The Gaelic League: Ireland, America and the Fund Raising Tours 1905-1915
by Ruairí Lynch
First published in 2015. Updated 2018 & Aug 2022.
In July 1893, Douglas Hyde and Eoin MacNeill launched the Gaelic League, a society which aimed to preserve and revive the Irish language. More than this, the Gaelic League aimed to reconstruct a populist rural Gaelic civilisation. In the process, the founders hoped to recover Ireland's perceived Gaelic golden-age.
The Gaelic League quickly turned into a powerful mass movement. By revitalising the Irish language, the League also began to inspire a deep sense of pride in Irish culture, heritage and identity. Its wide and energetic programme of meetings, dances and festivals injected a new life and colour into the often depressing monotony of late 19th c. provincial Ireland.
Hyde had insisted that the Gaelic League should be strictly apolitical, but he never fully accepted the radical political implications of his warning that Ireland needed to be de-Anglicised. Many others would. The League would soon provide a valuable breeding ground for revolutionary republicanism.
The Gaelic League quickly turned into a powerful mass movement. By revitalising the Irish language, the League also began to inspire a deep sense of pride in Irish culture, heritage and identity. Its wide and energetic programme of meetings, dances and festivals injected a new life and colour into the often depressing monotony of late 19th c. provincial Ireland.
Hyde had insisted that the Gaelic League should be strictly apolitical, but he never fully accepted the radical political implications of his warning that Ireland needed to be de-Anglicised. Many others would. The League would soon provide a valuable breeding ground for revolutionary republicanism.
Realising that the myriad of cultural organisations emerging across Ireland could provide a valuable stream of potential recruits, a newly reenergised IRB began to systematically infiltrate each organisation in the years after 1900. Thus participation and membership in these societies helped bring Irish men and women into contact with the revolutionary republican tradition.
Little wonder that many would experience what one veteran of 1916, Padraig O'Kelly, described as "a kind of natural graduation" from cultural nationalism to republican violence.
By 1905-06, the Gaelic League was facing a more immediate problem – a lack of money.
Little wonder that many would experience what one veteran of 1916, Padraig O'Kelly, described as "a kind of natural graduation" from cultural nationalism to republican violence.
By 1905-06, the Gaelic League was facing a more immediate problem – a lack of money.
“Tir na nDollar”.
‘Tir na nDollar’ a tongue in cheek phrase from the Irish language translates into English as ‘The land of the Dollar’ ... this was the Gaelic League's perception of the United States when Douglas Hyde embarked on the League's first fund-raising mission in 1906. The League's finances were then in poor shape and when an American lawyer and patron of the arts, John Quinn (1870-1924) offered to organise the tour, Hyde readily agreed to go.
And there was every reason to regard the United States in this light.
The concept of a mission was not a new one. Parnell had travelled the United States collecting funds as had Michael Davitt and, as recently as 1903, W.B.Yeats. Famous personages were not the only ones embarking on missions.
According to Quinn in 1905, Douglas Hyde would be competing with...
‘Tir na nDollar’ a tongue in cheek phrase from the Irish language translates into English as ‘The land of the Dollar’ ... this was the Gaelic League's perception of the United States when Douglas Hyde embarked on the League's first fund-raising mission in 1906. The League's finances were then in poor shape and when an American lawyer and patron of the arts, John Quinn (1870-1924) offered to organise the tour, Hyde readily agreed to go.
And there was every reason to regard the United States in this light.
The concept of a mission was not a new one. Parnell had travelled the United States collecting funds as had Michael Davitt and, as recently as 1903, W.B.Yeats. Famous personages were not the only ones embarking on missions.
According to Quinn in 1905, Douglas Hyde would be competing with...
"a travelling Irish band, a travelling Irish Ladies choir, a priest collecting for the Irish national church at Spiddal and another priest collecting for the O'Connell Memorial Church."
But for those already settled in America, the Gaelic League and the revival of the Irish language meant something other than providing funds for the home organisation. Irish classes and Gaelic societies had been a feature of American immigrant life since 1872. A Gaelic class had been founded by Michael J. Logan in Brooklyn that year. The first society in the United States, the Philo-Celtic Society of Boston, was founded in April 1873 and was closely followed by the Brooklyn Philo-Celtic Society and others throughout the 1870s and 1880s. The teaching and speaking of the Irish language was an integral part of the work of these societies as were dances, picnics, balls and recitals. Though the numbers attending the society's meetings fluctuated, the average membership of each society was between 60-100 dues-paying members. Joining a Gaelic society provided an opportunity to learn the language and to use it in the company of like-minded others.
According to Logan’s bilingual newspaper An Gaodhal in 1882, many members viewed the possession of an ancient and civilised tongue would raise the status of the Irish in their own eyes and in those of other immigrants. By 1884, ‘The Irish World’ claimed that there were over fifty "Irish schools" or societies in the United States.
According to Logan’s bilingual newspaper An Gaodhal in 1882, many members viewed the possession of an ancient and civilised tongue would raise the status of the Irish in their own eyes and in those of other immigrants. By 1884, ‘The Irish World’ claimed that there were over fifty "Irish schools" or societies in the United States.
By the time the Gaelic League was founded in Ireland in 1893, there was already a number of small, scattered and disunited groups of societies focused on the same goal in the United States. The foundation of the Gaelic League in Dublin initially gave new impetus to the societies in America and An Gaodhal published lists of known language enthusiasts who could set up branches in their towns. If the language could be spoken in the United States according to Logan, it would "put the shoneens to shame" in Ireland. But as early as 1895, An Gaodhal published an appeal from the Gaelic League in Ireland to "the various and disconnected Irish language societies outside of Ireland". It asked for two types of assistance: to form a link with each other and with the Gaelic League to ensure strong and combined action, and to consider the best means of providing funds to sustain the movement in Ireland.
In the summer of 1897, the nineteen year old Diarmuid Lynch who had emigrated to the United States the year before, visited the room of the Philo Celtic Society after reading in the Irish American press:
'that classes in the Irish language were conducted by the New York Philo Celtic Society.... the pleasure which this news evoked was, however, coupled with the fear that the text books in the language (which I had never seen in print) must of necessity be beyond the reach of an $18 a week clerk. Even so I decided to investigate and presented myself at the Society's room one hot summer afternoon...to my astonishment and delight I was handed a primer published by the Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language, price 10 cents! On the other hand, my disappointment was acute to find not hundreds of students (as I had fondly anticipated) but half a dozen old men - including Denny Burns, Joe Cromien and Joe Casey, veterans in the movement long before the Gaelic League was established - and an equal number of younger people' (1)
By December 1897, Lynch had been elected Secretary and his lifetime involvement in the national language began.
From the beginning, the Gaelic League in Ireland intended to tap the resources available to the Gaelic societies in America. Appealing always to the "patriotism and generosity of the Irish race in America" for support, the Gaelic League regarded American money as vital to the language movement in Ireland. Yet when the Irish World organised an Irish language fund drive in 1899 to support the Gaelic League financially, John Devoy noted that the Irish language societies in the United States were not to the forefront of the fund-raising campaign. Subscriptions were acknowledged from private individuals, county associations, branches of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, but no concerted effort from the Gaelic societies.
Diarmuid recalls that the Philo-Celtic Society steadily increased its membership and he began to forge lifetime friendships with other activists such as Joe McGuinness and later Richard 'Dick' Dalton. He wrote that in 1901, the Society took part for the first time in the New York St. Patrick's Day parade which...
Diarmuid recalls that the Philo-Celtic Society steadily increased its membership and he began to forge lifetime friendships with other activists such as Joe McGuinness and later Richard 'Dick' Dalton. He wrote that in 1901, the Society took part for the first time in the New York St. Patrick's Day parade which...
was a large and creditable turn out, viewed perhaps by a quarter of a million spectators. There were bands and banners a plenty but nothing to indicate that a new crusade in Ireland - the language revival - was reawakening the national soul of Ireland...we injected some Irish-Ireland atmosphere by the display of artistic bannerettes, draped over the side of our open carriages bearing slogans in Irish; 'Tir agus Teanga!' (Country and Language!) Tir Gan Teanga, Tir Gan Anam (A country without a language is a country without a soul), 'Muscail do Misneach, a Banba! (Summon your courage, O Ireland), Beidh Eire fos Cait ni Dubuidir (Ireland will yet be free). While this incident may be deemed by many as trivial, it was indicative of our efforts 'over the water' and we were proud of the widespread interest which it aroused.' 2
By early 1902, Diarmuid was Vice-President of the Philo Celtic Society and by year's end, President of both the New York State Gaelic League & the Philo-Celtic Society. Over the next five years, Lynch became involved in various Irish stage productions including the first Irish language play staged in North America, made a return visit to Ireland and met many of the Gaelic League activists, took part in protests against 'Stage-Irish' productions off Broadway, organised public meetings by William Bulfin (Che Buono), Irish Music and dance groups and forged a lifetime friendship with Daniel F. Cohalan.
A highlight in Irish-American circles in the early 1900's was the visit of Douglas Hyde to the United States in late 1905.
All Gaelic societies perceived the visit as a recognition of their work and looked forward to the mission with great anticipation. In the six months prior to the arrival of Douglas Hyde in America, the Gaelic societies in the State of New York reported an increase in membership of about 30% and the foundation of several new branches.
Lynch and Hyde had been in regular correspondence from March 1905. 'Hyde wrote in May from Frenchpark, County Roscommon:
A highlight in Irish-American circles in the early 1900's was the visit of Douglas Hyde to the United States in late 1905.
All Gaelic societies perceived the visit as a recognition of their work and looked forward to the mission with great anticipation. In the six months prior to the arrival of Douglas Hyde in America, the Gaelic societies in the State of New York reported an increase in membership of about 30% and the foundation of several new branches.
Lynch and Hyde had been in regular correspondence from March 1905. 'Hyde wrote in May from Frenchpark, County Roscommon:
'If I go out in October, how do you think I might go, as a private visitor or as a delegate from our own Coiste Gnotha at home?
Who should notify the AOH [Ancient Order of Hibernians] etc. of my intended visit?"
Hyde's stated aim was to explain the ideals and achievements of the Gaelic League to Irish America and also to appeal to them for money to support and continue the League's work in de-anglicising Ireland. But John Quinn, the instigator and organiser of the mission, made sharp distinctions between missionary work, or morale raising and the practical work of collecting as much money as possible for the Gaelic League. Although An Claidheamh Soluis in October 1905 maintained that the reason for the trip was "to forge a bond with the Irish all over the world as one race and one group so that they may stand forever together".
Quinn measured the success of Hyde’s mission in terms of cash rather than in terms of hurrah and applause. This led to misunderstandings and conflict during the course of the mission. John Quinn was not, and had never been, a member of a Gaelic society. His aim from the beginning was to secure as much money for Hyde's cause as possible and, to this end, wealthy people had to be wooed. The Gaelic societies were not patronised by the very wealthy and when they saw their president hijacked by others who had never before put in an appearance at a picnic, ball or meeting they were understandably aggrieved.
Quinn measured the success of Hyde’s mission in terms of cash rather than in terms of hurrah and applause. This led to misunderstandings and conflict during the course of the mission. John Quinn was not, and had never been, a member of a Gaelic society. His aim from the beginning was to secure as much money for Hyde's cause as possible and, to this end, wealthy people had to be wooed. The Gaelic societies were not patronised by the very wealthy and when they saw their president hijacked by others who had never before put in an appearance at a picnic, ball or meeting they were understandably aggrieved.
The main organiser of Hyde's tour, lawyer John Quinn, saw no place for vulgar or sentimental patriotism in his Irish-American heritage and he believed that other affluent Irish Americans felt the same...
“..the son of Irish-Catholic parents, John Quinn, was a sophisticated lover of literature and art, a hard-headed, anti-clerical, narrow-minded, opinionated American, an admirer of efficiency, optimism, and pragmatism and a hater of brashness, boorishness, and low taste, who for a time, at least, excepted the Irish from his stereotypical prejudices because he had a soft spot in his heart for Ireland!”
He therefore tried to ensure that the trip would be dignified as well as representative and he related disparagingly the ideas of a young and enthusiastic Diarmuid Lynch, the president of the Gaelic League of New York, in a letter to Hyde:
“…For example, Lynch wanted you received at the dock by the 69th regiment (the Irish regiment here), and by a band (probably a German band), and by a platoon of policemen. This idea of course had to be killed, and it was killed. O'Leary, another of Lynch's friends, wanted a chorus of Irish singers at the public lecture in order, as he put it, that the meeting "might not be too dry" and this we also had to kill…”
Quinn also dismissed the Gaelic societies, contemptuously stating again and again in letters to Hyde that...
'they, as you know, don’t give money”. Hyde essentially agreed: “….I had not come to the States to promote Irish and Irishness alone but to collect money also. As I needed money, I had to go to those who had money to give. This was not clearly understood by all my friends”
John Quinn
Quinn was born in Tiffin, Ohio in 1870 to an Irish baker and grocer, James W. Quinn, and his wife, Mary. He grew up in nearby Fostoria, Ohio, where his parents relocated the following year. His paternal grandparents James and Mary (née Madigan) Quinn, natives of County Limerick settled in Tiffin in 1851, where the grandfather was a blacksmith.
