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1
Press carried reports of prisoner releases as ‘Return to Sanity’ and the King expressed delight that Midleton was meeting with De Valera.
Cardinal Logue however expressed concern at the formation of the new Northern Ireland Government: ‘If we are to judge by the public utterance of those into whose hand power has fallen, we have times of persecution before us.’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.53
The family of the late Detective Inspector Thomas McGrath, killed by Sean McEoin on January 7th in Longford, wrote to Lord Fitzalan, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and to the Chief Secretary, urging mercy for McEoin who was on death sentence. ‘I, the mother of the late D.I. appeal to you in an especial manner to give effect to our wishes and in doing so desire it to be understood that the sorrow and loss sustained by use will be all the greater should it entail the loss of a single additional life..’
Richard Abbott ‘Police Casualties in Ireland 1919-1922’ Mercier Press, Cork. 2000 p.181-82
Constable Thomas Higgins (37) from Galway and John King (360 from Galway were killed when their seven man RIC patrol was ambushed near Dromore, Co. Sligo. Both men had been taken prisoner in an earlier attack on a cycle patrol from Ballina, and were killed by the IRA Flying Column when the party were pursued by other police and military.
Constable Joseph Shelsher (23) from London was shot dead near Bansha, Co. Tipperary.
U.S. experiences a short, but severe, post-war recession due to industrial overproduction and elimination of defence-related industries, marked by widespread wage cuts and unemployment that reaches 5.7 million in August.
The Communist Party of China (CPC) is founded.
Press carried reports of prisoner releases as ‘Return to Sanity’ and the King expressed delight that Midleton was meeting with De Valera.
Cardinal Logue however expressed concern at the formation of the new Northern Ireland Government: ‘If we are to judge by the public utterance of those into whose hand power has fallen, we have times of persecution before us.’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.53
The family of the late Detective Inspector Thomas McGrath, killed by Sean McEoin on January 7th in Longford, wrote to Lord Fitzalan, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and to the Chief Secretary, urging mercy for McEoin who was on death sentence. ‘I, the mother of the late D.I. appeal to you in an especial manner to give effect to our wishes and in doing so desire it to be understood that the sorrow and loss sustained by use will be all the greater should it entail the loss of a single additional life..’
Richard Abbott ‘Police Casualties in Ireland 1919-1922’ Mercier Press, Cork. 2000 p.181-82
Constable Thomas Higgins (37) from Galway and John King (360 from Galway were killed when their seven man RIC patrol was ambushed near Dromore, Co. Sligo. Both men had been taken prisoner in an earlier attack on a cycle patrol from Ballina, and were killed by the IRA Flying Column when the party were pursued by other police and military.
Constable Joseph Shelsher (23) from London was shot dead near Bansha, Co. Tipperary.
U.S. experiences a short, but severe, post-war recession due to industrial overproduction and elimination of defence-related industries, marked by widespread wage cuts and unemployment that reaches 5.7 million in August.
The Communist Party of China (CPC) is founded.
2
With no clear communication established between Dublin Castle and de Valera, a letter from Smuts was passed to Andy Cope, who in turn passed it to MacMahon who in turn passed it to another who would hand it on.
Dublin Castle suggested the release of Lord Bandon who had captured by the IRA on June 21st would be an appropriate conciliatory measure, although unsure if he was alive or dead.
The Church of Ireland requested special prayers for peace throughout the country, but none was taken up by the Catholic Church.
US: Radio Station WJY broadcasts Georges Carpentier vs. Jack Dempsey heavyweight boxing title bout from Jersey City, N.J. It's the first heavyweight fight aired, though several lesser prize fights had already been transmitted in 1920. This is also the first time that box office receipts for a boxing match reached $1 million.
U.S. President Warren Harding signs a joint congressional resolution, declaring an end to America's state of war with Germany, Austria and Hungary.
Bill Tilden and Suzanne Lenglen retain their Wimbledon titles.
