Secret instructions on making contact with Michael Collins
Written by Diarmuid Lynch, National Secretary Friends of Irish Freedom
c. June 1921.
by Ruairi Lynch
Article last updated: 4 May 2020
This fascinating two page, undated longhand note written by Diarmuid Lynch c. June 1921 was recently contributed by an American reader who wishes to remain anonymous.
The original note was discovered in the Judge Daniel Cohalan papers archived in New York's American Irish Historical Society, 5th Avenue, New York during 2019.
This note was written in longhand by Diarmuid Lynch for an unknown person, possibly an emissary or messenger, being sent to Ireland as a representative or carrying a message from The Friends of Irish Freedom, Clan na Gael, Judge Daniel Cohalan or veteran Fenian, John Devoy.
The note gives instructions as to intermediaries in Dublin, Ireland to make contact with the Irish revolutionary politician, Michael Collins.
The note contains the code which would have identified the bearer to Collins as an emissary or messenger sent by Diarmuid Lynch and carrying a message or vital information from the United States.
It's unknown if this note is an original, a copy of an original or if it was ever used.
The original note was discovered in the Judge Daniel Cohalan papers archived in New York's American Irish Historical Society, 5th Avenue, New York during 2019.
This note was written in longhand by Diarmuid Lynch for an unknown person, possibly an emissary or messenger, being sent to Ireland as a representative or carrying a message from The Friends of Irish Freedom, Clan na Gael, Judge Daniel Cohalan or veteran Fenian, John Devoy.
The note gives instructions as to intermediaries in Dublin, Ireland to make contact with the Irish revolutionary politician, Michael Collins.
The note contains the code which would have identified the bearer to Collins as an emissary or messenger sent by Diarmuid Lynch and carrying a message or vital information from the United States.
It's unknown if this note is an original, a copy of an original or if it was ever used.
As the note was undated, some research was necessary to identify the time period and this can now be confirmed as written aproximately between 12 June and early July, 1921.
The hand-written note is identifiable as Lynch's and his instructions are unequivocal on both sheets as regards the security of the contents:
The first sheet header reads: "This sheet shd be destroyed and photo should not be taken away"
The hand-written note is identifiable as Lynch's and his instructions are unequivocal on both sheets as regards the security of the contents:
The first sheet header reads: "This sheet shd be destroyed and photo should not be taken away"
and on the last sheet's footer "Destroy this sheet. Any names and addresses should only be written in camouflaged form - if at all!"
This notes survival indicates it is either a copy of the original retained on file or perhaps the note was never used. What is also unknown is the referenced photograph. No photograph was attached or in the file or referenced to this note in the Cohalan Papers so it remains open as to what it could have been. A reasonable supposition is that this may have been an identifying photograph of Michael Collins.
However, almost a century on, the note contains some fascinating and specific information on how the bearer was to make contact with Michael Collins. Then, the most wanted man in the British empire, with a reward of £10,000 (equivalent to roughly €360,000 today) on offer for his capture, 'dead or alive' although only weeks later, he would be welcomed into 10 Downing Street for talks that led to the Anglo-Irish Treaty.
The importance of the mission for the note holder is apparent as four contacts are listed.
However, almost a century on, the note contains some fascinating and specific information on how the bearer was to make contact with Michael Collins. Then, the most wanted man in the British empire, with a reward of £10,000 (equivalent to roughly €360,000 today) on offer for his capture, 'dead or alive' although only weeks later, he would be welcomed into 10 Downing Street for talks that led to the Anglo-Irish Treaty.
The importance of the mission for the note holder is apparent as four contacts are listed.
(1) "James McHugh. Gresham Hotel. (Will already have made connection)"
James McHugh was an American lawyer and the National Organiser for the Friends of Irish Freedom from c. 1920 onwards. Later to become 'a prominent member of the New York Bar'. Privately, he was also a member of Clan na Gael, the secret Irish-American Republican organisation and sister organisation to the IRB.
