that he was “shocked at the change in him in such a short time”. Two weeks after Sean’s visit to Kerry, on the 22nd of July 1918, Seamus passed away aged only 21 years old.
Seamus’ coffin was sent from Kerry to Cork by train and was draped with a tricolour by the Kerry Fianna. A huge crowd met the train and followed the Fianna guard of honour through the streets of Cork to the South Parish Church. A large crowd attended his funeral the next day, which was organized by Sean Healy and the Cork Fianna. The burial took place at Passage West.
Little is known of Jeremiah Mullane other than he first became the secretary of Mourneabbey Irish Volunteers in 1914. Following his attendance at the Officers Training Course in 1915, he was elected First Lieutenant. It is not known what his involvement in the Rising was.
By late 1916 he moved to Cork to take up employment. He died there in late April 1917.
Cornelius O'Regan, Monaparson Mourne Abbey, Co. Cork recalled Mullane:
"This was on the occasion of the funeral of Jerry Mullane late 1st Lieutenant of the company who had died in Cork. The date was May 2nd, 1917, and it was the first full parade of the Mourneabbey Company since 1916...and it was on this day also that the R.I.C. succeeded in removing the flag which had been flying on Mourne Abbey Castle since the anniversary of the Rising. The full company paraded at the funeral under Liam Jones, 0/C, and the coffin was draped with the tricolour..."
(NB Not to be confused with Jeremiah Mullane of Blarney Street (D Company Cork City Irish Volunteers) who was among a number captured and killed by the Black and Tans in 1921)
By late 1916 he moved to Cork to take up employment. He died there in late April 1917.
Cornelius O'Regan, Monaparson Mourne Abbey, Co. Cork recalled Mullane:
"This was on the occasion of the funeral of Jerry Mullane late 1st Lieutenant of the company who had died in Cork. The date was May 2nd, 1917, and it was the first full parade of the Mourneabbey Company since 1916...and it was on this day also that the R.I.C. succeeded in removing the flag which had been flying on Mourne Abbey Castle since the anniversary of the Rising. The full company paraded at the funeral under Liam Jones, 0/C, and the coffin was draped with the tricolour..."
(NB Not to be confused with Jeremiah Mullane of Blarney Street (D Company Cork City Irish Volunteers) who was among a number captured and killed by the Black and Tans in 1921)
Born in Knockalucy, Ballinhassig.
Michael Hyde was the Drill Instructor for the Ballinhassig Irish Volunteers.
Timothy O'Riordan, Maurice Healy & Jerome Crowley Joint statement as members of the Ballinhassig Company Irish Volunteers 1915-1916:
"...The general order for the parade on Easter Sunday, 1916, was issued some time beforehand. Three or four days before Easter Sunday Pat Higgins came out to a meeting at Hydes. At this meeting there were present only Michael arid Patrick Hyde, Pat Higgins and Tim Riordan. Pat Higgins told us that the object of the parade on Easter Sunday was to get arms that were to be landed, and that we were to be ready for anything. We were not to tell anyone else in the Company of this. We were afraid they would not turn out if they knew. An order was issued for all men to parade at Raheen Cross at 6 o'clock on Easter Sunday morning with all arms and equipment and two days' rations. Some men from outlying districts came on Saturday night and stayed the night at Crowleys, Roches, Hydes and other houses in Ballinaboy. Pat Higgins came out from Cork and stayed the night at Hydes.
All had caps, belts, haversacks and puttees. Michael Hyde had a full uniform. We had 3 Service rifles and one Martini, with about rounds for the Service rifles and 50 rounds for the Marti1. Everyone not having a rifle had a shot gun. We did not bring the pikes as we had enough shot guns to arm everyone. We had. about 50 rounds a man for the shot guns. None of it was loaded with slug. We had. 3 or 4. 22 revolvers, with about 20 rounds for each. We had no explosives. The shot guns were mostly the property of local farmers. We took three horses and carts on which We carried food and complete cooking equipment. When Terence MacSwiney met us at Bealnablath he was much impressed by the fact that the men were then having a full dinner which we bad just cooked on the roadside. We brought a couple of bicycles for scouting purposes. We marched to Upton and had 8 O'clock Mass there. Our appearance aroused the interest of the priests there and they commented on our foolishness in going out, poorly armed as we were, against immense and powerful. forces.
After Mass we went on via Ballinacurra and Straw Hall to Bealnablath. We were the first to arrive there, and were having dinner when Terence MacSwiney arrived in a car. He told us to join the Cork men who were coming and march with them to Macroom. While we waited for the Cork Companies, the Ballinadee and other Companies passed on towards Kilmurray. When the Cork men came up we joined them and overtook the other Companies at Kilmurray. The whole body then marched to Macroom. Tom Donovan told Jerome Crowley on the road to Macroom that they were going to get arms, and that it would be alright if the British did not meet the arms before they did. As far as we knew then, Macroom was our objective; we did not know that we were to go beyond it. After being some time in Macroom Pat Higgins told. us the thing was cancelled, and we were to go home. That is all we knew about it. We took the train to Dooniskey and went up to where we had left the horses and carts at a farmhouse (Longs, possibly) near Bealnablath. The public house would not open for us, but the people in the farmhouse were very decent. They left us stay in their hayloft for the night. The food we had with us was destroyed by the heavy rain, and the woman of the house made tea for us that night and again in the morning before we left. Mike Walsh was the only one who went home on Sunday night. He had seized two hens at the pub. when they would not open for us and proposed to cook them, but we let them go again.