With no clear communication established between Dublin Castle and de Valera, a letter from Smuts was passed to Andy Cope, who in turn passed it to MacMahon who in turn passed it to another who would hand it on.
Dublin Castle suggested the release of Lord Bandon who had captured by the IRA on June 21st would be an appropriate conciliatory measure, although unsure if he was alive or dead.
The Church of Ireland requested special prayers for peace throughout the country, but none was taken up by the Catholic Church.
US: Radio Station WJY broadcasts Georges Carpentier vs. Jack Dempsey heavyweight boxing title bout from Jersey City, N.J. It's the first heavyweight fight aired, though several lesser prize fights had already been transmitted in 1920. This is also the first time that box office receipts for a boxing match reached $1 million.
U.S. President Warren Harding signs a joint congressional resolution, declaring an end to America's state of war with Germany, Austria and Hungary.
Bill Tilden and Suzanne Lenglen retain their Wimbledon titles.
Jack Dempsey versus Georges Carpentier was a boxing fight between world heavyweight champion Jack Dempsey and world light-heavyweight champion Georges Carpentier, which was one of the fights named the "Fight of the Century".The bout took place in the United States on Saturday, July 2, 1921, at Boyle's Thirty Acres in Jersey City, New Jersey. Click here
below: poster advertising movie of the fight & cartoon captures the level of public interest in the fight.
below: poster advertising movie of the fight & cartoon captures the level of public interest in the fight.
3
Constable John Fitzgerald (18) shot and killed near Wicklow town.
Constable John Fitzgerald (18) shot and killed near Wicklow town.
4
An American Independence Day celebration was organised by Sinn Fein in Dublin. Statements that British troops and police were sent to remove American flags (one incident was the Stars & Stripes hauled down by the military at The Shelbourne Hotel) was widely reported in the US.
The Mansion House Conference began at 11am with the Stars and Stripes flying over the building for July 4th. The growing expectation of a settlement meant that massive crowds gathered, even preventing de Valera’s messenger getting through. De Valera consulted with the TD’s and the four representatives of the ‘certain section of our people’ and explained the terms in which he proposed to reply to Lloyd George and requested their views. On the necessity of a Truce as a preliminary to discussion with the British Government, the British Government had refused but Lord Middleton offered to intervene and raise the issue with Lloyd George for a halt of hostilities. By 3.45pm, the meeting adjourned until Friday 8th July with agreement on all points discussed.
Sturgis commented that he didn’t know how far the agenda went or what the agreement extended but at least ‘nobody had their eyes scratched out. The ‘Unionists’ left first and the Sinn Feiners 20 minutes later. De Valera addressed the crowd in Irish – wonder who understood it! Perhaps it contained a graceful tribute to the Government for letting him out and arranging that his meeting should be so peaceful!! But if so we missed it.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 198
Lady Bandon received word that her husband was alive and well and would be released shortly.
Local IRA Volunteers joined West Waterford Column under George Lennon in an attack on a Waterford-bound military train. After a fire fight of some fifteen minutes the train smashed through the crossing gates. This was the last engagement between British forces and the Waterford Brigade Flying Column
James Craig refuses to attend a peace conference in Dublin because the invitation by President Éamon de Valera was addressed to him personally instead of to the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland.
Madelon Mason, American model and pin-up girl born (died 2011)
An American Independence Day celebration was organised by Sinn Fein in Dublin. Statements that British troops and police were sent to remove American flags (one incident was the Stars & Stripes hauled down by the military at The Shelbourne Hotel) was widely reported in the US.
The Mansion House Conference began at 11am with the Stars and Stripes flying over the building for July 4th. The growing expectation of a settlement meant that massive crowds gathered, even preventing de Valera’s messenger getting through. De Valera consulted with the TD’s and the four representatives of the ‘certain section of our people’ and explained the terms in which he proposed to reply to Lloyd George and requested their views. On the necessity of a Truce as a preliminary to discussion with the British Government, the British Government had refused but Lord Middleton offered to intervene and raise the issue with Lloyd George for a halt of hostilities. By 3.45pm, the meeting adjourned until Friday 8th July with agreement on all points discussed.