From a precociously early age, Quinn was fascinated by literature: "I became a collector of books", he later wrote, "almost as soon as I ceased to be a collector of marbles". As a teenager, he spent several hundred dollars on buying first editions of work by such authors as Pater, Hardy, Morris and Meredith, and these volumes formed the basis of a library which would later expand to hold tens of thousands of books.
After graduating from the University of Michigan and Georgetown University Law School, followed by a degree in international relations from Harvard University,
Quinn quickly established himself as an accomplished and affluent lawyer, but as his biographer B.L. Reid observed, "the driving, pragmatical, `successful' man of affairs" found his life unsatisfactory and yearned for something more.
That something proved to be the role Quinn created for himself as one of the greatest patrons of art of the 20th century. It was natural that Ireland should provide him with his first opportunities in this field. Quinn visited the country for the first time in the summer of 1902, shortly after the death of his mother. He had already been in correspondence with Jack B. Yeats and knew the work of the latter's brother W.B., so the two brothers acted as his guides in Dublin. Here he met their father John B. Yeats as well as Douglas Hyde, George Moore, Edward Martyn and Lady Gregory; the last of these invited Quinn to Coole Park, where he spent the final days of his visit. In the winter of 1911 Quinn and Lady Gregory would have a brief affair when she was in the United States touring with the Abbey Theatre company. The outcome of Quinn's 1902 trip to Ireland was that he not only bought a number of Jack Yeats's paintings but also commissioned work from John B. and arranged to handle the American copyrighting of W.B.'s play Where There Is Nothing.
Following that first trip to Ireland, Quinn quickly became immersed in this country's cultural affairs. He helped to set up a short-lived Irish Literary Society in New York; this foundered after the city's Roman Catholic Archbishop. who had been invited to act as an honorary vice-president to the society. objected that W.B. Yeats - a Protestant with known anti-clerical views - had assumed the same position. But in 1903 Quinn organised a lecture tour in the United States for Yeats which earned the poet more than $3,000 and two years later arranged a similar tour for Douglas Hyde.
Another writer to whom he offered support was Synge, being an ardent champion of The Playboy of the Western World and offering to help arrange American copyright for the playwright. Quinn also offered to buy Synge's original manuscripts as he liked to acquire these documents from authors whose work he admired. Among the most famous beneficiaries of this arrangement was Joseph Conrad, who first sold manuscripts to the lawyer in 1911 and continued to do so for more than a decade. Ezra Pound, Wyndham Lewis and T.S. Eliot were also given financial assistance over many years by Quinn; and it was through the first of these that he came to know the work of Joyce.
Still dallying with New York & US politics, he was an election agent for a potential candidate at the 1912 Democratic National Convention, but failed and turned instead to become an art patron, art collector, and collector of manuscripts.
In 1913 he convinced the United States Congress to overturn the 1909 Payne–Aldrich Tariff Act, which retained the duty on foreign works of art less than 20 years old, discouraging Americans from collecting modern European art. His French adviser for Post-Impressionist art was Henri-Pierre Roche, who later wrote the novel Jules et Jim. Quinn and Roche worked together to develop the famous 1913 Armory Show.
A huge and controversial event, the 1913 Armory Show (officially The International Exhibition of Modern Art) in New York City included examples of Symbolism, Impressionism, Post-Impressionism, Neo-Impressionism, and Cubism. Quinn opened the exhibition with the words: "... it was time the American people had an opportunity to see and judge for themselves concerning the work of the Europeans who are creating a new art."
According to author Richard Spence, Quinn was an ardent supporter of the Irish nationalist cause and associated with figures such as John Devoy and Roger Casement, although he had reportedly worked for British Intelligence services before, during, and after World War I. In this role he acted as case officer for, among others, Aleister Crowley, who was an agent provocateur posing as an Irish nationalist in order to infiltrate anti-British groups of Irish and Germans in the United States.
Early in 1917 Pound wrote to Quinn that A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man was about to be published in the US and, in turn, was asked about Joyce's financial circumstances. Learning that these were straitened, Quinn arranged to buy the novel's manuscript for $100 and he also wrote an appreciative feature on the writer for Vanity Fair. Quinn would subsequently acquire from Joyce the manuscript of Ulysses, prior to the book's publication, in a series of instalments which cost the lawyer in total some $1,200. However, the document was sold, seemingly in its entirety, in January 1924 after Quinn, terminally ill with cancer, had decided to dispose of much of his library. Given the volume of the work being offered - more than 10,000 items, this sale, spread over several months, was a massive affair accompanied by a five-volume catalogue which would in turn become highly collectable.
The best-selling lots turned out to be the manuscripts Quinn had bought from Conrad; these were sold for more than 10 times their original price. On the other hand, the Joyce papers failed to perform well at auction, which may help to explain the author's irritation with the vendor after the event, despite being offered half the (modest) profits.
Quinn put a reserve of $2,000 on the Ulysses manuscript but in the end it was sold for just under that figure to a Philadelphia book dealer, Dr Abraham Simon Wolf Rosenbach, whose own remarkable literary collection became, after his death, the Rosenbach Museum and Library. This is the document that was on temporary display last year at the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin. Meanwhile, an early draft of the "Circe" section of Ulysses surfaced late last year in New York, where it was bought by the National Museum of Ireland for $1.4 million, considerably more than John Quinn had paid for the entire work. That Quinn's investment in the literature of his day would eventually reap rewards was never doubted by the man himself even if, as the sale of his library in 1923-24 sadly demonstrated, others had less confidence in his ability to spot talent.
Quinn died at age 54 in 1924 of intestinal cancer, and was buried in Fostoria, Ohio. Unmarried and leaving no heirs, he willed that his extraordinary art collection be auctioned off and dispersed among museums and collectors around the world - more than 2,500 pieces including large bodies of work by Picasso, Matisse, Cezanne, Van Gogh, Toulouse-Lautrec, Seurat and Gris - was sold, often for ludicrously low prices. For a clever lawyer, Quinn left an astonishingly ill-considered will because its principal outcome was to be that his generous and brave support of contemporary art would be quickly forgotten.
From a precociously early age, Quinn was fascinated by literature: "I became a collector of books", he later wrote, "almost as soon as I ceased to be a collector of marbles". As a teenager, he spent several hundred dollars on buying first editions of work by such authors as Pater, Hardy, Morris and Meredith, and these volumes formed the basis of a library which would later expand to hold tens of thousands of books.
After graduating from the University of Michigan and Georgetown University Law School, followed by a degree in international relations from Harvard University,
Quinn quickly established himself as an accomplished and affluent lawyer, but as his biographer B.L. Reid observed, "the driving, pragmatical, `successful' man of affairs" found his life unsatisfactory and yearned for something more.
That something proved to be the role Quinn created for himself as one of the greatest patrons of art of the 20th century. It was natural that Ireland should provide him with his first opportunities in this field. Quinn visited the country for the first time in the summer of 1902, shortly after the death of his mother. He had already been in correspondence with Jack B. Yeats and knew the work of the latter's brother W.B., so the two brothers acted as his guides in Dublin. Here he met their father John B. Yeats as well as Douglas Hyde, George Moore, Edward Martyn and Lady Gregory; the last of these invited Quinn to Coole Park, where he spent the final days of his visit. In the winter of 1911 Quinn and Lady Gregory would have a brief affair when she was in the United States touring with the Abbey Theatre company. The outcome of Quinn's 1902 trip to Ireland was that he not only bought a number of Jack Yeats's paintings but also commissioned work from John B. and arranged to handle the American copyrighting of W.B.'s play Where There Is Nothing.
Following that first trip to Ireland, Quinn quickly became immersed in this country's cultural affairs. He helped to set up a short-lived Irish Literary Society in New York; this foundered after the city's Roman Catholic Archbishop. who had been invited to act as an honorary vice-president to the society. objected that W.B. Yeats - a Protestant with known anti-clerical views - had assumed the same position. But in 1903 Quinn organised a lecture tour in the United States for Yeats which earned the poet more than $3,000 and two years later arranged a similar tour for Douglas Hyde.
Another writer to whom he offered support was Synge, being an ardent champion of The Playboy of the Western World and offering to help arrange American copyright for the playwright. Quinn also offered to buy Synge's original manuscripts as he liked to acquire these documents from authors whose work he admired. Among the most famous beneficiaries of this arrangement was Joseph Conrad, who first sold manuscripts to the lawyer in 1911 and continued to do so for more than a decade. Ezra Pound, Wyndham Lewis and T.S. Eliot were also given financial assistance over many years by Quinn; and it was through the first of these that he came to know the work of Joyce.
Still dallying with New York & US politics, he was an election agent for a potential candidate at the 1912 Democratic National Convention, but failed and turned instead to become an art patron, art collector, and collector of manuscripts.
In 1913 he convinced the United States Congress to overturn the 1909 Payne–Aldrich Tariff Act, which retained the duty on foreign works of art less than 20 years old, discouraging Americans from collecting modern European art. His French adviser for Post-Impressionist art was Henri-Pierre Roche, who later wrote the novel Jules et Jim. Quinn and Roche worked together to develop the famous 1913 Armory Show.
A huge and controversial event, the 1913 Armory Show (officially The International Exhibition of Modern Art) in New York City included examples of Symbolism, Impressionism, Post-Impressionism, Neo-Impressionism, and Cubism. Quinn opened the exhibition with the words: "... it was time the American people had an opportunity to see and judge for themselves concerning the work of the Europeans who are creating a new art."
According to author Richard Spence, Quinn was an ardent supporter of the Irish nationalist cause and associated with figures such as John Devoy and Roger Casement, although he had reportedly worked for British Intelligence services before, during, and after World War I. In this role he acted as case officer for, among others, Aleister Crowley, who was an agent provocateur posing as an Irish nationalist in order to infiltrate anti-British groups of Irish and Germans in the United States.
Early in 1917 Pound wrote to Quinn that A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man was about to be published in the US and, in turn, was asked about Joyce's financial circumstances. Learning that these were straitened, Quinn arranged to buy the novel's manuscript for $100 and he also wrote an appreciative feature on the writer for Vanity Fair. Quinn would subsequently acquire from Joyce the manuscript of Ulysses, prior to the book's publication, in a series of instalments which cost the lawyer in total some $1,200. However, the document was sold, seemingly in its entirety, in January 1924 after Quinn, terminally ill with cancer, had decided to dispose of much of his library. Given the volume of the work being offered - more than 10,000 items, this sale, spread over several months, was a massive affair accompanied by a five-volume catalogue which would in turn become highly collectable.
The best-selling lots turned out to be the manuscripts Quinn had bought from Conrad; these were sold for more than 10 times their original price. On the other hand, the Joyce papers failed to perform well at auction, which may help to explain the author's irritation with the vendor after the event, despite being offered half the (modest) profits.
Quinn put a reserve of $2,000 on the Ulysses manuscript but in the end it was sold for just under that figure to a Philadelphia book dealer, Dr Abraham Simon Wolf Rosenbach, whose own remarkable literary collection became, after his death, the Rosenbach Museum and Library. This is the document that was on temporary display last year at the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin. Meanwhile, an early draft of the "Circe" section of Ulysses surfaced late last year in New York, where it was bought by the National Museum of Ireland for $1.4 million, considerably more than John Quinn had paid for the entire work. That Quinn's investment in the literature of his day would eventually reap rewards was never doubted by the man himself even if, as the sale of his library in 1923-24 sadly demonstrated, others had less confidence in his ability to spot talent.
Quinn died at age 54 in 1924 of intestinal cancer, and was buried in Fostoria, Ohio. Unmarried and leaving no heirs, he willed that his extraordinary art collection be auctioned off and dispersed among museums and collectors around the world - more than 2,500 pieces including large bodies of work by Picasso, Matisse, Cezanne, Van Gogh, Toulouse-Lautrec, Seurat and Gris - was sold, often for ludicrously low prices. For a clever lawyer, Quinn left an astonishingly ill-considered will because its principal outcome was to be that his generous and brave support of contemporary art would be quickly forgotten.
The Tour Begins - November 1905
Dr & Mrs Hyde arrived in New York to begin a seven month American tour on 15 November, 1905.
Nothing was either bungled or in bad taste when Quinn was in charge. For Hyde's arrival he had arranged a dignified reception. Absent from the dockside event were the enthusiasts ("nothing is more dangerous than enthusiasm," he assured Hyde). In their place he had assembled a small party of handpicked "representative Irishmen," by which Quinn meant men like Martin J. Keogh*, Justice of the New York state Supreme Court.
*Martin Jerome Keogh (1855-1928) born in New Ross, Co. Wexford. Emigrated to the United States at a young age, graduated from New York University in 1875 and admitted to the Bar. Practised as a lawyer in New York from 1875-1895 and later Justice Supreme Court of New York 1896-1909 and 1910-1922.
Quinn had organised reporters for a press conference on November 19 when Hyde explained the situation in Ireland:
We have worked a tremendous revolution in Ireland. It has no political significance yet. It is simply an intellectual fight at this stage. What it may lead to can be conjectured. . . . The English government is doing everything possible to suppress the movement. It wants a benighted Ireland?’
The main fundraiser of the Hyde tour was on November 26, at Carnegie Hall, New York.