On Easter Monday we marched back by the same route as we had gone out on Sunday, arriving at Ballinhassig about 3 or 4 O'clock in the afternoon. A Military lorry had passed us between Brinny and Crossbarry going towards Bandon, but had not interfered with us. At Killeady we got a newspaper and saw in it the news about the men whose car ran over the pier near Killorglin. We stood to arms during the week. There were a lot of wild rumours. We were waiting for definite orders. There was an idea, the origin of which none of us can now remember, that Paddy Hyde was expecting an order from Ballinadee to attack the R.I.C. Barracks at Ballinhassig. We assembled. every night in the village.
On Tuesday night of Easter Week someone that we did not know came from Cork and cancelled all orders. He said Dublin was being shelled, and generally gave a very alarming picture of the situation. He gave instructions that word was to be sent to Ballinadee cancelling all orders, and Paddy Hyde went to Ballinadee, walking across the slob to avoid going through Innishannon. He continued to stand to until the end of the week, but got no orders from anywhere.
On Wednesday morning, May 3rd, Fred Cronin came to Ballinhassig on a bicycle, saying that be wanted to get to Ballinadee to bring back Terence MacSwiney who had gone out there the previous night in a four-wheeled cab. Jerome Crowley cycled with Fred towards Ballinadee. At Innishannon they were held up by two police with rifles. Fred was searched and they were questioned as to their movements. Fred was aggressive and maintained his rights as a citizen to go where he wished on the public road, and held they had no authority to inquire into his business. A long wrangle ended with the police none the wiser. Jerome was not searched, fortunately, because he had a despatch receipt book on him at the time. It was usual for dispatches from Ballinadee to pass through Ballinhassig. They went on the road towards Bandon cautiously. Some men told them there were soldiers on guard at the railway bridge ahead of them, that the whole country had been arrested., and the Hales taken to Bandon Barracks. They left the main road; went on to Wolfe's Cross, and. than across the fields to within sight of Hales. They saw old Hales and went in. The house was in confusion. Terence MacSwiney and two of the Hales and two of the Hyde a had been arrested and taken to Bandon. They returned to Innishannon on the way back and were again held up and taken to the Barracks this time. They were searched and let go. Jerome Crowley brought word of the arrests to Ballinhassig Company and Fred Cronin went on to Cork. Michael Hyde and Tim Riordan decided that they were ar1ed men and would be arrested anyhow, and that it was better to have the others go on the run for a while, on the following day, May 4th, Michael Hyde, Tim Riordan and John Leary were arrested, The local R.I.C. Sergeant asked Tim Riordan to give up the arms and there would be no fore trouble. No arms were, however, given up and none were got in the raids. There were no Fianna, I.R.B. or Cuman-na-mBan organisations in the area at Easter, 1916...."
On May 4th, 1916 both Hyde brothers were arrested but their place of detention was unknown until the MP for the area, Mr Cream raised the issue in Parliament and was informed that they and others were in detention at Wakefield Detention Barracks.
1917: Hyde along with his brothers Patrick & John and five others were prosecuted as the organisers of a Sinn Fein concert at Ballinhassig at which Irish Volunteer uniforms were worn.
Michael Riordan of Bandon recalled in his BMH statement: "...About February, 1918, I travelled with Denis Desmond and representatives from Ballinadee, Kilbrittain, to Snugmore in the Kinsale area to help to reinstate a tenant who had been evicted during the Land War, from his farm. Tom Hales was in charge of the combined force. When we got to the farm we found men from Kinsale, Ballinhassig and other companies in the area already assembled. We were informed that the house on the farm was occupied by a force of R.I.C. Plans were made to surround the building and capture the garrison, but before any action was taken on this operation a number of ploughmen were put to work with teams of horses to plough up some of the land so that the spring crops could be put in. Then the ploughmen had set about their job, the remainder of the assembled Volunteers, to the number of about twenty, were placed in position to close in on the farmhouse. While moving into position, one member of the R.I.C. garrison endeavoured to get through our cordon in order to go to Kinsale for reinforcements. He was captured and disarmed. However, when our forces were reassembled and we approached the farmhouse, we found that the garrison had withdrawn apparently while we were concentrating on the capture of the member of the garrison who had endeavoured to get through in the first instance. I should say that the only arms we had on this occasion were sticks and hurlers. However, we had captured one carbine. We remained on the farm for some hours until the ploughing was finished. The ploughmen and their helpers then loaded up their equipment and all sections set out for their home areas. We had only left the farm when the R.I.C. garrison re-appeared and arrested two of the ploughmen (Mick Hyde, Ballinhassig, and Dempsey, Old Head). When it was observed that our men had been arrested, arrangements were being made to rush the escort and rescue then when the sudden appearance of a strong force of military from Kinsale prevented any further action. .."
Michael Lynch was also involved in this event which became known as 'The Hosford Affair', later serving six months in Mountjoy Prison.
Michael Hyde was the Drill Instructor for the Ballinhassig Irish Volunteers.