Sturgis commented that he didn’t know how far the agenda went or what the agreement extended but at least ‘nobody had their eyes scratched out. The ‘Unionists’ left first and the Sinn Feiners 20 minutes later. De Valera addressed the crowd in Irish – wonder who understood it! Perhaps it contained a graceful tribute to the Government for letting him out and arranging that his meeting should be so peaceful!! But if so we missed it.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 198
Lady Bandon received word that her husband was alive and well and would be released shortly.
Local IRA Volunteers joined West Waterford Column under George Lennon in an attack on a Waterford-bound military train. After a fire fight of some fifteen minutes the train smashed through the crossing gates. This was the last engagement between British forces and the Waterford Brigade Flying Column
James Craig refuses to attend a peace conference in Dublin because the invitation by President Éamon de Valera was addressed to him personally instead of to the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland.
Madelon Mason, American model and pin-up girl born (died 2011)
5
Morning papers were positive on the previous days conference and revealed that Smuts would be in Dublin to see de Valera.
The South African leader arrived by boat at 6am and was left there by Andy Cope who assumed that a Sinn Fein representative would meet him at 8am. Smuts was allegedly furious that the press had hold of his arrival as it was to have been secret and when Dublin’s Lord Mayor went to meet him, he had disappeared. By 10am Cope thought that Smuts had re-boarded the boat and had returned to England in disgust but discovered that in fact he was meeting with de Valera.
General Smuts of South Africa met with de Valera, Barton, Griffith and Duggan in 5 Merrion Square. According to de Valera’s biographers ‘Smuts argued strongly against the demand for a Republic. Dominion status, he maintained, was much better, as it would be guaranteed by all the other Dominions… the full implications of this de Valera did not accept. ‘We argued’ said Smuts later ‘most fiercely all the morning, all afternoon until late into the night and the men I found most difficult to convince were de Valera and Childers. ‘I couldn’t convince them’. He certainly could not convince Childers, who was not present. But de Valera felt that there had been no real argument: the Irishmen listened rather than argued’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p130
However, accoding to T.P.Coogan, De Valera at this meeting said to Smuts ‘If the status of Dominion rule is offered, I shall use all our machinery to get the people to accept it.’
Tim Pat Coogan. “DeValera Long Fellow, Long Shadow” Hutchinson, London 1993. p228
Childers apparently was called in later during the meeting.
Dublin Castle were furious. ‘It seems that these mountebank Shinns have spent the day wasting their time and Smuts talking ‘Republic’ to him. It is obvious that if anything which could be called agreement was arrived at yesterday, as they say was the case, this talk today is pure hot air, a most childish exhibition of a wish to impress. They played the like game with Derby. MacMahons reading is that they don’t want to tell anybody who comes from London that they will take less than a Republic, so that when they get down to Lloyd George, as they mean to, they can start with that and come down instead of starting with Dominion Home Rule and coming down from that. Very ingenious, but why get Smuts over to fill him with such tripe? They seem to have told Smuts that they want to go over to London and have a preliminary conference with Craig and Co. well this is something…Smuts has by no means given up the game – he’s allowed these absurd Shinns to air their natural vanity – little men in the presence of a big one, has…helped them draft a letter to Lloyd George asking for a preliminary conference with him…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 200
MacMahon reported later that ‘The bloody fools sprang to the conclusion that Smuts was an emmissary of the British Government come over with nothing to give but to get out of them a haul down of the Republican flag – all this because he was reported at a Cabinet on Monday. Therefore this high horse blather to which they treated him..’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 200
Meanwhile, the British military belief was that the IRA were virtually exhausted with low supplies of ammunition and arms.