'A splendid and enthusiastic audience in Carnegie Hall welcomed Hyde...Lynch presented him with a colourful scroll designed to mark the occasion'. (Years later, when Douglas Hyde was inaugurated as the first President of Ireland in June 1938, Lynch was one of the guests in Aras an Uachtarán and recalled that Hyde had 'remarked that the Address was one of his proudest possessions then hanging in the hall at Ratra, County Roscommon')
Hyde’s tour crisscrossed the United States, lecturing and attending fund raising events, banquets and public presentations in sweltering sunshine and sub-zero snowstorms. But very clear to Hyde was the overt factionalism within the Irish-American groups such as The United Irish League and the Gaelic League. Issues such as large blocks of seats were booked for lectures only to be returned entirely minutes before curtain up, fund raising at lectures was forgotten or ‘mislaid’ and organisations competed with each other in unseemly ways to host the Hydes,
By February 1906, 'Lynch wrote to all branches of the League requesting financial donations to suitably mark the end of Hyde's tour. The Philo-Celtic Society presented Hyde's play An Posadh at the Lexington Opera House on 28 April with Lynch playing the part of Antoine O'Raifteri, the poet, and Dick Dalton playing the role of the farmer [Hyde attended and spoke in Irish at the end of the performance]. One of Douglas Hyde's final public appearances, which Diarmuid Lynch helped organise, was at Madison Square Gardens on Friday, 11 May.'
Lynch’s efforts to mark his visit realised $2,500 and these funds were presented to him ‘to buy a motor car for his use in work in Ireland… (and according to the Los Angeles Herald on Sunday, June 17, 1906) Dr Hyde declared he could not depart from the rule of his life not to accept any present as a reward for his services for the Gaelic League and on behalf of Irish unity. The contributions were returned to the contributors…”
The tour was an immense success and Hyde himself measured the success in terms of Dollars. After expenses were deducted, $50,000 [€1.55m in 2015 values] was the amount returned to Dublin to further the work of the Gaelic League with a stipulation that no more than £2,000 [€310k in 2015 values] was to be spent in any given year.
The Hydes sailed for Ireland aboard the SS Celtic on June 15.
The Hydes sailed for Ireland aboard the SS Celtic on June 15.
‘I have found nothing but a generous welcome in America. I travelled 19,000 miles, visited over 60 cities and explained the cause of the Irish language to perhaps 80,000 persons. I have not heard a single word that was not favourable to our cause…’
After Hyde returned to Ireland, John Quinn in a long letter to the press, thanked all who had cooperated to make the tour a success. Lynch recalled one letter from Quinn in particular:
'John Quinn's letters to myself, in my official Gaelic League capacity, were numerous - one of them I still treasure..."I'm saying nothing now but when this matter is over I'll know who did the most of the talking and who did the least - or no work. I've had a lot of advice but the workers have been few. You have been one of the best and I'll say so to Hyde and everyone else'. Sincerely, J.Q.'
It was a successful tour on many levels. It gave the Gaelic League recognition at home and abroad and it swelled the empty treasury of the League. But it also allowed the League in Dublin to believe that America would come to their aid for the asking, and that the Gaelic societies in the United States were engaged in the same struggle as themselves.
Although subscriptions continued to come from America after 1906, they were irregular and inconsistent. Despite an appeal for funds "to help the good work in the old land" by the Gaelic League of the State of New York in 1910 and signed by notable New York figures such as Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet and Judge Daniel F. Cohalan, the public was unresponsive. Resolutions of support were passed by the Gaelic societies regarding the League's campaign for Irish in the University, but little money was forthcoming.
Although subscriptions continued to come from America after 1906, they were irregular and inconsistent. Despite an appeal for funds "to help the good work in the old land" by the Gaelic League of the State of New York in 1910 and signed by notable New York figures such as Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet and Judge Daniel F. Cohalan, the public was unresponsive. Resolutions of support were passed by the Gaelic societies regarding the League's campaign for Irish in the University, but little money was forthcoming.
According to the Gaelic American in 1910, this falling off in subscriptions could be remedied by sending envoys to the United States to organise the country on behalf of the League and to convey personally the need in Ireland for financial assistance. Ultimately, this is what the Gaelic League decided to do in 1911.
But it was not organisation alone which was lacking. Letters to Hyde from various sources suggested practical ways of maintaining American interest in the Gaelic League such as this letter from Joseph Dunn to Douglas Hyde:
The American is always on the lookout for a quid pro quo ... a certificate of membership, illuminated in the Irish style and suitable for framing . . . I should think that roughly speaking the cost of premium and postage need not be more than $1.50 per membership, which would leave $3.50 of the $5 .00 contribution net for the Gaelic league, and I am sure that it would not be difficult to have this special American fund yield $10,000 per annum”.
Other proposals included a "Roll of Honour" to be kept in a proper place in Dublin so that when Ireland would be free the names of these patriotic donors would be inscribed in Ireland's "National Temple of Honour.”
Altogether the suggestions were a clear indication that the Irish-Americans wanted a visible and demonstrable recognition of their contributions. The knowledge that good work was being done in Ireland was simply not enough to ensure the flow of contributions from the United States.
Altogether the suggestions were a clear indication that the Irish-Americans wanted a visible and demonstrable recognition of their contributions. The knowledge that good work was being done in Ireland was simply not enough to ensure the flow of contributions from the United States.
Second Gaelic League Fundraising mission to the United States 1910-12
Fionan Mac Coluim (originally a public servant in the India Office, London) and fellow League executive member Fr. Micheal O’Flannagain, were chosen as envoys for a second fundraising mission to the United States.
Their brief was to demonstrate to Americans the type of work the Gaelic League was doing at grass roots level to Gaelicise Ireland, and of course, with the ultimate aim to get financial assistance for this project from the American Irish. They travelled the length and breadth of the United States giving lectures, organising feiseanna and displaying an "Industrial Exhibition” of lace-making, carpet weaving and embossed leather work. This time the Gaelic societies were in charge of proceedings.
John Quinn pledged $250 and lent his name to an appeal for funds but after his experiences with the Hyde tour in 1906, chose not to be actively involved in the mission. The envoys were well received with good attendances (1,000-3,000) recorded at public meetings. But the proceeds were poor. When all expenses had been deducted $15,000 [€448k in 2015 values] was collected in eighteen months as reported by An Claidheamh Soluis in 1912.
Fionan Mac Coluim (originally a public servant in the India Office, London) and fellow League executive member Fr. Micheal O’Flannagain, were chosen as envoys for a second fundraising mission to the United States.
Their brief was to demonstrate to Americans the type of work the Gaelic League was doing at grass roots level to Gaelicise Ireland, and of course, with the ultimate aim to get financial assistance for this project from the American Irish. They travelled the length and breadth of the United States giving lectures, organising feiseanna and displaying an "Industrial Exhibition” of lace-making, carpet weaving and embossed leather work. This time the Gaelic societies were in charge of proceedings.
John Quinn pledged $250 and lent his name to an appeal for funds but after his experiences with the Hyde tour in 1906, chose not to be actively involved in the mission. The envoys were well received with good attendances (1,000-3,000) recorded at public meetings. But the proceeds were poor. When all expenses had been deducted $15,000 [€448k in 2015 values] was collected in eighteen months as reported by An Claidheamh Soluis in 1912.
The envoys themselves were acutely aware of the paltry sum accumulated after all the hard work and diverse efforts that they had made while on the mission. Before he left the United States, Fr. O’Flannagain had a swipe at the rich Irishmen and millionaires living there, accusing them ofbeing token Irish men who wore green waistcoats on St. Patrick's Day but who "spend their thousands in collecting wild birds' eggs in the South Seas Islands or bugs in Madagascar.”
But they were not the ones to blame. The Abbey production of Synge's “Playboy of the Western World” opened in America in November, 1911 caused consternation amongst much of Irish-America
But they were not the ones to blame. The Abbey production of Synge's “Playboy of the Western World” opened in America in November, 1911 caused consternation amongst much of Irish-America
“… According to some newspapers, every evening the crowds were howling down the actors, interrupting their performance; outraged members of the audience were proclaiming that the play was an insult to Ireland, to Irish family life, and to Irish womanhood.
According to Quinn, however, Playboy had as many supporters as detractors, and not all the newspaper coverage was bad by any estimation. Supporting his opinion was the fact that on December 3 the New York Times printed a long interview with Lady Gregory conducted backstage at the Maxine Elliott Theatre. In the course of this interview, as she often did, Lady Gregory paid generous tribute to Hyde and the league for reviving the language and thus "sending writers back to the life of the country itself."
John Devoy, publisher of the Gaelic American and chief conduit of American funds, interpreted Lady Gregory's statement to mean that the Gaelic League endorsed Playboy in particular and the Abbey Theatre in general. He threatened to abandon the Gaelic League unless Hyde published an immediate and official denial that the plays of the Abbey Theatre had been inspired in any way by the Gaelic League.
In a panic, Father Flanagan sent Hyde an urgent request for a cable dissociating the league from the Abbey. "I am convinced," wrote Flanagan, in a letter explaining his sense of the situation, that unless such a cable is sent, "the Gaelic League must begin all over again in America and look for new friends in a most unpromising field."
Panic ensued in the League's Irish leadership when it appeared that these groups would abandon the Gaelic League. Maintaining the flow of money from America was a priority, and those who threatened to remove that source of income had to be appeased at all costs. Hyde quickly disassociated himself from the play.
Other Irish issues intruded on the message of the Gaelic League, especially the issue of Home Rule. The Gaelic League was only one of a number of movements with claim on Irish-American time and money. To stake this claim the League had to maintain a constant presence in the United States. If not, other movements would gain precedence. If the Gaelic League did not maintain a presence in the United States, appeals for funds would be useless. This was the most important message the envoys believed had to be communicated to the Gaelic League in Ireland. If funds were to be forthcoming the American Irish had to be treated properly.
Yet when Mac Coluim returned to the United States in 1913 he found that subscriptions received in Dublin were not even acknowledged by the Gaelic League. In a scathing letter to the League's executive committee in 1914, he castigated the members for failing to recognise the efforts of the Irish Americans. The names and addresses of all American subscribers had been sent to the Gaelic League by the envoys since 1911 with requests that letters of thanks, as well as newspapers or pamphlets containing articles on current affairs in Ireland, be sent to them to keep them in touch. While Douglas Hyde had done a good deal by writing personal letters of thanks to subscribers, the Gaelic League had not instigated any "keeping in touch process":
Other Irish issues intruded on the message of the Gaelic League, especially the issue of Home Rule. The Gaelic League was only one of a number of movements with claim on Irish-American time and money. To stake this claim the League had to maintain a constant presence in the United States. If not, other movements would gain precedence. If the Gaelic League did not maintain a presence in the United States, appeals for funds would be useless. This was the most important message the envoys believed had to be communicated to the Gaelic League in Ireland. If funds were to be forthcoming the American Irish had to be treated properly.
Yet when Mac Coluim returned to the United States in 1913 he found that subscriptions received in Dublin were not even acknowledged by the Gaelic League. In a scathing letter to the League's executive committee in 1914, he castigated the members for failing to recognise the efforts of the Irish Americans. The names and addresses of all American subscribers had been sent to the Gaelic League by the envoys since 1911 with requests that letters of thanks, as well as newspapers or pamphlets containing articles on current affairs in Ireland, be sent to them to keep them in touch. While Douglas Hyde had done a good deal by writing personal letters of thanks to subscribers, the Gaelic League had not instigated any "keeping in touch process":
Recognition was important to the subscribers. And they were not getting any from the Gaelic League. If they subscribed to the building of a church in Ireland (or in America) they had practical proof that their money was put to use and a plaque was usually erected to the subscribers in the building. Their financial assistance was acknowledged in a public manner, they were seen to be “involved" with the old country without having to make a huge amount of effort. How was Mac Coluim or any other envoy supposed to convince the American Irish of the worthwhile cause of the Gaelic League when the League in Dublin accorded so little recognition to the subscribers?
But the gulf between the Gaelic League in Ireland and the movement in the United States was a wider one than that of recognition alone.
During 1912-13, the League’s budget crisis only increased. Diarmuid Lynch regularly attended meetings of the League's Coiste Gnotha as the representative of the American Gaelic League and had done so since 1907. It was now clear that while there was much work to be done, there were no funds available to do so. The American benefactors, hardly surprisingly, were slow to contribute
Politically, things were changing rapidly. Diarmuid Lynch said that the IRB had always respected the non-political nature of the Gaelic League but that the Coiste Gnótha was too subservient to the Board of Education and Dublin Castle in matters affecting the language movement. This led to a growing divergence between what he called the right and left wings of the organisation, Hyde being the leader of the right wing. Whenever the left wing, to which Lynch and other IRB men belonged, objected to proposals coming from the other wing, it was accused of introducing “Sinn Féinism” or “politics” into the proceedings, he maintained.
Third Gaelic League Fund Raising mission to the United States 1914
Gaelic League & IRB members, Diarmuid Lynch and Thomas Ashe were next chosen to fund raise in the United States on behalf of the Gaelic League and were to be closely followed by Fionan MacColuim, Nellie O'Brien and Eithne O'Kelly (who had the fresh idea of using a travelling exhibition to promote Irish industries and art.)
Thomas Ashe by 1914 was one of the leading lights of militant nationalism. Principal of Corduff National School near Lusk, Co. Dublin since 1908. A keen musician and athlete and like Lynch, he was a leading figure on the left of the Gaelic League, a member of the IRB and Irish Volunteers. His involvement with the National Teachers Organisation brought him into close contact with the labour movement activists including James Connolly and Sean O'Casey. Lynch's senior IRB membership and previous US residency & revolutionary connections also meant that he was familiar with Irish-America and Irish-American attitudes.