McHugh is listed as the first point of contact for this emissary as he was already in the Irish capital from early June 1921 and staying at one of the premier city hotels, The Gresham. The comment 'Will already have made connection' can be explained once we examine McHugh's reasons for being in Dublin.
McHugh had been briefed on his mission by senior Clan na Gael representatives (probably Devoy & Cohalan) on June 4, 1921 and arrived in Dublin about ten days later on June 12 or June 13. His reason for being in Ireland? He was instructed to hold discussions on the Irish-American position with the underground Irish government and specifically, Arthur Griffith (who had been jailed in Mountjoy Prison since December 1920) and Michael Collins.
Such face to face discussions by McHugh with the underground Irish Government in difficult circumstances and at the height of the War of Independence were deemed essential & primarily to counter 'negative impressions' that Griffith & Collins had both expressed of the Irish-American leadership of Devoy & Cohalan, Clan na Gael and The Friends of Irish Freedom some months previously. The issue of future direction in the ongoing War of Independence along with funding from the United States was also up for discussion.
However, the visit of McHugh was complicated as he was to negotiate through the added difficulty that the long standing Irish American leadership of Devoy, Cohalan & Clan na Gael had been 'written out' and expelled a few months earlier in October 1920 as the IRB sister organisation in the United States by the IRB Executive (of which Collins was President.)
This split in Clan na Gael had been precipitated in June 1920 by Éamon de Valera, who as President of the Irish Republic became involved in a dispute with Devoy and Judge Cohalan ostensibly on lobbying US Presidential candidates on the issue of American recognition for the Irish Republic. To punish President Woodrow Wilson & The Democrats for their apparent lack of support during the Democratic nomination earlier that year, the Clan (and a large national block of Irish votes) publicly backed the Republican Party candidate, Harding in the 1920 United States presidential election.
As a result of power struggles within Irish America, the perception of a lack of support for de Valera and failed attempts to have Democratic and Republican Party support for the recognition of an Irish Republic, the fallout was swift and dramatic. In October, 1920, Harry Boland stated that the IRB in Ireland had terminated connections between the Clan and the parent body in Ireland until the will of Dáil Éireann was mirrored by the Clan & it's sister organisation, The Friends of Irish Freedom. Devoy and Cohalan refused to accept this severing of connections but Joe McGarrity, of the powerful Philadelphia Irish-America wing, disagreed, believing that without evident IRB support, then even Clan na Gael was not a legitimate organisation, which led, of course, to the age old Irish difficulty: a split.
McGarrity, whose Clan na Gael faction re-formed as the Reorganized Clan na Gael along with the the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic, as a rival to the FOIF, left Devoy, Cohalan, Clan na Gael and The Friends of Irish Freedom as largely side-lined organisations with reduced influence in Irish-American affairs.
McHugh's visit to Ireland was a mission to begin to repair the rift in the IRB between Ireland and the United States and to discuss future policy and no doubt funding of the ongoing struggle for Independence.
Michael Doorley however argues that Collins strategically welcomed this tentative contact with Cohalan and Devoy through McHugh as...
"...his feelers to Cohalan could, therefore, be seen as bypassing Boland and de Valera but it also seems likely that even at this stage, Collins realised that some future compromise would have to be reached which would alienate some of his Republican colleagues. In such a situation, Collins would need as many allies as possible."
Michael Doorley. 'Justice Daniel Cohalan 1865-1946. American patriot and Irish-American nationalist'. Cork University Press 2019. p161.
McHugh remained in Ireland until late July 1921 meeting on a number of occasions with Griffith (released from Mountjoy Prison on 30 June) and again with Collins. His visit coincided with the Truce on 11 July.
From this information, Lynch's note can be dated to a window of aproximately 4/5 weeks in June & July 1921.
McHugh's positive discussions with the Irish leadership and a re-establishment of this vital American connection perhaps is the reason why this note remained intact, unused and has been retained in the archives. McHugh's success may have forced a re-think and a cancellation of this unknown second emissary's visit.