Constable Cyril Brewer (26) was seriously wounded near Hospital, Co.Limerick. died from wounds on 7th July.
Art O’Brien writing from London commented: ‘I find the opinion strongly expressed by several leading people in the political world that Lloyd George’s letter was due more to general public uneasiness than to any action taken by the Domion Premiers, alhough this latter may have been the final weight in the balance’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p195
Washington: Senator David Walsh told Dr William Maloney that ‘for some reason or other I feel that there has been a slump in American sentiment on the Irish question. I do not know how to account for it. it seems to me that it is time for us to move slowly and cautiously and give serious thought to the cause for the present wide-spread indifference of the American people toward the Irish struggle.’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p175
Morning papers were positive on the previous days conference and revealed that Smuts would be in Dublin to see de Valera.
The South African leader arrived by boat at 6am and was left there by Andy Cope who assumed that a Sinn Fein representative would meet him at 8am. Smuts was allegedly furious that the press had hold of his arrival as it was to have been secret and when Dublin’s Lord Mayor went to meet him, he had disappeared. By 10am Cope thought that Smuts had re-boarded the boat and had returned to England in disgust but discovered that in fact he was meeting with de Valera.
General Smuts of South Africa met with de Valera, Barton, Griffith and Duggan in 5 Merrion Square. According to de Valera’s biographers ‘Smuts argued strongly against the demand for a Republic. Dominion status, he maintained, was much better, as it would be guaranteed by all the other Dominions… the full implications of this de Valera did not accept. ‘We argued’ said Smuts later ‘most fiercely all the morning, all afternoon until late into the night and the men I found most difficult to convince were de Valera and Childers. ‘I couldn’t convince them’. He certainly could not convince Childers, who was not present. But de Valera felt that there had been no real argument: the Irishmen listened rather than argued’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p130
However, accoding to T.P.Coogan, De Valera at this meeting said to Smuts ‘If the status of Dominion rule is offered, I shall use all our machinery to get the people to accept it.’
Tim Pat Coogan. “DeValera Long Fellow, Long Shadow” Hutchinson, London 1993. p228
Childers apparently was called in later during the meeting.
Dublin Castle were furious. ‘It seems that these mountebank Shinns have spent the day wasting their time and Smuts talking ‘Republic’ to him. It is obvious that if anything which could be called agreement was arrived at yesterday, as they say was the case, this talk today is pure hot air, a most childish exhibition of a wish to impress. They played the like game with Derby. MacMahons reading is that they don’t want to tell anybody who comes from London that they will take less than a Republic, so that when they get down to Lloyd George, as they mean to, they can start with that and come down instead of starting with Dominion Home Rule and coming down from that. Very ingenious, but why get Smuts over to fill him with such tripe? They seem to have told Smuts that they want to go over to London and have a preliminary conference with Craig and Co. well this is something…Smuts has by no means given up the game – he’s allowed these absurd Shinns to air their natural vanity – little men in the presence of a big one, has…helped them draft a letter to Lloyd George asking for a preliminary conference with him…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 200
MacMahon reported later that ‘The bloody fools sprang to the conclusion that Smuts was an emmissary of the British Government come over with nothing to give but to get out of them a haul down of the Republican flag – all this because he was reported at a Cabinet on Monday. Therefore this high horse blather to which they treated him..’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 200
Meanwhile, the British military belief was that the IRA were virtually exhausted with low supplies of ammunition and arms.
Constable Cyril Brewer (26) was seriously wounded near Hospital, Co.Limerick. died from wounds on 7th July.