Timothy O'Riordan, Maurice Healy & Jerome Crowley Joint statement as members of the Ballinhassig Company Irish Volunteers 1915-1916:
"...The general order for the parade on Easter Sunday, 1916, was issued some time beforehand. Three or four days before Easter Sunday Pat Higgins came out to a meeting at Hydes. At this meeting there were present only Michael arid Patrick Hyde, Pat Higgins and Tim Riordan. Pat Higgins told us that the object of the parade on Easter Sunday was to get arms that were to be landed, and that we were to be ready for anything. We were not to tell anyone else in the Company of this. We were afraid they would not turn out if they knew. An order was issued for all men to parade at Raheen Cross at 6 o'clock on Easter Sunday morning with all arms and equipment and two days' rations. Some men from outlying districts came on Saturday night and stayed the night at Crowleys, Roches, Hydes and other houses in Ballinaboy. Pat Higgins came out from Cork and stayed the night at Hydes.
All had caps, belts, haversacks and puttees. Michael Hyde had a full uniform. We had 3 Service rifles and one Martini, with about rounds for the Service rifles and 50 rounds for the Marti1. Everyone not having a rifle had a shot gun. We did not bring the pikes as we had enough shot guns to arm everyone. We had. about 50 rounds a man for the shot guns. None of it was loaded with slug. We had. 3 or 4. 22 revolvers, with about 20 rounds for each. We had no explosives. The shot guns were mostly the property of local farmers. We took three horses and carts on which We carried food and complete cooking equipment. When Terence MacSwiney met us at Bealnablath he was much impressed by the fact that the men were then having a full dinner which we bad just cooked on the roadside. We brought a couple of bicycles for scouting purposes. We marched to Upton and had 8 O'clock Mass there. Our appearance aroused the interest of the priests there and they commented on our foolishness in going out, poorly armed as we were, against immense and powerful. forces.
After Mass we went on via Ballinacurra and Straw Hall to Bealnablath. We were the first to arrive there, and were having dinner when Terence MacSwiney arrived in a car. He told us to join the Cork men who were coming and march with them to Macroom. While we waited for the Cork Companies, the Ballinadee and other Companies passed on towards Kilmurray. When the Cork men came up we joined them and overtook the other Companies at Kilmurray. The whole body then marched to Macroom. Tom Donovan told Jerome Crowley on the road to Macroom that they were going to get arms, and that it would be alright if the British did not meet the arms before they did. As far as we knew then, Macroom was our objective; we did not know that we were to go beyond it. After being some time in Macroom Pat Higgins told. us the thing was cancelled, and we were to go home. That is all we knew about it. We took the train to Dooniskey and went up to where we had left the horses and carts at a farmhouse (Longs, possibly) near Bealnablath. The public house would not open for us, but the people in the farmhouse were very decent. They left us stay in their hayloft for the night. The food we had with us was destroyed by the heavy rain, and the woman of the house made tea for us that night and again in the morning before we left. Mike Walsh was the only one who went home on Sunday night. He had seized two hens at the pub. when they would not open for us and proposed to cook them, but we let them go again.
On Easter Monday we marched back by the same route as we had gone out on Sunday, arriving at Ballinhassig about 3 or 4 O'clock in the afternoon. A Military lorry had passed us between Brinny and Crossbarry going towards Bandon, but had not interfered with us. At Killeady we got a newspaper and saw in it the news about the men whose car ran over the pier near Killorglin. We stood to arms during the week. There were a lot of wild rumours. We were waiting for definite orders. There was an idea, the origin of which none of us can now remember, that Paddy Hyde was expecting an order from Ballinadee to attack the R.I.C. Barracks at Ballinhassig. We assembled. every night in the village.
On Tuesday night of Easter Week someone that we did not know came from Cork and cancelled all orders. He said Dublin was being shelled, and generally gave a very alarming picture of the situation. He gave instructions that word was to be sent to Ballinadee cancelling all orders, and Paddy Hyde went to Ballinadee, walking across the slob to avoid going through Innishannon. He continued to stand to until the end of the week, but got no orders from anywhere.
On Wednesday morning, May 3rd, Fred Cronin came to Ballinhassig on a bicycle, saying that be wanted to get to Ballinadee to bring back Terence MacSwiney who had gone out there the previous night in a four-wheeled cab. Jerome Crowley cycled with Fred towards Ballinadee. At Innishannon they were held up by two police with rifles. Fred was searched and they were questioned as to their movements. Fred was aggressive and maintained his rights as a citizen to go where he wished on the public road, and held they had no authority to inquire into his business. A long wrangle ended with the police none the wiser. Jerome was not searched, fortunately, because he had a despatch receipt book on him at the time. It was usual for dispatches from Ballinadee to pass through Ballinhassig. They went on the road towards Bandon cautiously. Some men told them there were soldiers on guard at the railway bridge ahead of them, that the whole country had been arrested., and the Hales taken to Bandon Barracks. They left the main road; went on to Wolfe's Cross, and. than across the fields to within sight of Hales. They saw old Hales and went in. The house was in confusion. Terence MacSwiney and two of the Hales and two of the Hyde a had been arrested and taken to Bandon. They returned to Innishannon on the way back and were again held up and taken to the Barracks this time. They were searched and let go. Jerome Crowley brought word of the arrests to Ballinhassig Company and Fred Cronin went on to Cork. Michael Hyde and Tim Riordan decided that they were ar1ed men and would be arrested anyhow, and that it was better to have the others go on the run for a while, on the following day, May 4th, Michael Hyde, Tim Riordan and John Leary were arrested, The local R.I.C. Sergeant asked Tim Riordan to give up the arms and there would be no fore trouble. No arms were, however, given up and none were got in the raids. There were no Fianna, I.R.B. or Cuman-na-mBan organisations in the area at Easter, 1916...."