On his return to the United States, McHugh met with John Devoy on August 2, 1921 to report on the mission. In a letter to Judge Cohalan the following day at his summer home in Westport, upstate New York, Devoy wrote:
From this information, Lynch's note can be dated to a window of aproximately 4/5 weeks in June & July 1921.
McHugh's positive discussions with the Irish leadership and a re-establishment of this vital American connection perhaps is the reason why this note remained intact, unused and has been retained in the archives. McHugh's success may have forced a re-think and a cancellation of this unknown second emissary's visit.
On his return to the United States, McHugh met with John Devoy on August 2, 1921 to report on the mission. In a letter to Judge Cohalan the following day at his summer home in Westport, upstate New York, Devoy wrote:
‘He did his work splendidly, met every point they made and put our case in a way that let no room for evading the real issue. The result is that they made an offer that is impracticable - an effort to ‘get together’, but the ice is broken and I am satisfied we can have our way.
[on the Treaty Negotiations] Mick [Michael Collins] assured him that De Valera is ‘playing the game’ just as he wants; that there will be no compromise and that they are preparing intensively for a new campaign and will see it through. They claim that our men are in absolute control. They did not say it openly, but it evidently means that they have compelled him [De Valera] to toe the mark and are thus saving him by keeping up the appearance of unity.
They made weak attempts to justify the attacks on us by saying they did not give Boland instructions to cut us off, but gave him rather extensive powers which he stretched...Boland is no longer Chairman...Mick is a queer mixture of fighting man and Corkonian diplomatist, but is determined to see the job through. He has a great respect for your [Judge Cohalan] ability, but finds fault with a lot of things that I did and said. He lays a lot of stress on keeping up the appearance of unity’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. New York 1957. P.422-423
Should the emissary not be able to make contact with McHugh at the Gresham Hotel, Lynch provided three additional intermediary contact details. The second contact name on the list was Diarmuid's brother Denis & his wife, Alice Lynch of the Dublin Whiskey Distillery (also known as Jones Road Distillery).
(2) "Denis J. Lynch. Jones Road Distillery ("D.W.D"). Enter by lane off Clonliffe Rd (150 yds to Distillery gate at end of laneway). Do not mistake the "Mountjoy" BREWERY wh. is opposite Croke Park. N.B. You want the Distillery. His Wife = Alice Lynch"
Denis Lynch was Diarmuid's brother and Chief Distiller/Manager of the Dublin Whiskey Distillers (D.W.D) also known as the Jones Road Distillery located off the Clonliffe Road. Denis & Alice Lynch's home on the distillery site was one of the many 'safe houses' used by Michael Collins and other members of the underground government during the War of Independence. With extensive grounds, distillery buildings, limited access into the complex (but multiple exit points on foot including the grounds of the neighbouring Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin), the D.W.D safe house was used by a number of senior figures and was also the location for at least one meeting of the first Dáil Éireann.
For further information on Denis Lynch and the DWD Distillery, click here. Should the American emissary fail to make contact with either McHugh or Denis & Alice Lynch, he had a third person to help make contact with Collins - Mrs. Kathleen Clarke, the widow of the executed 1916 Leader, Tom Clarke. |
(3) Mrs Kathleen Clarke 10 Richmond Road. Her house is at the head of a cul de sac - the first turn to the right off Richmond Rd going from Ballybough Bridge.
Lynch was mistaken as to the precise address of Clarke's residence as it was 10 Richmond Avenue not 10 Richmond Road.
10 Richmond Avenue, Fairview was where Thomas Clarke, first signatory to the 1916 Proclamation and his wife, Kathleen lived, purchasing the building in 1915.
The night before the rising, April 23, 1916, Kathleen Clarke recalled years later: "....the hall door was in the middle of the house, with rooms on each side, and the stairs faced the hall door. If a knock came, I was to go to the door and ask who was there. If the answer the police or the military, I was to say nothing but open the door, keeping close behind it. Tom was to be in the door of the room on the other side of the hall door, and Tommy and Sean were to take up a position at the head of the first flight of stairs. We were to fire at each man as he came in, and it was to be a fight to the finish."