Art O’Brien writing from London commented: ‘I find the opinion strongly expressed by several leading people in the political world that Lloyd George’s letter was due more to general public uneasiness than to any action taken by the Domion Premiers, alhough this latter may have been the final weight in the balance’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p195
Washington: Senator David Walsh told Dr William Maloney that ‘for some reason or other I feel that there has been a slump in American sentiment on the Irish question. I do not know how to account for it. it seems to me that it is time for us to move slowly and cautiously and give serious thought to the cause for the present wide-spread indifference of the American people toward the Irish struggle.’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p175
From 1204 until 1922, Dublin Castle was the seat of the British government's administration in Ireland. Most of the current construction dates from the 18th century, though a castle has stood on the site since the days of King John, the first Lord of Ireland. The Castle served as the seat of English, then later British, government of Ireland under the Lordship of Ireland (1171–1541), the Kingdom of Ireland (1541–1800), and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (1800–1922). More information here.
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6
Smuts wrote to Lloyd George expressing his opinion on Ireland and the methods England was taking to quell the move for independence:
‘...the present situation is an unmeasured calamity; it is a negation of all the principles of Government which we have professed as the basis of Empire, and it must more and more tend to poison both our Empire relations and our foreign relations..’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p323-324
Constable Timothy Galvin (26) from Limerick was ambushed while on traffic duty in Belfast.
Disguised USC officers raided homes at Altnaveigh (near Newry), County Armagh and summarily executed four Catholic civilian men.
Granig: The Local Registration of Title Act 1891 for the County of Cork, Folio 5607 indicates that the 233 acres, 3 roods and 11 perches of land at Granig purchased under the terms of the 1903 Wyndham Land Act for the sum of £2816 from the local landlord, Rev Achilles Daunt and resulted in an annuity burden of £91.10.6 payable half yearly to the Irish Land Commission until the advance was repaid. According to a hand-written entry on the Registration of Title Act, the value owed under annuity burdens of £2816 was ‘discharged this 6th day of July 1921’ which indicates that an outstanding balance was paid in full by Daniel Lynch. ( However the Land Annuity remained due annually )
Nancy Reagan, born Anne Frances Robbins, First Lady of the United States and film actress born (died 2016)
Smuts wrote to Lloyd George expressing his opinion on Ireland and the methods England was taking to quell the move for independence:
‘...the present situation is an unmeasured calamity; it is a negation of all the principles of Government which we have professed as the basis of Empire, and it must more and more tend to poison both our Empire relations and our foreign relations..’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p323-324
Constable Timothy Galvin (26) from Limerick was ambushed while on traffic duty in Belfast.
Disguised USC officers raided homes at Altnaveigh (near Newry), County Armagh and summarily executed four Catholic civilian men.
Granig: The Local Registration of Title Act 1891 for the County of Cork, Folio 5607 indicates that the 233 acres, 3 roods and 11 perches of land at Granig purchased under the terms of the 1903 Wyndham Land Act for the sum of £2816 from the local landlord, Rev Achilles Daunt and resulted in an annuity burden of £91.10.6 payable half yearly to the Irish Land Commission until the advance was repaid. According to a hand-written entry on the Registration of Title Act, the value owed under annuity burdens of £2816 was ‘discharged this 6th day of July 1921’ which indicates that an outstanding balance was paid in full by Daniel Lynch. ( However the Land Annuity remained due annually )
Nancy Reagan, born Anne Frances Robbins, First Lady of the United States and film actress born (died 2016)
Nancy Reagan ( July 6, 1921- March 6, 2016)
The Reagan inaguration 1980 & homecoming - Ballyporeen, June 3, 1984. |
7
Newspapers in both Britain and Ireland were more optomistic that peace was close, with perhaps a truce directly after tomorrows meeting.
De Valera met with Brugha, Collins, Stack, Griffith. MacNeill and Count Plunkett ‘to consider a very important decision to be made’
Constable James Connor (24) from Tipperary was shot and killed near Ballinhassig, Co. Cork.
Constable James Hewitt (20) from Dublin was killed when a party of RIC swimming near Doolin were attacked by the IRA.