On May 4th, 1916 both Hyde brothers were arrested but their place of detention was unknown until the MP for the area, Mr Cream raised the issue in Parliament and was informed that they and others were in detention at Wakefield Detention Barracks.
1917: Hyde along with his brothers Patrick & John and five others were prosecuted as the organisers of a Sinn Fein concert at Ballinhassig at which Irish Volunteer uniforms were worn.
Michael Riordan of Bandon recalled in his BMH statement: "...About February, 1918, I travelled with Denis Desmond and representatives from Ballinadee, Kilbrittain, to Snugmore in the Kinsale area to help to reinstate a tenant who had been evicted during the Land War, from his farm. Tom Hales was in charge of the combined force. When we got to the farm we found men from Kinsale, Ballinhassig and other companies in the area already assembled. We were informed that the house on the farm was occupied by a force of R.I.C. Plans were made to surround the building and capture the garrison, but before any action was taken on this operation a number of ploughmen were put to work with teams of horses to plough up some of the land so that the spring crops could be put in. Then the ploughmen had set about their job, the remainder of the assembled Volunteers, to the number of about twenty, were placed in position to close in on the farmhouse. While moving into position, one member of the R.I.C. garrison endeavoured to get through our cordon in order to go to Kinsale for reinforcements. He was captured and disarmed. However, when our forces were reassembled and we approached the farmhouse, we found that the garrison had withdrawn apparently while we were concentrating on the capture of the member of the garrison who had endeavoured to get through in the first instance. I should say that the only arms we had on this occasion were sticks and hurlers. However, we had captured one carbine. We remained on the farm for some hours until the ploughing was finished. The ploughmen and their helpers then loaded up their equipment and all sections set out for their home areas. We had only left the farm when the R.I.C. garrison re-appeared and arrested two of the ploughmen (Mick Hyde, Ballinhassig, and Dempsey, Old Head). When it was observed that our men had been arrested, arrangements were being made to rush the escort and rescue then when the sudden appearance of a strong force of military from Kinsale prevented any further action. .."
Michael Lynch was also involved in this event which became known as 'The Hosford Affair', later serving six months in Mountjoy Prison.
For some time before the start of the Irish Volunteers in 1913 there were three I.R.B. men in Cobh, Patrick Curran, Manager of the Co-Operative Society, Liam (Wiliam Patrick) O'Brien of Globally, who was a chemist's assistant in the town, and Michael Leahy from Haulbowline. He was among those that founded the Cobh branch of the Irish Volunteers in December 1913.
O'Brien was one of thirteen men who mobilised in Cobh on Easter Saturday morning and marched to the Irish Volunteers HQ in Share's Street, Cork where they remained overnight. The following morning as they assembled, confusion regarding the countermanding details resulted. O'Brien went by train with the rest of the Irish Volunteers to Crookstown, where they met up with other companies and marched to Macroom in the pouring rain. In the main square, they assembled and then were dismissed. On their return to Cork and rumours of military action, they remained in the Sheares St Hall overnight and Easter Monday before returning to Cobh on Easter Tuesday, April 25.
Seamus Fitzgerald recalled in his deposition to the BMH:
"....For the next number of days, Liam O'Brien (of Galbally) went to Cork as our emissary each night for instructions from Headquarters, but none was forthcoming. Working at Haulbowline each day, we kept our counsel as best we could. In the boiler shop, an armoured railcar was being made to send to Dublin for use against the rebels, but, as far as I can remember, it was not completed in time..."
On May 3, 1916, O'Brien was arrested by the military and was taken with Seamus Fitzgerald and the leader of the Cobh IV, Michael Leahy to Cork detention barracks. From there, O'Brien were detained without trial in Wakefield Detention Barracks in Yorkshire, transferred to Frongoch and to Wandsworth before release at the end of 1916.
October 2018: Thanks to Johnny Doyle, a regular historical blogger who passed on additional information (below) relating to Liam O'Brien - one of three brothers involved in the Easter Rising and subsequent war of independence:
" John Joe O'Brien from Galbally in Co Limerick, was in this thick of things early on and participated in the rescue of Sean Hogan at Knocklong in May 1919. John Joe's brother Ned also took part, being wounded in the action and eventually making his way to the USA where he worked with Harry Boland. Jeremiah Ring, one of the policemen at Knocklong, later became a friend of and regular visitor to John Joe.
Ned and John Joe's younger brother William Patrick (aka Willie Pa), before becoming a Chemistry Apprentice at Wilson's in Queenstown, attended Rockwell College and then UCC. He was a member of the UCC team that won the Sigerson Cup in 1911... was arrested after the Easter Rising as a member of the Queenstown, Co Cork Volunteers. He was sent to Wakefield and then onto FronGoch. Willie Pa died shortly after his release 28 November 1916. One of the RIC men accused of mistreating Willie Pa at the time of his arrest was Sgt James Kingston. John Joe believed that he shot and killed Sgt Kingston at the fight at Annacarty in which Sean Wall was killed..."
Johnny's Blog entry is here.