February 5, 1914
Lynch and Ashe left Dublin for America on a year-long fund raising drive for the Gaelic League and secretly for Diarmuid to attend the biennial Clan na Gael convention as the IRB representative and where he was to report to the Revolutionary Directory on the state of the home organisation.
This report from an unknown newspaper:
‘This evening...Messrs. Diarmuid Lynch and Thomas Aghas (Thomas Ashe), two prominent advocates of the language movement, will leave Dublin en-route for America for the purpose of raising funds on behalf of the organisation. Other prominent Gaelic Leaguers will follow in the course of a few weeks, and the mission will extend over a period of twelve months, during which interval it has been arranged to visit every State in the Union.
The second party of delegates will consist of Mr.Fionan Mac Coluim, Miss Nellie Ni Brian (O’Brien), and Miss Eithne O’Kelly. Their work will consist principally of conducting Irish industries and art exhibitions in connection with which Miss O’Brien will also lecture and accept subscriptions. Thomas Ashe and Diarmuid Lynch will deliver lectures, address public meetings, interview prominent Irishmen and people of Irish descent, and collect funds throughout the States. They are taking with them a very fine collection of lantern slides, and will commence operations in New York , where Mr. Lynch has been for ten years identified with the language movement until his return to the country three or four years ago.
Thomas Aghas, who is a native of Lispole, Dingle, Co. Kerry, has been working for the Gaelic League in Dublin since 1908. He has been a city member of the Coisde [sic]Gnótha for the past four years, and has been one of the most active and progressive members of that body since his connection with it. He is a good vocalist, has a splendid collection of traditional Irish songs, and is an accomplished piper.
Diarmuid Lynch is a native of the parish of Tracton, Co. Cork, and for the past three years has been a most useful member of the Coisde [sic] Gnótha, on which he represents the Gaelic League of America. He was President of the Gaelic League for a number of years in the State of New York and was in touch with all the leading men in that city. With regard to the other members, the delegation who are to follow, will leave within the next three weeks...’
Another unknown newspaper reported on the event:
‘A large number of friends met last evening at the Gresham Hotel to wish Messrs Lynch and Ashe a pleasant journey and every success in their efforts. Dr. Douglas Hyde, speaking on behalf of the Gaelic League, said their delegates were to confine themselves entirely to the work of the League while in the States. They had a great work before them, and on behalf of those present, and on behalf of the Gaelic League throughout Ireland, wished them every success in their undertaking…Mr Lynch on behalf of Mr Ashe and himself, suitably replied and promised they would do their utmost to make the result of their efforts in the States worthy of the cause for which they had been selected (applause).The delegates left Dublin by the 6:10 train from Kingsbridge and were accorded a most enthusiastic send-off…’
The ‘Irish American’ newspaper took up coverage of their arrival in America:“Messrs Jeremiah Lynch and Thomas Ashe, delegates from the Gaelic League, have been very cordially received in the United States. The intention of the delegates is to tour the country and deliver lectures on the work of the Gaelic League, the proceeds to be devoted to the Language Fund. Mr. Lynch is well known and deservedly popular among the Irish of New York. The ‘Irish American’ recalls that he was President of the Philo-Celtic Society for a number of years, and it was through his untiring exertions that it became a force for good in the city. Mr. Ashe (continued our contemporary) has been for many years one of the most untiring, unselfish workers in the movement in Dublin. He is a member of the governing body of the League, and has done quite a considerable amount of public speaking at meetings throughout the country’
The Gaelic American newspaper reported on Lynch & Ashe's arrival and mission in the United States:
February 21
Patrick Pearse, who was also in the United States on a lecture and fund raising tour was using the offices of Devoy's Gaelic American Newspaper, New York as his headquarters. On this date he met there with Hobson, Joe McGarrity and John Devoy
At this meeting, Hobson produced a document from Casement dealing with possible Irish attitudes to Germany in event of war.
Pearse made his speaking debut the next day at the Irish American Athletic Club in Manhattan.
March 2
While on his speaking tour of America, Patrick Pearse used the Emmet commemoration to deliver two high-voltage speeches linking ideas of patriotic sacrifice to matters of faith, as the revolutionary rhetoric was shifting from words to action.
The first, his 'Emmet Commemoration Speech' was delivered to a packed Academy of Music in Brooklyn on the evening of March 2nd as part of their annual commemoration of Robert Emmet’s birth on March 8th. Over 2,500 braved one of the worst snowstorms to hit New York since 1888 to attend.
Dr Elaine Sisson, Senior Lecturer in Visual Culture & Author of ‘Pearse’s Patriots: St Enda’s and the Cult of Boyhood’ at the Macgill Summer School in 2017 said that the Pearse speeches in New York "...were designed to be heard and not to be read so their impact is somewhat lessened in print. Contemporary accounts confirm that Pearse was a superb orator and public speaker. He was passionate and poetic, determined and convincing. However, if you were to try and construct a political philosophy from these speeches, you’d be hard pressed. Pearse was inspired by them as men rather than as political thinkers per se."
Pearse's text:
Patrick Pearse, who was also in the United States on a lecture and fund raising tour was using the offices of Devoy's Gaelic American Newspaper, New York as his headquarters. On this date he met there with Hobson, Joe McGarrity and John Devoy
At this meeting, Hobson produced a document from Casement dealing with possible Irish attitudes to Germany in event of war.
Pearse made his speaking debut the next day at the Irish American Athletic Club in Manhattan.
March 2
While on his speaking tour of America, Patrick Pearse used the Emmet commemoration to deliver two high-voltage speeches linking ideas of patriotic sacrifice to matters of faith, as the revolutionary rhetoric was shifting from words to action.
The first, his 'Emmet Commemoration Speech' was delivered to a packed Academy of Music in Brooklyn on the evening of March 2nd as part of their annual commemoration of Robert Emmet’s birth on March 8th. Over 2,500 braved one of the worst snowstorms to hit New York since 1888 to attend.
Dr Elaine Sisson, Senior Lecturer in Visual Culture & Author of ‘Pearse’s Patriots: St Enda’s and the Cult of Boyhood’ at the Macgill Summer School in 2017 said that the Pearse speeches in New York "...were designed to be heard and not to be read so their impact is somewhat lessened in print. Contemporary accounts confirm that Pearse was a superb orator and public speaker. He was passionate and poetic, determined and convincing. However, if you were to try and construct a political philosophy from these speeches, you’d be hard pressed. Pearse was inspired by them as men rather than as political thinkers per se."
Pearse's text:
We who speak here to-night are the voice of one of the ancient indestructible things of the world. We are the voice of an idea which is older than any empire and will outlast every empire. We and ours, the inheritors of that idea, have been at age-long war with one of the most powerful empires that have ever been built up upon the earth; and that empire will pass before we pass. We are older than England and we are stronger than England. In every generation we have renewed the struggle, and so it shall be unto the end. When England thinks she has trampled out our battle in blood, some brave man rises and rallies us again; when England thinks she has purchased us with a bribe, some good man redeems us by a sacrifice. Wherever England goes on her mission of empire we meet her and we strike at her: yesterday it was on the South African veldt, to-day it is in the Senate House at Washington, to-morrow it may be in the streets of Dublin. We pursue her like a sleuth-hound; we lie in wait for her and come upon her like a thief in the night: and some day we will overwhelm her with the wrath of God.
It is not that we are apostles of hate. Who like us has carried Christ’s word of charity about the earth? But the Christ that said, “My peace I leave you, My peace I give you,’ is the same Christ that said, I bring not peace, but a sword.” There can be no peace between the right and wrong, between the truth and falsehood, between justice and oppression, between freedom and tyranny. Between them it is eternal war until the wrong is righted, until the true thing is established, until justice is accomplished, until freedom is won. So when England talks of peace we know our answer: ‘Peace with you? Peace while your one hand is at our throat and your other hand is in our pocket? Peace with a footpad? Peace with a pickpocket? Peace with the leech that is sucking our body dry of blood? Peace with the many-armed monster whose tentacles envelop us while its system emits an inky fluid that shrouds its work of murder from the eyes of men? The time has not yet come to talk of peace.” But England, we are told, offers us terms. She holds out to us the hand of friendship. She gives us a Parliament with an Executive responsible to it. Within two years the Home Rule Senate meets in College Green and King George comes to Dublin to declare its sessions open. In anticipation of that happy event our leaders have proffered England our loyalty. Mr. Redmond accepts Home Rule as a “final settlement between the two nations”; Mr. O’Brien in the fullness of his heart cries “God Save the King”; Colonel Lynch offers England his sword in case she is attacked by a foreign power.
And so this settlement is to be a final settlement. Would Wolfe Tone have accepted it as a final settlement? Would Robert Emmet have accepted it as a final settlement? Either we are heirs to their principles or we are not. If we are, we can accept no settlement as final which does not “break the connection with England, the never-failing source of all our political evils”; if we are not, how dare we go on an annual pilgrimage to Bodenstown, how dare we gather here or anywhere to commemorate the faith and sacrifice of Emmet? Did, then, those dead heroic men live in vain? Has Ireland learned a truer philosophy than the philosophy of ‘98, and a nobler way of salvation than the way of 1803? Is Wolfe Tone’s definition superseded, and do we discharge our duty to Emmet’s memory by according him annually our pity? To do the English justice, I do not think they are satisfied that Ireland will accept Home Rule as a final settlement. I think they are a little anxious to-day. If their minds were tranquil on the subject of Irish loyalty they would hardly have proclaimed the importation of arms into Ireland the moment the Irish Volunteers had begun to organise themselves. They had given the Ulster faction which is used as a catspaw by one of the English parties two years to organise and arm against that Home Rule Bill which they profess themselves so anxious to pass: to the Nationalists of Ireland they did not give two weeks. Of course, we can arm in spite of them: to-day we are organising and training the men and we have ways and means of getting arms when the men are ready for the arms. The contention I make now, and I ask you to note it well, is that England does not trust Ireland with guns; that under Home Rule or in the absence of Home Rule England declares that we Irish must remain an unarmed people; and England is right. England is right in suspecting Irish loyalty, and those Irishmen who promise Irish loyalty to England are wrong.
I believe them honest; but they have spent so much of their lives parleying with the English, they have sat so often and so long at English feasts, that they have lost communion with the ancient unpurchasable faith of Ireland, the ancient stubborn thing that forbids, as if with the voice of fate, any loyalty from Ireland to England, any union between us and them, any surrender of one jot or shred of our claim to freedom even in return for all the blessings of the British peace. I have called that old faith an indestructible thing. I have said that it is more powerful than empires. If you would understand its might you must consider how it has made all the generations of Ireland heroic. Having its root in all gentleness, in a man’s love for the place where his mother bore him, for the breast that gave him suck, for the voices of children that sounded in a house now silent, for the faces that glowed around a fireside now cold, for the story told by lips that will not speak again, having its root, I say, in all gentleness, it is yet a terrible thing urging the generations to perilous bloody attempts, nerving men to give up life for the death-in-life of dungeons, teaching little boys to die with laughing lips, giving courage to young girls to bare their backs to the lashes of a soldiery.
It is easy to imagine how the spirit of Irish patriotism called to the gallant and adventurous spirit of Tone or moved the wrathful spirit of Mitchell. In them deep called unto deep: heroic effort claimed the heroic man. But consider how the call was made to a spirit of different, yet not less noble mould; and how it was answered. In Emmet it called to a dreamer and he awoke a man of action; it called to a student and a recluse and he stood forth a leader of men; it called to one who loved the ways of peace and he became a revolutionary. I wish I could help you to realise, I wish I could myself adequately realise, the humanity, the gentle and grave humanity, of Emmet. We are so dominated by the memory of that splendid death of his, by the memory of that young figure, serene and smiling, climbing to the gallows above that sea of silent men in Thomas Street, that we forget the life of which that death was only the necessary completion: and the life has perhaps a nearer meaning for us than the death. For Emmet, finely gifted though he was, was just a young man with the same limitations, the same self-questionings, the same falterings, the same kindly human emotions surging up sometimes in such strength as almost to drown a heroic purpose, as many a young man we have known. And his task was just such a task as many of us have undertaken: he had to go through the same repellent routine of work, to deal with the hard, uncongenial details of correspondence and conference and committee meetings; he had the same sordid difficulties that we have, yea, even the vulgar difficulty of want of funds. And he had the same poor human material to work with, men who misunderstood, men who bungled, men who talked too much, men who failed at the last moment….
Yes, the task we take up again is just Emmet’s task of silent unattractive work, the routine of correspondence and committees and organising. We must face it as bravely and as quietly as he faced it, working on in patience as he worked on, hoping as he hoped: cherishing in our secret hearts the mighty hope that to us, though so unworthy, it may be given to bring to accomplishment the thing he left unaccomplished, but working on even when that hope dies within us. I would ask you to consider now how the call I have spoken of was made to the spirit of a woman, and how, equally, it was responded to.