Ex-Sergeant Anthony Foody was living in retirement near Carralavin, Co. Mayo when he was taken and shot in a revenge killing of brothers Edward Dwyer (Adjutant G Company, First Battalion, Third Tipperary Brigade IRA) and Francis (Captain F Company – nicknamed ‘The Ragg’) who were killed by masked men, believed to have been RIC on 18 October 1920. A label around Foody’s neck read ‘Revenge for Dwyer and the Ragg’
General Jan Smuts meets King George V to discuss the Irish situation.
Newspapers in both Britain and Ireland were more optomistic that peace was close, with perhaps a truce directly after tomorrows meeting.
De Valera met with Brugha, Collins, Stack, Griffith. MacNeill and Count Plunkett ‘to consider a very important decision to be made’
Constable James Connor (24) from Tipperary was shot and killed near Ballinhassig, Co. Cork.
Constable James Hewitt (20) from Dublin was killed when a party of RIC swimming near Doolin were attacked by the IRA.
Ex-Sergeant Anthony Foody was living in retirement near Carralavin, Co. Mayo when he was taken and shot in a revenge killing of brothers Edward Dwyer (Adjutant G Company, First Battalion, Third Tipperary Brigade IRA) and Francis (Captain F Company – nicknamed ‘The Ragg’) who were killed by masked men, believed to have been RIC on 18 October 1920. A label around Foody’s neck read ‘Revenge for Dwyer and the Ragg’
General Jan Smuts meets King George V to discuss the Irish situation.
8
When discussion in the Mansion House were complete, De Valera cabled Lloyd George that he was willing to meet and discuss the basis of a conference. Lloyd George cabled back that he would be ‘happy to see De Valera and any colleagues he would wish to bring with him’. De Valera replied that he would arrive in London on July 14th.
General Macready, the Commander of British Forces in Ireland, was invited to the Mansion House. Before going, he called an emergency meeting of the Generals to discuss armistice arrangements. On arrival, Macready was cheered by the crowd as he made his way in. There the general principles of the truce were agreed upon, Eamon Duggan & Robert Barton appointed as liaison officers to conduct discussions between the Irish Volunteers and British forces. The terms of the agreement would not be finalised until the following day.
Sturgis wrote ‘This is the best yet and the fact that Macready is up to the neck in it himself should save us from much military sniping…great news…if it means the end of this filthy murdering. The Truce is to start at noon on Monday’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 201
Members of the Police and Military were informed that a Truce was about to come into force and were ordered to scale down operations.
A new dis-armament conference was planned by the Harding Administration in Washington. Invitations to attend were sent to London, Paris, Tokyo and Rome with discussions to being on November 12th.
‘Lloyd George believed that the fate of England was closely tied to the results of this conference. Conciliation of America became the keynote of his policy, and success in this regard was gravely menaced by the situation in Ireland. He could not afford to have this reign of terror excite American public opinion to the point where Anglo-American amity was reduced almost to the vanishing point. This is the reason why he swallowed his resentment against De Valera and arranged for the conference that was to convene on October 11. He made this decision because he thought it was expedient to do so. Humanitarian motives are seldom basic considerations in the formulation of British foreign policy.’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. New York 1957. P.425-426.
Constable Frederick Cormer (20) from Middlesex was killed with two other constables in Rathdrum, Co. Wicklow.
IRA volunteer Dennis Spriggs taken from his home in Cork and executed by British forces
When discussion in the Mansion House were complete, De Valera cabled Lloyd George that he was willing to meet and discuss the basis of a conference. Lloyd George cabled back that he would be ‘happy to see De Valera and any colleagues he would wish to bring with him’. De Valera replied that he would arrive in London on July 14th.
General Macready, the Commander of British Forces in Ireland, was invited to the Mansion House. Before going, he called an emergency meeting of the Generals to discuss armistice arrangements. On arrival, Macready was cheered by the crowd as he made his way in. There the general principles of the truce were agreed upon, Eamon Duggan & Robert Barton appointed as liaison officers to conduct discussions between the Irish Volunteers and British forces. The terms of the agreement would not be finalised until the following day.