O'Brien was one of thirteen men who mobilised in Cobh on Easter Saturday morning and marched to the Irish Volunteers HQ in Share's Street, Cork where they remained overnight. The following morning as they assembled, confusion regarding the countermanding details resulted. O'Brien went by train with the rest of the Irish Volunteers to Crookstown, where they met up with other companies and marched to Macroom in the pouring rain. In the main square, they assembled and then were dismissed. On their return to Cork and rumours of military action, they remained in the Sheares St Hall overnight and Easter Monday before returning to Cobh on Easter Tuesday, April 25.
Seamus Fitzgerald recalled in his deposition to the BMH:
"....For the next number of days, Liam O'Brien (of Galbally) went to Cork as our emissary each night for instructions from Headquarters, but none was forthcoming. Working at Haulbowline each day, we kept our counsel as best we could. In the boiler shop, an armoured railcar was being made to send to Dublin for use against the rebels, but, as far as I can remember, it was not completed in time..."
On May 3, 1916, O'Brien was arrested by the military and was taken with Seamus Fitzgerald and the leader of the Cobh IV, Michael Leahy to Cork detention barracks. From there, O'Brien were detained without trial in Wakefield Detention Barracks in Yorkshire, transferred to Frongoch and to Wandsworth before release at the end of 1916.
October 2018: Thanks to Johnny Doyle, a regular historical blogger who passed on additional information (below) relating to Liam O'Brien - one of three brothers involved in the Easter Rising and subsequent war of independence:
" John Joe O'Brien from Galbally in Co Limerick, was in this thick of things early on and participated in the rescue of Sean Hogan at Knocklong in May 1919. John Joe's brother Ned also took part, being wounded in the action and eventually making his way to the USA where he worked with Harry Boland. Jeremiah Ring, one of the policemen at Knocklong, later became a friend of and regular visitor to John Joe.
Ned and John Joe's younger brother William Patrick (aka Willie Pa), before becoming a Chemistry Apprentice at Wilson's in Queenstown, attended Rockwell College and then UCC. He was a member of the UCC team that won the Sigerson Cup in 1911... was arrested after the Easter Rising as a member of the Queenstown, Co Cork Volunteers. He was sent to Wakefield and then onto FronGoch. Willie Pa died shortly after his release 28 November 1916. One of the RIC men accused of mistreating Willie Pa at the time of his arrest was Sgt James Kingston. John Joe believed that he shot and killed Sgt Kingston at the fight at Annacarty in which Sean Wall was killed..."
Johnny's Blog entry is here.
Born in Dunmanway. In June 1915, Con Ahern and Michael McCarthy were among a group of nine that met in Dunmanway to form the Dunmanway Irish Volunteers. Ahern was elected Commanding Officer and McCarthy 2nd In Command.
Patrick O'Brien, Gir1ough, Ballineen, Co. Cork in his deposition to the BMH dated 1st November, 1947, recalled the formation of the Volunteers and the subsequent confusion during the Easter Rising:
".... Con Ahern, Michael McCarthy, Tom Donovan and myself held weekly meetings in Dunmanway and discussed all matters re1aive to the area. As far as I can remember, the meetings were held on Wednesday night at 8 o'clock. Our first public parade outside the Company area was in November, 1915, for the Manchester Martyrs in Cork. Each Section made a collection to buy, equipment for this turn-out, and we collected enough to buy caps, belts and haversacks. Con Ahern bought the equipment for all three Sections. Ballinacarriga and Behagh Sections marched into Dunmanway, Joined the Dunmanway men there and all went to Cork by train. About 60 men from the Company Paraded. The parade was a real success.
...[in January 1916] Michael McCarthy and Con Ahern attended the training course carried out by J.J. O'Connell at the Hall in Sheares Street. Tom Donovan and myself were to arrange for their expenses, but, as far as I remember, they were never paid, On the Sunday after their return a sham battle was held in Ballinacarriga, all three Sections taking part. From that on we were training very hard, and reading the "Volunteer" and the "Spark" for our Sections. Michael McCarthy and Con Ahern were representing the Company at County Committee meetings in Cork....
On the Tuesday before Easter Sunday Terence MacSwiney came to Dunmanway and made our arrangements. The orders for Easter Sunday were that we were to parade at Dunmanway with all arms, ammunition and equipment, and march to Inchigeela, 13 miles to the North. There we would receive further instructions. Jim Walsh, Captain of Lyre Company, told me that Terence MacSwiney left it Optimal to him to go with Bandon or Dunmanway Company, and he decided to march with Dunmanway Company. Terence MacSwiney said nothing directly as regards the purpose of the parade; he did not say there was to be a Rising, or that we were getting arms, though there was a vague expectation of arms. We mobilised every man in the Ballinacarriga Section. There were a number of rumours in circulation, and these had the effect of keeping a number of men from turning up..... we had three saddle horses. Lyre and Dunmanway Companies assembled in Dunmanway after 8 o'clock Mass and marched Inchigeela. Tomas MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney met us there and informed us that the parade had been called off. We were dismissed for an hour, and in a downpour of rain we marched back to Dunmanway.