Wherever Emmet is commemorated let Anne Devlin not be forgotten. Bryan Devlin had a dairy farm in Butterfield Lane; his fields are still green there. Five Sons of his fought in ‘98. Anne was his daughter, and she went to keep house for Emmet when he moved into Butterfield House. You know how she kept vigil there on the night of the rising. When all was lost and Emmet came out in his hurried retreat through Rathfarnham to the mountains, her greeting was—according to tradition, it was spoken in Irish, and Emmet must have replied in Irish—”Musha, bad welcome to you! Is Ireland lost by you, cowards that you are, to lead the people to destruction and then to leave them?” ‘Don’t blame me, Anne; the fault is not mine, said Emmet. And she was sorry for the pain her words had inflicted, spoken in the pain of her own disappointment. She would have tended him like a mother could he have tarried there, but his path lay to Kilmashogue, and hers was to be a harder duty.
When Sirr came out with his soldiery she was still keeping her vigil. “Where is Emmet?” “I have nothing to tell you.” To all their questions she had but one answer: “I have nothing to say; I have nothing to tell you.” They swung her up to a cart and half-hanged her several times; after each half-hanging she was revived and questioned: still the same answer. They pricked her breast with their bayonets until the blood spurted out in their faces. They dragged her to prison and tortured her for days. Not one word did they extract from that steadfast woman. And when Emmet was sold, he was sold, not by a woman, but by a man—by the friend that he had trusted—by the counsel that, having sold him, was to go through the ghastly mockery of defending him at the bar.
The fathers and mothers of Ireland should often tell their children that story of Robert Emmet and that story of Anne Devlin. To the Irish mothers who hear me I would say that when at night you kiss your children and in your hearts call down a benediction, you could wish for your boys no higher thing than that, should the need come they may be given the strength to make Emmet’s sacrifice, and for your girls no greater gift from God than such fidelity as Anne Devlin’s.
It is more than a hundred years since these things were suffered; and they were suffered in vain if nothing of the spirit of Emmet and Anne Devlin survives in the young men and young women of Ireland. Does anything of that spirit survive? I think I can speak for my own generation. I think I can speak for my contemporaries in the Gaelic League, an organisation which has not yet concerned itself with politics, but whose younger spirits are accepting the full national idea and are bringing into the national struggle the passion and the practicalness which marked the early stages of the language movement. I think I can speak for the young men of the Volunteers. So far, they have no programme beyond learning the trade of arms; a trade which no man of Ireland could learn for over a hundred years past unless he took the English shilling. It is a good programme; and we may almost commit the future of Ireland to the keeping of the Volunteers. I think I can speak for a younger generation still: for some of the young men that are entering the National University, for my own pupils at St. Enda’s College, for the boys of the Fianna Eireann.
To the grey-haired men whom I see on this platform, John Devoy and Richard Burke, I bring, then, this message from Ireland that their seed-sowing of forty years ago has not been without its harvest, that there are young men and little boys in Ireland to-day who remember what they taught and who, with God’s blessing, will one day take—or make an opportunity of putting their teaching into practice.
March 4
From New York, Diarmuid on postcards to Michael, Dan and Tim Lynch in Granig, wrote:
From New York, Diarmuid on postcards to Michael, Dan and Tim Lynch in Granig, wrote:
Another of Diarmuid's postcards mailed from New York on 4 March 1914, was discovered in 2022.
This card of The Woolworth Building (below - then the tallest building in the world 1913-30) is from the O'Sullivan Family Archives and contributed by Colm O'Sullivan. His Grandmother, Margaret Murphy of Herbert Park, Montenotte, Cork was the addressee and married to a cousin of Lynch's, Thomas Joseph Murphy. (Margaret had earlier studied in New York's Mount Sinai Training School for Nurses during the late 1890s before returning to Ireland and marrying T.J. in 1901).
Text transcription:
New York 3.4.14.
My Dear Margaret.
Have had 10 days here & am confirmed in the opinion backed by seven years ago (& before that) 'Windy' like the top of the 'Woolworth'..am [word illegible]
Love to all. Diarmuid.
PS I suppose you heard from Jo.
This card of The Woolworth Building (below - then the tallest building in the world 1913-30) is from the O'Sullivan Family Archives and contributed by Colm O'Sullivan. His Grandmother, Margaret Murphy of Herbert Park, Montenotte, Cork was the addressee and married to a cousin of Lynch's, Thomas Joseph Murphy. (Margaret had earlier studied in New York's Mount Sinai Training School for Nurses during the late 1890s before returning to Ireland and marrying T.J. in 1901).
Text transcription:
New York 3.4.14.
My Dear Margaret.
Have had 10 days here & am confirmed in the opinion backed by seven years ago (& before that) 'Windy' like the top of the 'Woolworth'..am [word illegible]
Love to all. Diarmuid.
PS I suppose you heard from Jo.
March 7
Lynch, Judge Cohalan and other senior Clan Members were present at a secret Clan na Gael meeting in the Gaelic League Headquarters building, New York.
Around this time in Cork, Diarmuid's brother Michael had organised companies of Irish Volunteers (with assistance from Cork City Headquarters) at Passage West, Carrigaline, Shanbally, Ballygarvan, and Riverstick & Ballinhassig. Already Company Captain of the Tracton Company, these seven companies comprised Battalion IX (Cork County) with a total strength of 350 men. Michael was appointed Battalion Commandant.
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
Lynch, Judge Cohalan and other senior Clan Members were present at a secret Clan na Gael meeting in the Gaelic League Headquarters building, New York.
Around this time in Cork, Diarmuid's brother Michael had organised companies of Irish Volunteers (with assistance from Cork City Headquarters) at Passage West, Carrigaline, Shanbally, Ballygarvan, and Riverstick & Ballinhassig. Already Company Captain of the Tracton Company, these seven companies comprised Battalion IX (Cork County) with a total strength of 350 men. Michael was appointed Battalion Commandant.
Statement by Michael Lynch – part of application for Military Service Pension Certificate, December 1935. Lynch Archives.
March 9
At the Aeolian Hall, West 43rd & Fifth, New York, Pearse in his second Emmet speech concentrated on opposing British rule to gain independence for Ireland. 'England is right in suspecting Irish loyalty, and those Irishmen who promise Irish loyalty are wrong.'
Pearse was to follow the same itinerary as Lynch and Ashe, arriving in New Rochelle and Philadelphia later in the month. He remained in the United States until May 1914 by which time he had received the full support of Irish American leaders.
At the Aeolian Hall, West 43rd & Fifth, New York, Pearse in his second Emmet speech concentrated on opposing British rule to gain independence for Ireland. 'England is right in suspecting Irish loyalty, and those Irishmen who promise Irish loyalty are wrong.'
Pearse was to follow the same itinerary as Lynch and Ashe, arriving in New Rochelle and Philadelphia later in the month. He remained in the United States until May 1914 by which time he had received the full support of Irish American leaders.
March 17
From Tomas Ashe's diary for Tuesday, March 17th:
"Missed train at 1.15. Had to wait for next train. Diarmuid very much annoyed. Our first plain words to each other. Great danger of our falling out. He is too much excited on small matters & is very nervous. Arrived in New Rochelle and joined parade..."
From Tomas Ashe's diary for Tuesday, March 17th:
"Missed train at 1.15. Had to wait for next train. Diarmuid very much annoyed. Our first plain words to each other. Great danger of our falling out. He is too much excited on small matters & is very nervous. Arrived in New Rochelle and joined parade..."
Thomas Ashe's 1914 diary. Quarter calf, cloth bound, Excelsior diary. “Thomas Agas Teactaire de Conrad na Gaedilge 1914-15”. His entries start on 11 February, “Left home. No feeling of Loneliness as emigrants usually feel”, his embarkation on The Cedric on 13 February from Queenstown, and arrival in New York on 22 February. Amongst those he records meeting are J. Coholan, Judge Keogh, Messrs Denny, “Brogan of Irish American and the Fords”, Maurice O’Connell, Fleming, E. Moriarty, Reidy, Devoy etc. Thirty pages filled with notes in Ashe’s hand. Source: Whytes Auctioneers. Lot 206.
April 1
Diarmuid Lynch and Thomas Ashe signed an open letter to the Ancient Order of Hibernians on Gaelic League of Ireland headed paper, 624 Madison Avenue, New York:
Diarmuid Lynch and Thomas Ashe signed an open letter to the Ancient Order of Hibernians on Gaelic League of Ireland headed paper, 624 Madison Avenue, New York:
‘This year the Irish race celebrates the 900th anniversary of Brian Boru’s victory at Clontarf, which effectually broke the power of the foreign civilisation that then threatened the Irish nation. The Gaelic League means to mark the eventful anniversary by a strong aggressive move against the foreignism that in Ireland today threatens the very foundation of our distinctive nationality, and looks to the Ancient Order of Hibernians in America to take a leading part in supplying the sinews of war to those in the forefront of the fight.
The responsibility of preserving the Irish language – the most essential characteristic of the Irish Nation – rests on the men of today. Notable advances have been made by the Gaelic League, but much remains to be accomplished, and it is evident that of the language of our fathers is to be saved, the present generation of Irishmen must bestir themselves, and do their full duty.
The establishment of the Gaelic Chair in the Catholic University of Washington was a patriotic work of great significance. Irish Ireland appreciated that noble and generous act, and is not unmindful of the aid given by your order to the Language Movement at home.
The Gaelic League again appeals to the AOH, through us, it's Accredited Envoys at present in this country, to duplicate your generous action of [left blank] years ago. The money on this occasion to be applied to preserving the language in the home of the Irish people. The material and moral effect of such a patriotic and practical decision would go far towards securing for the Ireland of the future its national and natural continuity with the glorious civilisation of the past, and once more emphasize the importance of your Organisation to the Irish Nation.
We trust that you fully appreciate the urgency of our request, and will take the necessary steps to have it favourably acted on at the coming Convention of your order.’
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 1 – 1890-1914. Listed on the letterhead: Treasurer for America – Justice Martin J Keogh, Chairman American Finance Committee – Justice Daniel F Cohalan and President: Douglas Hyde LL.D.
Another open letter, this time to other Irish American organisations:
‘We the undersigned Delegates from the Gaelic League in Ireland, solicit the financial support of our fellow countrymen generally in America, and of your society in particular, towards the saving of the Irish language.
Justice Daniel F Cohalan is chairman, and Justice Martin J. Keogh, Treasurer, of our American Finance Committee.
The campaign mapped out by us will extend over the entire United States and time may not permit us to call in person at your meeting. However, judging from the hearty support promised to us already by Irish Societies, we feel very confident that YOU will recognise the immense national value of your collective and individual support, and give un-stintedly.
The Gaelic League is contesting a hard fight against the forces of Anglicisation where the battle for Irish nationhood can only be won, viz: at home in Ireland. Exactly 900 years ago Brian Borus expelled the Danes from the soil of Ireland, and we now appeal for your co-operation in driving out the spirit of the newer foreignism and preserving intact our national characteristics. The question is one which affects every true son and daughter of the old land, and it is up to those who are far removed from the scene of conflict to do THEIR part in financially aiding the League in this propaganda.
We trust that you will see your way to donate a sum of money from your Treasury, but especially request THE APPOINTMENT OF A COMMITTEE OF THREE to secure the individual support of your members in conjunction with our New York Card Committee.
Kindly take the necessary steps at your next meeting, the success of our mission depends largely on the promptness with which we can organise each district.’
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 1 – 1890-1914
April 9
New York: Delegates from 31 Irish organisations met at the Gaelic League Headquarters 624 Madison Avenue in what the Irish World termed ‘the most representative meeting of its kind ever held in this city on behalf of the Gaelic League of Ireland.’ Justice Cohalan (a member of the Finance Committee) presided and remarked that...
New York: Delegates from 31 Irish organisations met at the Gaelic League Headquarters 624 Madison Avenue in what the Irish World termed ‘the most representative meeting of its kind ever held in this city on behalf of the Gaelic League of Ireland.’ Justice Cohalan (a member of the Finance Committee) presided and remarked that...
there are a great many questions upon which Irishmen and Irishwomen do not exactly agree, but that there is one subject upon which there can be no question of division, and that is that Ireland should be made in every way Irish. The purpose of the Gaelic League is to Irishise Ireland, to develop the old traditions, the old ideals, the old standards, and the old language of the race…he explained the necessity for rendering financial aid from the country to the men who are carrying on the fight at home and emphasised the fact that the money is to be sent to Ireland by the Finance Committee…with the understanding that it should be spent solely on the field staff of organiser and travelling teachers employed by the League. Furthermore that the policy of the League should be actively aggressive against the anti-National Board of Education, and similar
West-British institutions, and that the organisation should persistently preach Irish nationality from its platforms recognising the language as a means to an end. The business like programs mapped out by the Envoys received his warm approval, and he congratulated them on the successful organisation of such a representative and enthusiastic meeting.’
Diarmuid Lynch acknowledged ‘the splendid reception which himself and his colleague Mr Ashe received from each and every Organisation when presenting the cause of the Gaelic League. He explained in detail the Plan of Campaign and of the most important features being the special Collection Cards issued. These cards are numbered, and officially signed and sealed. The committee from each Society is to take charge of the distribution of a number of cards among their own members…’
‘It was pointed out by Mr Lynch that each collector should have no difficulty in securing a minimum of $5 thus qualifying for membership in the Gaelic Alliance. Some individuals have already collected over $40…furthermore he asserted that no man of Irish blood with any pretence to Patriotism will refuse to subscribe at least $1.00 to such an all-important national work and the propagation of the Irish Language…he was confident that the Irish County and other associations would loyally fulfil their promises, and impressed on the committees that it depended on them in a large measure to secure active co-operation and best results from their fellow members.