Sturgis wrote ‘This is the best yet and the fact that Macready is up to the neck in it himself should save us from much military sniping…great news…if it means the end of this filthy murdering. The Truce is to start at noon on Monday’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 201
Members of the Police and Military were informed that a Truce was about to come into force and were ordered to scale down operations.
A new dis-armament conference was planned by the Harding Administration in Washington. Invitations to attend were sent to London, Paris, Tokyo and Rome with discussions to being on November 12th.
‘Lloyd George believed that the fate of England was closely tied to the results of this conference. Conciliation of America became the keynote of his policy, and success in this regard was gravely menaced by the situation in Ireland. He could not afford to have this reign of terror excite American public opinion to the point where Anglo-American amity was reduced almost to the vanishing point. This is the reason why he swallowed his resentment against De Valera and arranged for the conference that was to convene on October 11. He made this decision because he thought it was expedient to do so. Humanitarian motives are seldom basic considerations in the formulation of British foreign policy.’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. New York 1957. P.425-426.
Constable Frederick Cormer (20) from Middlesex was killed with two other constables in Rathdrum, Co. Wicklow.
IRA volunteer Dennis Spriggs taken from his home in Cork and executed by British forces
9
Terms of the Truce were finally agreed at 3pm. British forces agreed to no troop or police reinforcements, no provocation, no pursuit of the Volunteers or armaments and no secret service operations. The Irish Army agreed to no attacks on crown forces or civilians, no provocation, no interference with government or private property and to maintain the peace. The terms were to take effect at noon, Monday, July 11th. It was signed by General Sir Nevil Macready, Commander of all British Forces in Ireland and Commandant Robert Barton, acting for the IRA.
De Valera issued a proclamation reminding ‘ each individual soldier and citizen must regard himself as a custodian of the nation’s honour...in the negotiations now initiated your representatives will do their utmost to secure a just and peaceful termination of this struggle, but history, particuarly our own history, and the character if the issue to be decided are a warning against undue confidence...should force be resumed against our nation, you must be ready on your part once more to resist. Thus alone will you secure the final abandonment of force, and the acceptance of justice and reason as the arbiter.’
Mitchell makes reference to the opinion of Douglas Duff, a serving member of the Black & Tans in Galway ‘Of course this talk of a truce is all moonshine, not even Lloyd George would be fool enough to stop when victory is within his grasp…but it was so…’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P298
British parliamentary opinion is also recorded. A British cabinet member, Leo Amery commented ‘Once their first surprise was over, the Irish leaders realised that their opponent’s nerve had gone, and that they could afford to behave as the victors in an open war between two nations. It was a magnificent and well sustained bluff.’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P298
With the Truce due to come into effect an noon on Monday, and with the weekend effectively open season, the I.R.A made the most of it. Within the Pale, little happened. Not so in the rest of the country…’almost every provincial unit, including those who had never fired a shot, sprang into action. Police barracks and British Army posts suffered an onslaught. The Clare RIC inspector reported ‘There was evidently an intention to murder as many police and other Crown forces as possible before the truce came on.’ His colleagues in Waterford observed that the two days notice ‘seems to have spurred the local patriots to redouble their exertions, doubtless to let the world see what dashing fellows they are’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P298
Constable Thomas Conlon (33) from Roscommon was killed when their Crossley tender was fired on in Belfast.
Filling in a trenched area at Kilgobnet, just north of Dungarvan, six civilians were killed when a secretly buried British mine exploded.