("Revolutionary Woman" by Kathleen Clarke, edited by Helen Litton)
The next day Thomas Clarke left this house to start the uprising, never to return. In 1919, another revolutionary figure; Constance Markievicz moved in (with all her "valuable furniture" that fully filled four rooms of the house, much to Mrs Clarke's annoyance). The house was frequently raided by the military while Kathleen Clarke, her children and Madame Markievicz lived there.
Mrs Clarke and Michael Collins were close contacts. She had appointed him to take charge of re-organising the Volunteers in 1917. In her first interview with him, shortly after his post-Rising release, she wrote: “I decided he was just the man I had been hoping for … and also reminded me in many ways of Sean MacDermott. … With his forceful personality, his wonderful magnetism and his organising ability … ”
Mrs Clarke was subsequently a TD and Senator with both Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil, and the first female Lord Mayor of Dublin (1939–41).
Renumbered as 31 Richmond Avenue during the 1950s, Clarke's house is of historic importance but sadly now (2020) is in a dilapidated & precarious state.
More information on Kathleen Clarke here.
Lynch was mistaken as to the precise address of Clarke's residence as it was 10 Richmond Avenue not 10 Richmond Road.
10 Richmond Avenue, Fairview was where Thomas Clarke, first signatory to the 1916 Proclamation and his wife, Kathleen lived, purchasing the building in 1915.
The night before the rising, April 23, 1916, Kathleen Clarke recalled years later: "....the hall door was in the middle of the house, with rooms on each side, and the stairs faced the hall door. If a knock came, I was to go to the door and ask who was there. If the answer the police or the military, I was to say nothing but open the door, keeping close behind it. Tom was to be in the door of the room on the other side of the hall door, and Tommy and Sean were to take up a position at the head of the first flight of stairs. We were to fire at each man as he came in, and it was to be a fight to the finish."
("Revolutionary Woman" by Kathleen Clarke, edited by Helen Litton)
The next day Thomas Clarke left this house to start the uprising, never to return. In 1919, another revolutionary figure; Constance Markievicz moved in (with all her "valuable furniture" that fully filled four rooms of the house, much to Mrs Clarke's annoyance). The house was frequently raided by the military while Kathleen Clarke, her children and Madame Markievicz lived there.
Mrs Clarke and Michael Collins were close contacts. She had appointed him to take charge of re-organising the Volunteers in 1917. In her first interview with him, shortly after his post-Rising release, she wrote: “I decided he was just the man I had been hoping for … and also reminded me in many ways of Sean MacDermott. … With his forceful personality, his wonderful magnetism and his organising ability … ”
Mrs Clarke was subsequently a TD and Senator with both Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil, and the first female Lord Mayor of Dublin (1939–41).
Renumbered as 31 Richmond Avenue during the 1950s, Clarke's house is of historic importance but sadly now (2020) is in a dilapidated & precarious state.
More information on Kathleen Clarke here.
Should all other contacts fail for whatever reasons, the last point of contact for the American emissary was to be Miss Carmel Quinn, Diarmuid Lynch's sister-in-law and this writer's paternal Grandmother.
"4. Failing the foregoing, my sister-in-law Miss Carmel Quinn may be able to do the needful. She can be found in Newell Bros. The Blouse House on Grafton Street near Stephens Green (Newell has, I think, two houses on Grafton St.) Enter her name in your notebook as Carmel Newell."
Carmel Quinn (1897-1960) was a sister of Diarmuid Lynch's wife, Kathleen 'Kit' Quinn. Carmel had been introduced to Diarmuid's brother, Michael at a family event in 1917 and were married in January 1922. Michael Lynch and Michael Collins were close friends, not only were both from Cork and members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, but both were involved in the Rising and later imprisoned in Frongoch sharing the same prison camp hut. Collins became an occasional visitor to the Lynch family home between 1917-22.