At about 2 a.m. on either Wednesday or Thursday morning of Easter Week Jim Walsh, Captain of Lyre Company, came to me at Girlough and said that he had got a message from Tom Hales to find out from Dunmanway what they would do, and to send Michael McCarthy on the 9.15 a.m. train to Bandon, from which he was to proceed to Ballinadee. Precise directions were given as to how he was to reach Ballinadee. I went into Dunmanway at once and saw Michael McCarthy at about 4 a.m. He sent for Con Ahern. We discussed what we would do, but came to no decision other than to send Michael McCarthy to Ballinadee and wait to see what they would do. He went to Bal1inadee and came back on the 4.30 train. I did not see him on his return, but I heard he had got instructions from Tom Hales to go to Ballingeary. We remained on the alert until Saturday when we heard the fight was over in Dublin. We had got no orders in the meantime. On May 3rd the following were raided for:- Michael McCarthy, Edward Young, Liam Duggan, Tadg O'Shea, Con Ahern, Con O'Sullivan, Dunmanway, J.J. and Paddy Coakley, Manch, James Donovan, Manch, and myself. The following were arrested:- Liam Duggan, Daniel McCarthy (father of Michael McCarthy), Con Ahern, Tadg O'Shea and Con O'Sullivan....."
McCarthy was appointed Vice Officer Commanding of the West Cork Brigade in 1919. Arrested in March 1920, he went on an 18 day hunger strike at Wormwood Scrubs prison before being released. On his return to West Cork, he joined the West Cork Flying Column in October 1920 and two months later on November 28, 1920, was involved in what was a turning point in the Irish War of Independence.
In Kilmichael, West Cork between the hours of 4:05 p.m. and 4:20 p.m., thirty-six local Irish Republican Army volunteers under the command of 23-year-old Tom Barry killed 17 members of the British state’s elite paramilitary Auxiliary Division of the RIC. The Kilmichael ambush was of great political significance as it came just a week after Bloody Sunday (1920) in Dublin and marked a profound escalation in the IRA’s guerrilla campaign.
The Auxiliaries were commissioned officers and were initially designed to provide an officer class to the Black and Tans, the paramilitary police raised by the British to put down republican guerrillas in Ireland. However, they quickly became a separate force following their establishment in July 1920 and were regarded as a highly trained elite force by both sides in the conflict. The Auxiliaries engaged at Kilmichael all had previous experience in World War I. While they were officially part of the RIC in effect they were independent of it. The Auxiliaries and the Black and Tans rapidly became highly unpopular in Ireland for their intimidation of the civilian population and their arbitrary reprisals for IRA actions – including house burnings, beatings and killings. Only a week before the Kilmichael ambush, the Auxiliaries had fired on a football crowd in Dublin’s Croke Park, killing 14 civilians.
The Auxiliaries in Cork were based in the town of Macroom, and in November 1920 they carried out a number of raids on the villages in the surrounding area, including Dunmanway, Coppeen and Castletownkenneigh in order to intimidate the local population away from supporting the IRA. Tom Barry, in his memoirs, noted that the IRA had, up until Kilmichael, hardly fired a shot at the Auxiliaries, which, “had a very serious effect on the morale of the whole people as well as on the IRA”. Barry’s assessment was that the West Cork IRA needed a successful action against the Auxiliaries in order to be effective.
On November 21, he assembled a flying column of 36 riflemen at Clogher. The column had just 35 rounds for each rifle as well as a handful of revolvers and two mills bombs (hand grenades). Barry scouted possible ambush sites on horseback and selected one on Macroom-Dunmanway road, on the section between Kilmichael and Gleann, which the Auxiliaries coming out of Macroom used every day. The flying column marched there on foot and reached the ambush site on the night of the 27th. The IRA men took up positions in the low rocky hills on either side of the road.
As dusk fell between 4.05 and 4.20 on November 28, 1920 on a desolate roadside at Dus a’ Bharraigh in the townland of Shanacashel, Kilmichael Parish, near Macroom the ambush took place.
Just before the Auxiliaries came into view, two armed IRA men, responding late to Barry’s mobilisation order, drove unwittingly into the ambush position in a horse and side-car, almost shielding the British forces behind them. Barry managed to avert this by directing the car up a side road and out of the way. The IRA got the Auxiliaries’ first lorry to slow down by placing Barry himself on the road, wearing what Barry claims was an IRA officer’s tunic given to him by Paddy O’Brien, but what the British would later claim was one of their own uniforms. The British would also claim that the IRA had worn British uniforms including steel trench helmets, however Barry insisted that, with the exception of himself, they were all dressed in civilian clothes, although they were using captured British weapons and equipment. The lorry, containing nine Auxiliaries slowed almost to a halt 35 yards (c. 30 metres) from the ambush position before Barry gave the order to fire and the lorry was hit by hand grenade, thrown by Barry into the open cab. A savage close quarter fight ensued. According to Barry’s account, some of the British were killed using rifle butts and bayonets. The British later claimed that the dead had been mutilated with axes, although Barry dismissed this as absurd. All nine Auxiliaries in the first lorry were killed.
While this fight was still going on, a second lorry, also containing 9 Auxiliaries, had driven into the ambush position and its occupants were exchanging fire with the IRA squad who had not engaged the first lorry. When Barry brought the men who had attacked the first lorry to bear on the second lorry, he claims the Auxiliaries called out to surrender, but then opened fire when the IRA men emerged from cover, killing two of them. Barry then says that he ordered, “Rapid fire and do not stop until I tell you”. Barry states that he ignored a subsequent attempt by the Auxiliaries to surrender, and kept his men firing at a range of only ten yards (8 metres) until he believed all the British troops were dead. In fact, two survived, though badly injured. Among the dead was Colonel Crake, commander of the Auxiliaries in Macroom. Two IRA men, Michael McCarthy, Jim O’Sullivan were killed outright and Pat Deasy (brother of Liam Deasy) was mortally wounded. .