Envoy Ashe referred to the patriotism of the Chinese in America who contributed $200,000* to found a national library in their native land, and pointed out that a national language was a much more important institution. A national library may be built at any time, but let a national language die, and no amount of money could resuscitate it. He pertinently asked whether the patriotism of the Irish race in America was not equal to that of the Chinese.’
Lynch Family Archives – Folder 1
Before leaving New York, Pearse wrote a short letter to Cohalan on May 6th, thanking him for his ‘generous subscription’ and for ‘your unceasing and successful efforts to put me in touch with other good friends.’
Charles Callan Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Freedom-1866-1922’. Devin-Adair, New York 1957. P159
April 14
The Boston Globe reported on Diarmuid Lynch’s work for the Gaelic League in Boston:
The Boston Globe reported on Diarmuid Lynch’s work for the Gaelic League in Boston:
Urging Wider Study of Irish - Diarmuid Lynch on the Gaelic League Aims. Delegate discusses work of reviving the language. Advances made in course of the last 20 years
Diarmuid Lynch, a delegate from the Gaelic League in Ireland and a native of Tracton, County Cork, has been visiting Boston the past week. He is one of a party of seven who came from Ireland a few weeks ago to interest Irishmen here in the work of the League at home.
Mr Lynch, formerly lived in New York City, but returned to Ireland some years ago to foster the work of the League. He is staying with Rev. P.B.Murphy in South Boston. His visit to this country will embrace a trip through all the States covering about a year. He explained that the immediate object of the visit is to enable the Gaelic Alliance to increase its field staff of organisers and travelling teachers.
In speaking of its prospects he said ‘Extraordinary advances have been made since the League was established 20 years ago. Irish is now taught in more than 300 primary schools. It has a prominent place on the curriculum of intermediate education and is a compulsory subject for entrance to the new National University of Dublin, Cork and Galway. It is also a compulsory subject of examination for all public appointments under several County Councils. Furthermore the hierarchy and clergy of Ireland now look on the language as one of the strongest bulwarks against the demoralising literature of England as well as the socialistic and atheistic doctrines of Europe.
The propaganda has had a notable effect on Ireland. The league has more than 500 branches. The members are without exception, enthusiastic supporters of home industries. It has revived the ancient Feis (festival) of Tara, the ‘Aeridheacht’ or open air concert and the ‘Ceilidh’ or social indoor party which encourages original literary compositions, oratory and storytelling in Irish, the music, songs and dances of the Gael. In other words the league has aided to a large extent the material as well as the social and intellectual progress of our people.
The Gaelic League is non-political. That is, welcomes men of all political parties into its ranks, but it is National in the highest sense of the term, generally speaking those who believe in the traditional ideal for which Ireland has struggled during 700 years are the strongest supporters. Eventually through the influence of the language we hope to obliterate all affiliations, foreign to, genuine Irish nationality and establish a really united Irish Ireland.
The Home Rule Bill will benefit the language movement, but there are many interests in Ireland which have been sadly neglected, the Gaelic League must see to it that the language question is not overlooked.
Some people here seemed surprised that I have been wearing kilts and they took me for a Scotchman. They are not of course ware that the Gaels of the Highlands originally emigrated from Ireland, taking with them the Gaelic language and the Gaelic dress. This old national dress of ours has become popular of late years but it is worn only on special occasions. Lord Ashbourne is one of the few Gaels who wears a kilt at all times.
Irish Americans are taking much interest in the Gaelic movement. Those who have looked into its philosophy are that the dream of their fathers – an Irish nation in the fullest sense of the word - is impossible unless the Irish language lives and flourishes in the homes of the Irish people.
Our American finance committee for instance, includes men like Justice Daniel F Cohalan, Justice Martin J Keogh, Finley Peter Dunne, Robert T Emmet and other notable men who were born in this country. They feel that through it, Ireland will develop a civilisation in conformity with, but even superior to, that of old when she stood high among the nations and that the achievement of the race in the motherland will awaken a desire on the part of Irish Americans to study more closely the magnificent history of Ireland and engender a pride of race which is now in great measure lacking here because of the want of that very knowledge.
Many Irish societies have not only subscribed money from their treasuries, but the individual members take our special collection cards for the purpose of getting their friends to qualify as members of the alliance. I have already addressed the Boston Gaelic Alliance, Boston Gaelic School, Knights of St Brendan, Division 41 of the Ladies Auxiliary, A.O.H, Mayo Ladies Association and the Gerald Griffin Club; also the State Convention of the Knights of Columbus held here a few days ago. Next Friday night I am to speak at the Boston Gaelic Schools May Party, Hibernian Hall, Roxbury.
Since arrival here, I have had the honour of meeting Gov. Walsh, Sec of State Donoghue and State Treas. Mansfield. I am delighted to find that Irish Americans are at last receiving a measure of public recognition which their ability and high ideals and the sacrifice of our people in this country entitle them to.’
Lynch Family Archives. Folder 1 – 1890-1914
The Bridgeport Evening Farmer newspaper, Bridgeport, Connecticut of April 14, 1914 reported on Thomas Ashe's arrival in Bridgeport.
Meanwhile, Ashe urged the Gaelic League's Coiste Gnótha (executive committee of the Gaelic League) to take a strong stand against partition which would help him raise funds from Irish-Americans. He asked, equally un-successfully, for newsreel film of hurling matches and Volunteer parades to be sent over. He told the Secretary of the Gaelic League, Padraig O'Dalaigh, that he “could raise $500 a showing…”
April 27
In a letter to John Devoy, Ashe wrote that 'D. Lynch and I mean to do our utmost to remodel the Gaelic League to get it to preach strong, sterling nationality, and to rid it of some of the old women and some of the fossils that control it at present'
O'Brien and Ryan (Volume 2) 1948. p.427
May 7
In a letter dated May 7, 1914 to Judge Cohalan, Lynch outlined his plans for visiting New England and advising of some difficulties in fundraising in rural New York:
June 1
The American Provisional Committee of the Irish National Volunteers was founded as a result of 'intensive public and private agitation by Pearse, Hobson, Lynch, Ashe and others. Chaired by McGarrity, it's purpose was to 'raise funds to arm and equip Ireland's national army of defence'. Many of the main players were personally known to Pearse, including Spellissy, Devoy, Kenny and Nolan and was publicially backed by the AOH in several states.'
July 2 & 7
Letter from Tomas Ashe to Patrick Pearse during the fundraising trip for the Gaelic League and the Volunteers. The first letter to Pearse outlines Ashe's modus operandi in the USA, organising fund raising committees in Irish Societies, meeting "leading men". He proposes the use of moving picture shows of volunteers drilling, hurling matches to entertain at meetings to encourage collecting funds.
The American Provisional Committee of the Irish National Volunteers was founded as a result of 'intensive public and private agitation by Pearse, Hobson, Lynch, Ashe and others. Chaired by McGarrity, it's purpose was to 'raise funds to arm and equip Ireland's national army of defence'. Many of the main players were personally known to Pearse, including Spellissy, Devoy, Kenny and Nolan and was publicially backed by the AOH in several states.'
July 2 & 7
Letter from Tomas Ashe to Patrick Pearse during the fundraising trip for the Gaelic League and the Volunteers. The first letter to Pearse outlines Ashe's modus operandi in the USA, organising fund raising committees in Irish Societies, meeting "leading men". He proposes the use of moving picture shows of volunteers drilling, hurling matches to entertain at meetings to encourage collecting funds.
Late July 1914 had Ashe and Lynch at the Ancient Order of Hibernians annual convention in Norfolk, Virginia. From there, the Irish Standard Newspaper published a report on proceedings including a vote of thanks to those who spoke to the convention: Sir Roger Casement representing the Irish National Volunteers, Burke Cochran of New York, Boston Mayor James Curley and Thomas Ashe and Diarmuid Lynch of the Gaelic League 'who spoke so earnestly of the aims and objects of that deserving organisation'
With the outbreak of war in Europe, the delegate’s year long fundraising plans were about to be prematurely ended.
August 19
Lynch received a letter from the Treasurer of the Gaelic League in Ireland, Stephen Barrett to the issue of his expenses:
"I find that Judge Keogh is at present in Europe, and that, therefore, it is impossible for the Craoibhin to get in touch with him. For this reason I brought the question of your epxenses before the meeting of the Coiste an Airgid last night. They direct me to say that, in the present state of our finances, we are unable to send you a remittance, and they wish, therefore, that you would temporarily pay your expenses out of your receipts until Judge Keogh returns to America."
August 24
Tomas Ashe writing to a friend on August 24, 1914 was furious at the news of Redmond's support for the British war effort. 'Let us reverse the pictures of Robert Emmet on our walls. No slavish people ever did what we propose doing - defend out land and our people for the tyrant during his difficulties that he may come when they are over and enchain us again'
He added that Irish-Americans were so infuriated with Redmond that they had stopped contributing funds. Ashe described the gulf that he perceived to exist between the two groups who were ostensibly at one as regards culture: “I often sing the songs I know over here and I must admit the Irish Americans enjoy them as well. But it is only in Ireland that there is a proper understanding of them ... I shudder when I know that the next song that will follow will be "How did Rip Van Winkle's Mother Pay the Rent" or some other such inane tango”
September
The Delegates were now recalled to Ireland, Ashe returning in early September 1915. Lynch remained in the US for some additional weeks, primarily to attend a secret meeting as the IRB representative from Ireland attending the biennial Clan na Gael conference in Atlantic City.
Clan na Gael Conference
The Clan na Gael conference in Atlantic City, NJ was now underway.
As the IRB's envoy to the biennial Clan na Gael convention in Atlantic City...Diarmuid Lynch reported on the 'home organisation' to the IRB's 'Revolutionary Directory' and his report on the depleted status of the IRB in Ireland came as an unwelcome surprise. Lynch later recalled how he resented his cross-examination by a Clan veteran with 'no conception of the conditions under which we at this side laboured'
Bureau of Military History Witness Statement 4. Diarmuid Lynch
Funds were solicited at the conference to arm the Irish Volunteers.
Following the meeting, a public statement was released repudiating Redmond’s action in guaranteeing Irish support of England during the war with Germany:
‘We the representatives of Clan na Gael of America, in convention assembled, deem it our duty to protest against the worst betrayal of Ireland since Castlereagh sold the Irish Parliament, and to seek the earnest co-operation of every true Irishman in preventing its consummation.
The action of John Redmond in guaranteeing Irish military support to England in her war with Germany is treason to Ireland, dishonouring to the Irish race and intended to destroy for ever the hope of Irish Freedom. No baser act has ever been committed in all Irish history. If it is not frustrated by prompt and decisive action by the Irish people it must inevitably bring disaster to the Irish Cause.
It is were possible to regard it as an honest act of weakness, it's consequences to Ireland would be none the less harmful, and it could only be characterised as read by the light of his present attitude Redmond action in obtaining control of the Irish Volunteers and keeping them dis-armed, his traitorous purposes become apparent.
He is acting for the English Government, so as to prevent a repetition of 1782.
Judged by his own political standards Mr Redmond was a conspicuous failure as a champion of Irish rights long before he openly betrayed his country.
He has been deceiving the Irish people for years, so that he might gradually prepare the way for his treason. Irish history records only one instance of deceit and treachery as base and deliberate as that of Redmond.
The perjured demagogue Keogh*, who incited to assassination so that he might climb to the bench and to wreak England’s vengeance on Irish patriots was Redmond’s model.
P1 Gaelic American October 3rd, 1914 Lynch Family Archives
The Clan na Gael (family of the Gaels) was an Irish republican organisation in the United States in the late 19th and 20th centuries, successor to the Fenian Brotherhood and a sister organisation to the Irish Republican Brotherhood. More information here
* William Nicholas Keogh PC (1817– 30 September 1878) an unpopular and controversial Irish politician and judge, whose name became a byword in Ireland for betraying one's political principles. More information here.
The Clan na Gael conference in Atlantic City, NJ was now underway.
As the IRB's envoy to the biennial Clan na Gael convention in Atlantic City...Diarmuid Lynch reported on the 'home organisation' to the IRB's 'Revolutionary Directory' and his report on the depleted status of the IRB in Ireland came as an unwelcome surprise. Lynch later recalled how he resented his cross-examination by a Clan veteran with 'no conception of the conditions under which we at this side laboured'
Bureau of Military History Witness Statement 4. Diarmuid Lynch
Funds were solicited at the conference to arm the Irish Volunteers.
Following the meeting, a public statement was released repudiating Redmond’s action in guaranteeing Irish support of England during the war with Germany:
‘We the representatives of Clan na Gael of America, in convention assembled, deem it our duty to protest against the worst betrayal of Ireland since Castlereagh sold the Irish Parliament, and to seek the earnest co-operation of every true Irishman in preventing its consummation.
The action of John Redmond in guaranteeing Irish military support to England in her war with Germany is treason to Ireland, dishonouring to the Irish race and intended to destroy for ever the hope of Irish Freedom. No baser act has ever been committed in all Irish history. If it is not frustrated by prompt and decisive action by the Irish people it must inevitably bring disaster to the Irish Cause.