Carmel was employed in Newell Brothers 'The Blouse House' ladies wear store on Grafton Street and was in a position to facilitate contact with Collins through various sources such as her fiancee Michael, her future brother-in-law, Dennis and a limited number of contacts within the underground government and IRA leadership. As Lynch specified in the note, Carmel Quinn was to be the last contact for the American emissary failing the previous three. |
The final part of Lynch's written instructions was how to make contact with Michael Collins, through a coded message.
(5) Make written memo of the following
£ 3. 2.8
7.15.0
6. 1.5
£16.19.1
If sent to Collins from Mr. Lee, he will know that the bearer is in touch with me."
Now this is a most interesting item.
On initial appearances, four lines of financial figures, an addition in pounds, shillings and pence & totalling sixteen pounds, nineteen shilling and one penny appears quite innocent. However, once these figures were replicated on a slip of paper and then a simple comment added: 'from Mr Lee' and passed to one of the four contacts listed, these simple financial figures became a prearranged code for Michael Collins.
On receipt, Collins would recognise that the sender had received this code from Diarmuid Lynch and the Friends of Irish Freedom/Clann na Gael in New York, was carrying a message from America and so was safe to meet with. A simple but also a very effective and secure system.
As to the code-name 'Mr Lee' - is this relevant? Perhaps so and there are a number of possibilities here.
The simplest connection is that both Lynch and Collins were from Cork and the principal river running through the county & city is the River Lee.
Another possibility is that one of the members of the Irish American commission that were appointed by the Irish Race Convention of 1918 (at which Lynch became the National Secretary of the Friends of Irish Freedom) to attend the Paris Peace Conference to press the case for recognition of Ireland was a Mr. Lee.
There was also a Mr Lee in Michael Collins' early days in London. During 1913, Edward Lee was the Secretary of the Sarsfield branch of the United Ireland League, with premises in Ladbroke Grove, West London. This was a great centre for the Irish, the backroom used for meetings and chit-chat, and the front by the younger people, including Michael Collins, holding ceilis and other cultural gatherings. In late 1913, soon after the Irish Volunteers had been formed in Dublin, Michael Collins came to see Edward Lee and asked him to hold a meeting with the purpose of organising a company of Volunteers. The meeting was duly held, where it was proposed by Edward Lee that Collins should take command.
Or the code-name 'Mr. Lee' could be just a random name agreed between Lynch and Collins.
Again, as if to stress the importance of secrecy and to prevent any discovery, Lynch warns the reader:
£ 3. 2.8
7.15.0
6. 1.5
£16.19.1
If sent to Collins from Mr. Lee, he will know that the bearer is in touch with me."
Now this is a most interesting item.
On initial appearances, four lines of financial figures, an addition in pounds, shillings and pence & totalling sixteen pounds, nineteen shilling and one penny appears quite innocent. However, once these figures were replicated on a slip of paper and then a simple comment added: 'from Mr Lee' and passed to one of the four contacts listed, these simple financial figures became a prearranged code for Michael Collins.
On receipt, Collins would recognise that the sender had received this code from Diarmuid Lynch and the Friends of Irish Freedom/Clann na Gael in New York, was carrying a message from America and so was safe to meet with. A simple but also a very effective and secure system.
As to the code-name 'Mr Lee' - is this relevant? Perhaps so and there are a number of possibilities here.
The simplest connection is that both Lynch and Collins were from Cork and the principal river running through the county & city is the River Lee.
Another possibility is that one of the members of the Irish American commission that were appointed by the Irish Race Convention of 1918 (at which Lynch became the National Secretary of the Friends of Irish Freedom) to attend the Paris Peace Conference to press the case for recognition of Ireland was a Mr. Lee.
There was also a Mr Lee in Michael Collins' early days in London. During 1913, Edward Lee was the Secretary of the Sarsfield branch of the United Ireland League, with premises in Ladbroke Grove, West London. This was a great centre for the Irish, the backroom used for meetings and chit-chat, and the front by the younger people, including Michael Collins, holding ceilis and other cultural gatherings. In late 1913, soon after the Irish Volunteers had been formed in Dublin, Michael Collins came to see Edward Lee and asked him to hold a meeting with the purpose of organising a company of Volunteers. The meeting was duly held, where it was proposed by Edward Lee that Collins should take command.