Two officers survived the ambush. One, HF Ford, survived, though shot in the head, brain-damaged and paralysed. Ford was left for dead by the IRA. Ironically, the severity of his injuries saved his life. He was picked up by the British the following day and taken to hospital in Cork and was later awarded £10,000 in compensation. The other survivor, Cecil Guthrie, escaped, badly wounded from the ambush site but he asked for help at a house where two IRA men were staying and they killed him with his own gun. According to Father Pat Twohig’s “Green Tears for Hecuba”, Guthrie was identified as the member of the Auxiliaries who had previously murdered the uninvolved civilian Séamus Ó Liatháin in Ballymakeera. His body was dumped in Annahala bog. In 1926, on behalf of the Guthrie family, Kevin O’Higgins, Irish Free State Minister for Home Affairs, interceded with the local IRA. Guthrie’s remains were disinterred and handed over to the Church of Ireland authorities at Macroom.
Michael McCarthy was buried in Castletown Kenneigh.
Patrick O'Brien, Gir1ough, Ballineen, Co. Cork in his deposition to the BMH dated 1st November, 1947, recalled the formation of the Volunteers and the subsequent confusion during the Easter Rising:
".... Con Ahern, Michael McCarthy, Tom Donovan and myself held weekly meetings in Dunmanway and discussed all matters re1aive to the area. As far as I can remember, the meetings were held on Wednesday night at 8 o'clock. Our first public parade outside the Company area was in November, 1915, for the Manchester Martyrs in Cork. Each Section made a collection to buy, equipment for this turn-out, and we collected enough to buy caps, belts and haversacks. Con Ahern bought the equipment for all three Sections. Ballinacarriga and Behagh Sections marched into Dunmanway, Joined the Dunmanway men there and all went to Cork by train. About 60 men from the Company Paraded. The parade was a real success.
...[in January 1916] Michael McCarthy and Con Ahern attended the training course carried out by J.J. O'Connell at the Hall in Sheares Street. Tom Donovan and myself were to arrange for their expenses, but, as far as I remember, they were never paid, On the Sunday after their return a sham battle was held in Ballinacarriga, all three Sections taking part. From that on we were training very hard, and reading the "Volunteer" and the "Spark" for our Sections. Michael McCarthy and Con Ahern were representing the Company at County Committee meetings in Cork....
On the Tuesday before Easter Sunday Terence MacSwiney came to Dunmanway and made our arrangements. The orders for Easter Sunday were that we were to parade at Dunmanway with all arms, ammunition and equipment, and march to Inchigeela, 13 miles to the North. There we would receive further instructions. Jim Walsh, Captain of Lyre Company, told me that Terence MacSwiney left it Optimal to him to go with Bandon or Dunmanway Company, and he decided to march with Dunmanway Company. Terence MacSwiney said nothing directly as regards the purpose of the parade; he did not say there was to be a Rising, or that we were getting arms, though there was a vague expectation of arms. We mobilised every man in the Ballinacarriga Section. There were a number of rumours in circulation, and these had the effect of keeping a number of men from turning up..... we had three saddle horses. Lyre and Dunmanway Companies assembled in Dunmanway after 8 o'clock Mass and marched Inchigeela. Tomas MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney met us there and informed us that the parade had been called off. We were dismissed for an hour, and in a downpour of rain we marched back to Dunmanway.
At about 2 a.m. on either Wednesday or Thursday morning of Easter Week Jim Walsh, Captain of Lyre Company, came to me at Girlough and said that he had got a message from Tom Hales to find out from Dunmanway what they would do, and to send Michael McCarthy on the 9.15 a.m. train to Bandon, from which he was to proceed to Ballinadee. Precise directions were given as to how he was to reach Ballinadee. I went into Dunmanway at once and saw Michael McCarthy at about 4 a.m. He sent for Con Ahern. We discussed what we would do, but came to no decision other than to send Michael McCarthy to Ballinadee and wait to see what they would do. He went to Bal1inadee and came back on the 4.30 train. I did not see him on his return, but I heard he had got instructions from Tom Hales to go to Ballingeary. We remained on the alert until Saturday when we heard the fight was over in Dublin. We had got no orders in the meantime. On May 3rd the following were raided for:- Michael McCarthy, Edward Young, Liam Duggan, Tadg O'Shea, Con Ahern, Con O'Sullivan, Dunmanway, J.J. and Paddy Coakley, Manch, James Donovan, Manch, and myself. The following were arrested:- Liam Duggan, Daniel McCarthy (father of Michael McCarthy), Con Ahern, Tadg O'Shea and Con O'Sullivan....."
McCarthy was appointed Vice Officer Commanding of the West Cork Brigade in 1919. Arrested in March 1920, he went on an 18 day hunger strike at Wormwood Scrubs prison before being released. On his return to West Cork, he joined the West Cork Flying Column in October 1920 and two months later on November 28, 1920, was involved in what was a turning point in the Irish War of Independence.