It is were possible to regard it as an honest act of weakness, it's consequences to Ireland would be none the less harmful, and it could only be characterised as read by the light of his present attitude Redmond action in obtaining control of the Irish Volunteers and keeping them dis-armed, his traitorous purposes become apparent.
He is acting for the English Government, so as to prevent a repetition of 1782.
Judged by his own political standards Mr Redmond was a conspicuous failure as a champion of Irish rights long before he openly betrayed his country.
He has been deceiving the Irish people for years, so that he might gradually prepare the way for his treason. Irish history records only one instance of deceit and treachery as base and deliberate as that of Redmond.
The perjured demagogue Keogh*, who incited to assassination so that he might climb to the bench and to wreak England’s vengeance on Irish patriots was Redmond’s model.
P1 Gaelic American October 3rd, 1914 Lynch Family Archives
The Clan na Gael (family of the Gaels) was an Irish republican organisation in the United States in the late 19th and 20th centuries, successor to the Fenian Brotherhood and a sister organisation to the Irish Republican Brotherhood. More information here
* William Nicholas Keogh PC (1817– 30 September 1878) an unpopular and controversial Irish politician and judge, whose name became a byword in Ireland for betraying one's political principles. More information here.
Lynch Returns to Ireland
October 7
After thirty-three weeks in the United States, Lynch now planned his return to Ireland. He approached the Gaelic League in Ireland for payment of accounts in New York and to book his passage home. 'However no money was forthcoming from the Gaelic League in Ireland. Lynch received a letter that stated 'Coiste an Airgid [Finance Committee] directs me to say that in the present state of our finances, we are unable to send you a remittance'. He was told to settle his bills with the monies that had been collected'
'Diarmuid Lynch. A Forgotten Irish Patriot' Eileen McGough. Mercier Press, 2013. p38
Judge Martin J. Keogh had now returned from his travels in Europe, and Lynch wrote outlining the issue:
Copy of letter and transcript below
Transcript:
My dear Judge Keogh.
I beg to advise that Mr. Stephen Barrett, Treasurer of the Gaelic League in Ireland, wrote me under date of August 19th as follows:
"I find that Judge Keogh is at present in Europe, and that, therefore, it is impossible for the Craoibhin to get in touch with him. For this reason I brought the question of your expenses before the meeting of the Coiste an Airgid last night. They direct me to say that, in the present state of our finances, we are unable to send you a remittance, and they wish, therefore, that you would temporarily pay your expenses out of your receipts until Judge Keogh returns to America."
As already explained, it was neither feasible nor advisable for me to follow out this suggestion.
Since my arrival in America, the total expenses for printing, postage, and office incidentals connected with the work of Mr Ashe and myself, amount to $584.22
My personal expenses (33 weeks) amount to $594.12.
Total $1178.34
Against this I have received only your remittance for $500.00
Leaving a balance due to me of $678.34
I intend to leave within a week for Ireland, and would thank you to send me (a) check to my order for $750.00 ($650. for my a/c and $100. for the a/c of Mr. Ashe. The latter item represents money advanced by me for the account of the League, as per Mr. Ashe's letter which I enclose herewith. Kindly mail check tomorrow, as I am anxious to square up my accounts promptly.
Judge Cohalan is agreeable to the above. Also to the sending of One Thousand Pounds Sterling, minus the $750.00, to the Gaelic League in Ireland, and when reporting the transaction in the press here to specify it as "One Thousand Pounds remitted to Ireland" - my receipt to you to represent cash received by me from the Gaelic League at home.
With best thanks, I remain,
Yours sincerely,
Diarmuid Lynch
Handwritten on the letter is a postscript 'Very few know that I am leaving so soon. I will pay you a visit before sailing. DL'
November
Lynch returned to Ireland with a draft for £2,000* from Devoy and Clann na Gael to purchase arms for the Irish Volunteers. He recalled in his memoirs:
"On returning from the U.S. in November 1914 (via Liverpool) I brought from the Clan-na-Gael a draft for £2,000 for the Irish Volunteers, carefully secreted. I also brought for my personal use pistol and ammunition. These latter items I duly "declared," (on being questioned by the Customs inspector) lest a search of my person and belongings should bring the draft to light. The "firearms" were held by the Customs authorities, - against which I, as an American citizen, protested. Fortunately, I was not known to the officials in Britain as I had been to the police in Ireland. I was informed that if I sent an application - signed by a "J.P." and a clergyman - to the Home Secretary, the articles would doubtless be forwarded to me in Ireland. In due course the pistol and ammunition reached me by post; they remained. In my possession for "Easter Week". Soon. After my arrival in Ireland I reported to the two available members of the "Executive" - Denis McCullough and Tom Clarke and was informed, of developments during my absence: the Split with Redmond, the gun-running at Howth and Kilcoole, and on the report furnished by an "Advisory Committee' appointed for the purpose of drafting a plan for a fight in area…”
When the envoys were recalled to Ireland upon the outbreak of World War I, $4,500 was sent to the Gaelic League in Dublin by the Treasurer for the Gaelic League Fund in America, Judge Keogh. Most of this money had been collected through a card system instigated by Diarmuid Lynch in contributions of $5-$25.
According to the president of the Gaelic League, State of New York, very little of this money would have been realised had it not been for Diarmuid Lynch's previous connections with the Gaelic League when he lived in America.
P. Kavanagh, President, Gaelic League, State of New York in a letter to Judge Keogh, December 14, 1914, published in An Claidheamh Soluis, March 9, 1915:
: “…If it were not for Mr. Lynch's personality, and his original connection with the work of the Gaelic League here, the recent mission of the representatives would have been an absolute failure, because, as you are well aware, the evident apathy of the Gaelic League at home, coupled with its unwise and persistent policy of sending delegates to America year after year, has had the effect of lowering the League's prestige, and of alienating a large part of its support...”
£2,000 equivalent in 2018 is just under £235,000 ($326,000 or €264,000)
Damn, Damn, Damn the Gaelic Leaguers
The Gaelic societies were not the only ones weary of Gaelic League entreaties. John Quinn wrote to Judge Keogh in 1915 in a rage having been approached once again for support:
Damn Damn Damn the Gaelic Leaguers,
Damn the Parliamentarians too.
Damn Damn Damn the Clan na Gaelers
Damn all the Irish missions through and through.
The Irish-Americans' nostalgia for their lost Gaelic heritage made them one with their Irish counterparts at the tum of the century. But this empathy didn't last. In the eyes of the Gaelic League in Ireland, the language movement at home and abroad had the same mission and the same agenda - the revival of the Irish language in Ireland. The League therefore expected the Gaelic societies to function as fund-raisers abroad and to finance the campaigns of the League "at home".
However the American Gaelic societies provided a forum for the expression of ethnic pride and cultural conviction within the confines of the United States. The recognition by the Gaelic League in Ireland of a language movement in the United States gave that movement a role and status.
The Irish language was recognised in the United States as an authentic cultural symbol, and it became a common "plank" in the programmes of nationalist organisations. The Gaelic societies did subscribe to the Gaelic League. But as societies, they concentrated on the needs of their members, whether that was a desire to learn the language of Ireland, the history of Ireland, to sing Moore's melodies or to dance the rince fada. The fact that they were affiliated to the Gaelic League in Ireland gave an added impetus to their own endeavours. It did not necessarily mean, however, that their focus was solely on Ireland and on the problems besetting the League there. And if the Gaelic League realised this on their missions to America, they chose to ignore it.
The attention of the Gaelic League in Ireland was firmly centred on Ireland and on how to define itself as a movement in the midst of constant political upheavals and wars between 1916 and 1923. The American Irish were also taken up with politics. Although on a mission to collect funds for the Gaelic League in 1914, Tomas Ashe and Diarmuid Lynch also brought home with them the first instalments of the $50,000 which Clan na Gael had collected for the Irish Volunteers.
Although there were numerous missions to America throughout this period, most notably that of Eamon De Valera in 1920, the missions of the Gaelic League were no more.
Postscript
On December 28, 1914, Pearse wrote to Judge Cohalan outlining the financial difficulties facing St. Endas and asking his advice:
On December 28, 1914, Pearse wrote to Judge Cohalan outlining the financial difficulties facing St. Endas and asking his advice:
Postscript - 2015:
In late 2015, Freddie O’Dwyer discovered in the UCD Archives, the following letter from Diarmuid to Kathleen O’Connell, dated March 27, 1915:
To: Miss K. O’Connell, 624 Madison Ave, New York.
Granig, Jan. 27 ’15
A Caitlín, a ċara.
Many thanks for letters etc. which I was glad to get. I have been on the go between Cork, Dublin etc. for the past month & did not have much time to reply.
Sorry to hear McDonough has been in hospital. Apart from this fact however I am quite sure that the G.A.(1) there is dead. The attitude of the league here put the finishing touch on it. Fraher, Rohan etc. had no heart to do anything & as you know I did not feel like urging them.
The Brown/Geoghegan combination manages to keep me in the limelight. I saw an advance notice of this Feis in the Gaelic American some time ago. They will never amount to anything & between all the various crowds the G.L. need expect very little from Boston.
Indeed the more I see of the league myself, the less I care whether it gets money or not. (2) Enclosed clippings will be of interest. Please forward to D.F.C.(3)
I suppose you saw the recent copy of An C.S. (4) containing acknowledgement of subscriptions. It looked as though the money came in since we returned & the next publication will give the same idea. It makes very little difference.
Of course you are aware that the State League acted on the Keogh (5) letter. I would have preferred it otherwise but on the whole am glad it appeared in An C.S. – I mean the N.Y. correspondence. Your letter to Fionán (6) re Films [two words unclear] was read at the last C.Z. [letter unclear could be an Irish G] (7) meeting. They were amused at the objections of the County representatives. Let me know how they were taken at the Harford entertainment.
I wanted additional representatives sent out to America. The Cairde would not sanction this. They said F. and Nellie would be coming back soon and I’m satisfied it will be some time before any other expedition will be sent.Glad to hear about O’BBurkes [sic] and Miss K.
No, our friend did not write me about the office. I got only the one letter since returning here. My reply was not what you’d call “Sympathetic” & I did not expect any further epistles.
Tomás (8) has had a couple of letters though on general topics. I gave him my opinion on some matters. I went out to Tomas [sic] from Dublin for a day’s shooting. Between us we got one green plover. Enough said!
No I am not “N.A.”
The majority of the existing Vols (9) are on the McN (10) side now. The opposition has dwindled & the whole movement more or less disrupted. Most of those who stood by J.E.R. (11) have lost confidence but still they hold on through a mistaken sense of loyalty. It would be a most [word begun and crossed out] difficult matter to give an opinion as to the feelings of the people at present. Their natural instincts put them on one side – the press etc. swing a large percentage so that they don’t know where they stand. We are surely and extraordinary people (I don’t care to use other adjectives).
Thousands left the Volunteers in disgust, other thousands because they felt it was preliminary to being marked men for an army they don’t want to join – and so it goes.
All around the coast line [sic] farmers have been warned to clear away all stock to inland points & burn hay etc. which they can’t carry in the event of a German landing. The farmers are going to do no such thing. The question is does the Govt. really fear a landing, or was the move in the interest of recruiting. It makes very little difference anyway, as far as the people around here are concerned.
The general feeling at present is that conscription will not come. Others say that when the newly trained men are sent away, the Govt. must resort to some sort of conscription to get another army. In case they do there will be some hot work – that much is certain.
Sorry you had such a lonely Xmas. Why didn’t you call to Máire T. It passed off as usual here. I had the usual few days shooting and that kept my mind occupied.
I have my agency with the Equitable, but there is very little business to be had. (12)
Fionan wrote Barrett (13) recently that they could send £200. So he must have had some money in hand as Keogh had only $480.
The only items on your list of Jan 8 which came in since I left were the second & third & the last fine. I suppose I got the $5 from Fitzgerald, Detroit.
How the $480 (above) was made up?
Please send me a copy of your next list to Miss W. & mark any items that may be credited to our work. I don’t suppose they will amount to much.
I understand some of the G.A. membership cards went out recently. I hope the particulars were filled in neatly.
Miss W’s salary was withdrawn just before I returned & she decided to continue the work without salary for the time being. At the last C.G. (14) meeting it developed that I sent money for her & the C. ordered that all money in future come to the Treasurer in the usual course and the C. will decide what salaries are to be paid out of it as far as this side is concerned.
I note that the Ex. Party are now pushing the G. alliance. It is high time they did something along this line.
I don’t think there is any good in bothering further about the cards issued by Tomás and myself. In cases where money was collected it should of course come along, but how are we to know? One of the Foresters in Boston wrote saying he turned in his to John O’Keeffe (the man I paid the $5 for) but the latter answered none of my letters. I was told that Mrs. Lynch, Boston was doing some collecting but I have no means of ascertaining whether it was a case of going to do something or not. If things were right in the League here I would write them but what’s the use!
You speak of another “form letter”. Any more circularizing would be a waste of money.
The news about Lyons amuses me. We certainly are a great people.
I never saw Miss K. since returning.
I have written to Comptroller of Telegraphs about my Cable of Nov.
Hope you are quite well.
Best regards.
Diarmuid
P.S. I got back my property from Liverpool.(15)
[1] G.A – Gaelic Association?