Or the code-name 'Mr. Lee' could be just a random name agreed between Lynch and Collins.
Again, as if to stress the importance of secrecy and to prevent any discovery, Lynch warns the reader:
"Destroy this sheet. Any names and addresses should only be written in camouflaged form - if at all!"
Overall, this simple note is a fascinating insight into the methods used by the underground Irish revolutionary movement to communicate and make contact with the leadership at a critical time in the War of Independence.
As most of these contact & code listings were used perhaps only once and then destroyed, this surviving example of the use of prearranged codes is rare.
A special thank you to our American contributor.
As most of these contact & code listings were used perhaps only once and then destroyed, this surviving example of the use of prearranged codes is rare.
A special thank you to our American contributor.
Postscript
Following James McHugh's return to New York and meeting with John Devoy in early August, 1921, Diarmuid Lynch had further plans for the envoy. In a letter to Judge Cohalan dated August 10, Lynch comments that he was 'thinking of sending McH to Detroit...to go straight to Bishop G. [Bishop Michael Gallagher, President of the Friends of Irish Freedom] & inform him as to where he has been at. Of course this should be given to G. for his personal information solely'
Diarmuid Lynch to Judge Daniel Cohalan, Friend of Irish Freedom correspondence. Judge Cohalan Papers, AIHS, New York.
Following James McHugh's return to New York and meeting with John Devoy in early August, 1921, Diarmuid Lynch had further plans for the envoy. In a letter to Judge Cohalan dated August 10, Lynch comments that he was 'thinking of sending McH to Detroit...to go straight to Bishop G. [Bishop Michael Gallagher, President of the Friends of Irish Freedom] & inform him as to where he has been at. Of course this should be given to G. for his personal information solely'
Diarmuid Lynch to Judge Daniel Cohalan, Friend of Irish Freedom correspondence. Judge Cohalan Papers, AIHS, New York.
Bishop Gallagher (1866-1937) was certainly an influential and outspoken Irish-American advocate of Irish nationalism. For a time, even as a senior cleric, he had headed Clan Na Gael in the state of Michigan. By 1916, with the foundation of the Friends of Irish Freedom, he had led & would continue to be involved in fund raising drives and awareness campaigns in support of the Irish cause. Elected as the second President of the Friends in 1920, he was a close if pugnacious & prickly confidant of Devoy, Cohalan and Lynch and known as 'Our Detroit friend'. When matters came to a head in 1920 within Irish America, Bishop Gallagher nailed his pro-Cohalan colours to the mast as he roundly denounced de Valera as a 'foreign potentate' and in April 1921 as 'an Irish colonist in the United States'. Later in 1921, when the Detroit Free Press dared criticise his activities, he swiftly responded, referring to the newspaper as 'the Detroit edition of the London Times'.
In the 1930's, Bishop Gallagher supported the controversial priest, Fr. Coughlin (1891-1979). Coughlin was the first to use radio to reach a mass audience with an estimated 30 million listeners tuned to his weekly broadcasts at the height of his popularity. However, the Padre's broadcasts soon became political, critical of President Roosevelt & his New Deal, promoting anti-Semitism and supporting some of the fascist policies of Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, and Emperor Hirohito of Japan. The broadcasts were described as "a variation of the Fascist agenda applied to American culture" with chief topics being political and economic rather than religious, using the slogan "Social Justice" which also became the title of his weekly newspaper.
From 1936, the Vatican, the Apostolic Nunciature to the United States, and the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Cincinnati along with the Federal Government and many American groups all wanted Coughlin silenced. However, they recognised that only Coughlin's superior, Bishop Michael Gallagher of Detroit, had the canonical authority to curb him. Gallagher ignored the critics and openly supported the "Radio Priest" and Coughlin was free to broadcast. Coughlin's support base was quickly eroded following Bishop Gallagher's death in 1937 and by late 1939. the Roosevelt administration finally forced the cancellation of his radio program and forbade distribution by mail of his newspaper.