In Kilmichael, West Cork between the hours of 4:05 p.m. and 4:20 p.m., thirty-six local Irish Republican Army volunteers under the command of 23-year-old Tom Barry killed 17 members of the British state’s elite paramilitary Auxiliary Division of the RIC. The Kilmichael ambush was of great political significance as it came just a week after Bloody Sunday (1920) in Dublin and marked a profound escalation in the IRA’s guerrilla campaign.
The Auxiliaries were commissioned officers and were initially designed to provide an officer class to the Black and Tans, the paramilitary police raised by the British to put down republican guerrillas in Ireland. However, they quickly became a separate force following their establishment in July 1920 and were regarded as a highly trained elite force by both sides in the conflict. The Auxiliaries engaged at Kilmichael all had previous experience in World War I. While they were officially part of the RIC in effect they were independent of it. The Auxiliaries and the Black and Tans rapidly became highly unpopular in Ireland for their intimidation of the civilian population and their arbitrary reprisals for IRA actions – including house burnings, beatings and killings. Only a week before the Kilmichael ambush, the Auxiliaries had fired on a football crowd in Dublin’s Croke Park, killing 14 civilians.
The Auxiliaries in Cork were based in the town of Macroom, and in November 1920 they carried out a number of raids on the villages in the surrounding area, including Dunmanway, Coppeen and Castletownkenneigh in order to intimidate the local population away from supporting the IRA. Tom Barry, in his memoirs, noted that the IRA had, up until Kilmichael, hardly fired a shot at the Auxiliaries, which, “had a very serious effect on the morale of the whole people as well as on the IRA”. Barry’s assessment was that the West Cork IRA needed a successful action against the Auxiliaries in order to be effective.
On November 21, he assembled a flying column of 36 riflemen at Clogher. The column had just 35 rounds for each rifle as well as a handful of revolvers and two mills bombs (hand grenades). Barry scouted possible ambush sites on horseback and selected one on Macroom-Dunmanway road, on the section between Kilmichael and Gleann, which the Auxiliaries coming out of Macroom used every day. The flying column marched there on foot and reached the ambush site on the night of the 27th. The IRA men took up positions in the low rocky hills on either side of the road.
As dusk fell between 4.05 and 4.20 on November 28, 1920 on a desolate roadside at Dus a’ Bharraigh in the townland of Shanacashel, Kilmichael Parish, near Macroom the ambush took place.
Just before the Auxiliaries came into view, two armed IRA men, responding late to Barry’s mobilisation order, drove unwittingly into the ambush position in a horse and side-car, almost shielding the British forces behind them. Barry managed to avert this by directing the car up a side road and out of the way. The IRA got the Auxiliaries’ first lorry to slow down by placing Barry himself on the road, wearing what Barry claims was an IRA officer’s tunic given to him by Paddy O’Brien, but what the British would later claim was one of their own uniforms. The British would also claim that the IRA had worn British uniforms including steel trench helmets, however Barry insisted that, with the exception of himself, they were all dressed in civilian clothes, although they were using captured British weapons and equipment. The lorry, containing nine Auxiliaries slowed almost to a halt 35 yards (c. 30 metres) from the ambush position before Barry gave the order to fire and the lorry was hit by hand grenade, thrown by Barry into the open cab. A savage close quarter fight ensued. According to Barry’s account, some of the British were killed using rifle butts and bayonets. The British later claimed that the dead had been mutilated with axes, although Barry dismissed this as absurd. All nine Auxiliaries in the first lorry were killed.
While this fight was still going on, a second lorry, also containing 9 Auxiliaries, had driven into the ambush position and its occupants were exchanging fire with the IRA squad who had not engaged the first lorry. When Barry brought the men who had attacked the first lorry to bear on the second lorry, he claims the Auxiliaries called out to surrender, but then opened fire when the IRA men emerged from cover, killing two of them. Barry then says that he ordered, “Rapid fire and do not stop until I tell you”. Barry states that he ignored a subsequent attempt by the Auxiliaries to surrender, and kept his men firing at a range of only ten yards (8 metres) until he believed all the British troops were dead. In fact, two survived, though badly injured. Among the dead was Colonel Crake, commander of the Auxiliaries in Macroom. Two IRA men, Michael McCarthy, Jim O’Sullivan were killed outright and Pat Deasy (brother of Liam Deasy) was mortally wounded. .
Two officers survived the ambush. One, HF Ford, survived, though shot in the head, brain-damaged and paralysed. Ford was left for dead by the IRA. Ironically, the severity of his injuries saved his life. He was picked up by the British the following day and taken to hospital in Cork and was later awarded £10,000 in compensation. The other survivor, Cecil Guthrie, escaped, badly wounded from the ambush site but he asked for help at a house where two IRA men were staying and they killed him with his own gun. According to Father Pat Twohig’s “Green Tears for Hecuba”, Guthrie was identified as the member of the Auxiliaries who had previously murdered the uninvolved civilian Séamus Ó Liatháin in Ballymakeera. His body was dumped in Annahala bog. In 1926, on behalf of the Guthrie family, Kevin O’Higgins, Irish Free State Minister for Home Affairs, interceded with the local IRA. Guthrie’s remains were disinterred and handed over to the Church of Ireland authorities at Macroom.
Michael McCarthy was buried in Castletown Kenneigh.