2 Reference to Diarmuid’s visit to the US, fundraising and difficulties within the Irish organisation.
3 Judge Daniel F. Cohalan
4 An Claidheamh Soluis – the Gaelic League Newspaper
5 Judge Martin J. Keogh, New Rochelle, NY. Member of the NY Supreme Court. Privately he was Treasurer of the Gaelic League Fund in the United States and a close friend of prominent Irish-American & wealthy corporate lawyer, John Quinn.According to the president of the Gaelic League, State of New York, P. Kavanagh in a letter to Judge Martin J. Keogh, “… very little of this money would have been realised had it not been for Diarmuid Lynch's previous connections with the Gaelic League when he lived in America:”…If it were not for Mr. Lynch's personality, and his original connection with the work of the Gaelic League here, the recent mission of the representatives would have been an absolute failure, because, as you are well aware, the evident apathy of the Gaelic League at home, coupled with its unwise and persistent policy of sending delegates to America year after year, has had the effect of lowering the League's prestige, and of alienating a large part of its support…”
Source: P. Kavanagh, President, Gaelic League, State of New York to Judge Keogh, December 14, 1914. The letter was forwarded to The Gaelic League offices and published in An Claidheamh Soluis, March 9, 1915. Referenced in Una Ni Broimeil “Worlds Apart – The Gaelic League and America 1906-1914’
6 Lynch and Ashe’s US 1914 mission was followed closely by another group of fund-raisers: Fionan MacColuim, Nellie O'Brien and Eithne O'Kelly (who had the fresh idea of using a travelling exhibition to promote Irish industries and art.) In 1910-11, MacColuim, originally a British Public Servant in the India Office, had fund raised in the U.S. for the Gaelic League with fellow Executive member, Fr. Michael O’Flanagan and with mixed results. ‘Films’ may refer to Thomas Ashe’s publicity idea of newsreel films of Irish sports matches and filmed items of interest from Ireland.
7 Coiste Gnotha – the Gaelic League’s governing body.
8 Tomas Ashe
9 Irish Volunteers
10 McNeill – leader of the Irish Volunteers
11 John Edward Redmond – IPP leader
12 Diarmuid was the Munster agent for Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States
13 S.J.Barrett – Honorary Treasurer Gaelic League, Dublin.
14 Coiste Gnotha – the Gaelic League’s governing body.
15 Probably refers to his revolver which was declared to customs in Liverpool on return from the US. This was duly returned and used during the Rising before being abandoned in the rubble of Moore Street at the surrender.
In late 2015, Freddie O’Dwyer discovered in the UCD Archives, the following letter from Diarmuid to Kathleen O’Connell, dated March 27, 1915:
To: Miss K. O’Connell, 624 Madison Ave, New York.
Granig, Jan. 27 ’15
A Caitlín, a ċara.
Many thanks for letters etc. which I was glad to get. I have been on the go between Cork, Dublin etc. for the past month & did not have much time to reply.
Sorry to hear McDonough has been in hospital. Apart from this fact however I am quite sure that the G.A.(1) there is dead. The attitude of the league here put the finishing touch on it. Fraher, Rohan etc. had no heart to do anything & as you know I did not feel like urging them.
The Brown/Geoghegan combination manages to keep me in the limelight. I saw an advance notice of this Feis in the Gaelic American some time ago. They will never amount to anything & between all the various crowds the G.L. need expect very little from Boston.
Indeed the more I see of the league myself, the less I care whether it gets money or not. (2) Enclosed clippings will be of interest. Please forward to D.F.C.(3)
I suppose you saw the recent copy of An C.S. (4) containing acknowledgement of subscriptions. It looked as though the money came in since we returned & the next publication will give the same idea. It makes very little difference.
Of course you are aware that the State League acted on the Keogh (5) letter. I would have preferred it otherwise but on the whole am glad it appeared in An C.S. – I mean the N.Y. correspondence. Your letter to Fionán (6) re Films [two words unclear] was read at the last C.Z. [letter unclear could be an Irish G] (7) meeting. They were amused at the objections of the County representatives. Let me know how they were taken at the Harford entertainment.
I wanted additional representatives sent out to America. The Cairde would not sanction this. They said F. and Nellie would be coming back soon and I’m satisfied it will be some time before any other expedition will be sent.Glad to hear about O’BBurkes [sic] and Miss K.
No, our friend did not write me about the office. I got only the one letter since returning here. My reply was not what you’d call “Sympathetic” & I did not expect any further epistles.
Tomás (8) has had a couple of letters though on general topics. I gave him my opinion on some matters. I went out to Tomas [sic] from Dublin for a day’s shooting. Between us we got one green plover. Enough said!
No I am not “N.A.”
The majority of the existing Vols (9) are on the McN (10) side now. The opposition has dwindled & the whole movement more or less disrupted. Most of those who stood by J.E.R. (11) have lost confidence but still they hold on through a mistaken sense of loyalty. It would be a most [word begun and crossed out] difficult matter to give an opinion as to the feelings of the people at present. Their natural instincts put them on one side – the press etc. swing a large percentage so that they don’t know where they stand. We are surely and extraordinary people (I don’t care to use other adjectives).
Thousands left the Volunteers in disgust, other thousands because they felt it was preliminary to being marked men for an army they don’t want to join – and so it goes.
All around the coast line [sic] farmers have been warned to clear away all stock to inland points & burn hay etc. which they can’t carry in the event of a German landing. The farmers are going to do no such thing. The question is does the Govt. really fear a landing, or was the move in the interest of recruiting. It makes very little difference anyway, as far as the people around here are concerned.
The general feeling at present is that conscription will not come. Others say that when the newly trained men are sent away, the Govt. must resort to some sort of conscription to get another army. In case they do there will be some hot work – that much is certain.
Sorry you had such a lonely Xmas. Why didn’t you call to Máire T. It passed off as usual here. I had the usual few days shooting and that kept my mind occupied.
I have my agency with the Equitable, but there is very little business to be had. (12)
Fionan wrote Barrett (13) recently that they could send £200. So he must have had some money in hand as Keogh had only $480.
The only items on your list of Jan 8 which came in since I left were the second & third & the last fine. I suppose I got the $5 from Fitzgerald, Detroit.
How the $480 (above) was made up?
Please send me a copy of your next list to Miss W. & mark any items that may be credited to our work. I don’t suppose they will amount to much.
I understand some of the G.A. membership cards went out recently. I hope the particulars were filled in neatly.
Miss W’s salary was withdrawn just before I returned & she decided to continue the work without salary for the time being. At the last C.G. (14) meeting it developed that I sent money for her & the C. ordered that all money in future come to the Treasurer in the usual course and the C. will decide what salaries are to be paid out of it as far as this side is concerned.
I note that the Ex. Party are now pushing the G. alliance. It is high time they did something along this line.
I don’t think there is any good in bothering further about the cards issued by Tomás and myself. In cases where money was collected it should of course come along, but how are we to know? One of the Foresters in Boston wrote saying he turned in his to John O’Keeffe (the man I paid the $5 for) but the latter answered none of my letters. I was told that Mrs. Lynch, Boston was doing some collecting but I have no means of ascertaining whether it was a case of going to do something or not. If things were right in the League here I would write them but what’s the use!
You speak of another “form letter”. Any more circularizing would be a waste of money.
The news about Lyons amuses me. We certainly are a great people.
I never saw Miss K. since returning.
I have written to Comptroller of Telegraphs about my Cable of Nov.
Hope you are quite well.
Best regards.
Diarmuid
P.S. I got back my property from Liverpool.(15)
[1] G.A – Gaelic Association?
2 Reference to Diarmuid’s visit to the US, fundraising and difficulties within the Irish organisation.
3 Judge Daniel F. Cohalan
4 An Claidheamh Soluis – the Gaelic League Newspaper
5 Judge Martin J. Keogh, New Rochelle, NY. Member of the NY Supreme Court. Privately he was Treasurer of the Gaelic League Fund in the United States and a close friend of prominent Irish-American & wealthy corporate lawyer, John Quinn.According to the president of the Gaelic League, State of New York, P. Kavanagh in a letter to Judge Martin J. Keogh, “… very little of this money would have been realised had it not been for Diarmuid Lynch's previous connections with the Gaelic League when he lived in America:”…If it were not for Mr. Lynch's personality, and his original connection with the work of the Gaelic League here, the recent mission of the representatives would have been an absolute failure, because, as you are well aware, the evident apathy of the Gaelic League at home, coupled with its unwise and persistent policy of sending delegates to America year after year, has had the effect of lowering the League's prestige, and of alienating a large part of its support…”
Source: P. Kavanagh, President, Gaelic League, State of New York to Judge Keogh, December 14, 1914. The letter was forwarded to The Gaelic League offices and published in An Claidheamh Soluis, March 9, 1915. Referenced in Una Ni Broimeil “Worlds Apart – The Gaelic League and America 1906-1914’
6 Lynch and Ashe’s US 1914 mission was followed closely by another group of fund-raisers: Fionan MacColuim, Nellie O'Brien and Eithne O'Kelly (who had the fresh idea of using a travelling exhibition to promote Irish industries and art.) In 1910-11, MacColuim, originally a British Public Servant in the India Office, had fund raised in the U.S. for the Gaelic League with fellow Executive member, Fr. Michael O’Flanagan and with mixed results. ‘Films’ may refer to Thomas Ashe’s publicity idea of newsreel films of Irish sports matches and filmed items of interest from Ireland.
7 Coiste Gnotha – the Gaelic League’s governing body.
8 Tomas Ashe
9 Irish Volunteers
10 McNeill – leader of the Irish Volunteers
11 John Edward Redmond – IPP leader
12 Diarmuid was the Munster agent for Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States
13 S.J.Barrett – Honorary Treasurer Gaelic League, Dublin.
14 Coiste Gnotha – the Gaelic League’s governing body.
15 Probably refers to his revolver which was declared to customs in Liverpool on return from the US. This was duly returned and used during the Rising before being abandoned in the rubble of Moore Street at the surrender.
Kathleen O’Connell was born in October 1888 in Caherdaniel, Co Kerry into a family with strong nationalist credentials. She emigrated to the United States in 1904. O’Connell worked as secretary to the American Delegation of the Gaelic League in New York from 1912. She joined Cumann na mBan in America in 1916 and, shortly afterwards, the Friends of Irish Freedom and was a confidential secretary to Clann na Gael.
From 1919, O’Connell worked as a secretary to Eamon de Valera and Harry Boland in the US. De Valera visited the United States from June 1919 to December 1920, primarily to raise funds, but also to ask for official recognition of the Irish Republic to secure a loan to finance the work of the government and the IRA and to secure the support of the American people for the Republic.
O’Connell returned to Ireland in March 1921 to work for de Valera in his capacity as president of the Irish Republic and president of the Irish volunteers. O’Connell’s application only relates to service after 1919.
On June 22nd 1921, O’Connell was arrested, along with de Valera, by British forces, but released soon afterwards. She carried on working for de Valera during the truce period and she states that on June 28th, 1922, following the outbreak of the Civil War and during a period of heavy fighting in Dublin, she carried dispatches between a number of anti-Treaty posts there.
O’Connell continued to work with de Valera during the Civil War until his arrest in Ennis, Co Clare on August 15th 1923. On his release, she resumed her work with De Valera until 1955. Died 1956 and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery
From 1919, O’Connell worked as a secretary to Eamon de Valera and Harry Boland in the US. De Valera visited the United States from June 1919 to December 1920, primarily to raise funds, but also to ask for official recognition of the Irish Republic to secure a loan to finance the work of the government and the IRA and to secure the support of the American people for the Republic.
O’Connell returned to Ireland in March 1921 to work for de Valera in his capacity as president of the Irish Republic and president of the Irish volunteers. O’Connell’s application only relates to service after 1919.
On June 22nd 1921, O’Connell was arrested, along with de Valera, by British forces, but released soon afterwards. She carried on working for de Valera during the truce period and she states that on June 28th, 1922, following the outbreak of the Civil War and during a period of heavy fighting in Dublin, she carried dispatches between a number of anti-Treaty posts there.
O’Connell continued to work with de Valera during the Civil War until his arrest in Ennis, Co Clare on August 15th 1923. On his release, she resumed her work with De Valera until 1955. Died 1956 and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery
References:
1. 'The IRB and the 1916 Rising' by Diarmuid Lynch. Mercier Press. 1957. P6
2. 'The IRB and the 1916 Rising' by Diarmuid Lynch. Mercier Press.
Sources:
Worlds Apart – The Gaelic League and America, 1906-1914 by Una Ni Broimeil.
The Creation of an Irish Culture in the United States: The Gaelic Movement, 1870-1915 New Hibernia Review. Autumn 2001.
UCD ARCHIVES P155/110: PAPERS OF KATHLEEN O’CONNELL (1888-1956) (thanks to Freddie O’Dwyer for locating and transcription)
1. 'The IRB and the 1916 Rising' by Diarmuid Lynch. Mercier Press. 1957. P6
2. 'The IRB and the 1916 Rising' by Diarmuid Lynch. Mercier Press.
Sources:
Worlds Apart – The Gaelic League and America, 1906-1914 by Una Ni Broimeil.
The Creation of an Irish Culture in the United States: The Gaelic Movement, 1870-1915 New Hibernia Review. Autumn 2001.
UCD ARCHIVES P155/110: PAPERS OF KATHLEEN O’CONNELL (1888-1956) (thanks to Freddie O’Dwyer for locating and transcription)