4 British soldiers (Alfred Cannim, Albert Powell, Harold Daker, and Henry Morris) were captured and shot dead at Ellis Quarry, Cork City by the IRA.[221]
The IRA killed Draper Holmes, a Protestant railway worker, in Newry
In the US, Dr. William Maloney released a 28 page press statement on his role within Irish American circles in 1918-1919. Charles Tansill makes clear that Dr. Maloney was ‘ an adroit schemer with a smooth tongue and a fluent pen. He aspire to a leading role in the part that America would play in the struggle for self-determination for Ireland...Maloney was an intimate friend of Dr. Patrick McCartan and had a great deal to do woth slanting the narative ‘With De Valera in America’ against Judge Cohalan. McCartan was an inept imitation of Maloney, with little of his talent for intrigue and none of his ability to talk and write with a semblance of sincerity...’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922’ Devin-Adair. New York 1957. p.278-279.
Terms of the Truce were finally agreed at 3pm. British forces agreed to no troop or police reinforcements, no provocation, no pursuit of the Volunteers or armaments and no secret service operations. The Irish Army agreed to no attacks on crown forces or civilians, no provocation, no interference with government or private property and to maintain the peace. The terms were to take effect at noon, Monday, July 11th. It was signed by General Sir Nevil Macready, Commander of all British Forces in Ireland and Commandant Robert Barton, acting for the IRA.
De Valera issued a proclamation reminding ‘ each individual soldier and citizen must regard himself as a custodian of the nation’s honour...in the negotiations now initiated your representatives will do their utmost to secure a just and peaceful termination of this struggle, but history, particuarly our own history, and the character if the issue to be decided are a warning against undue confidence...should force be resumed against our nation, you must be ready on your part once more to resist. Thus alone will you secure the final abandonment of force, and the acceptance of justice and reason as the arbiter.’
Mitchell makes reference to the opinion of Douglas Duff, a serving member of the Black & Tans in Galway ‘Of course this talk of a truce is all moonshine, not even Lloyd George would be fool enough to stop when victory is within his grasp…but it was so…’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P298
British parliamentary opinion is also recorded. A British cabinet member, Leo Amery commented ‘Once their first surprise was over, the Irish leaders realised that their opponent’s nerve had gone, and that they could afford to behave as the victors in an open war between two nations. It was a magnificent and well sustained bluff.’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P298
With the Truce due to come into effect an noon on Monday, and with the weekend effectively open season, the I.R.A made the most of it. Within the Pale, little happened. Not so in the rest of the country…’almost every provincial unit, including those who had never fired a shot, sprang into action. Police barracks and British Army posts suffered an onslaught. The Clare RIC inspector reported ‘There was evidently an intention to murder as many police and other Crown forces as possible before the truce came on.’ His colleagues in Waterford observed that the two days notice ‘seems to have spurred the local patriots to redouble their exertions, doubtless to let the world see what dashing fellows they are’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P298
Constable Thomas Conlon (33) from Roscommon was killed when their Crossley tender was fired on in Belfast.
Filling in a trenched area at Kilgobnet, just north of Dungarvan, six civilians were killed when a secretly buried British mine exploded.
4 British soldiers (Alfred Cannim, Albert Powell, Harold Daker, and Henry Morris) were captured and shot dead at Ellis Quarry, Cork City by the IRA.[221]
The IRA killed Draper Holmes, a Protestant railway worker, in Newry
In the US, Dr. William Maloney released a 28 page press statement on his role within Irish American circles in 1918-1919. Charles Tansill makes clear that Dr. Maloney was ‘ an adroit schemer with a smooth tongue and a fluent pen. He aspire to a leading role in the part that America would play in the struggle for self-determination for Ireland...Maloney was an intimate friend of Dr. Patrick McCartan and had a great deal to do woth slanting the narative ‘With De Valera in America’ against Judge Cohalan. McCartan was an inept imitation of Maloney, with little of his talent for intrigue and none of his ability to talk and write with a semblance of sincerity...’
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922’ Devin-Adair. New York 1957. p.278-279.
10
Belfast's Bloody Sunday 1921
The IRA mounted an ambush in Raglan Street in Belfast, killing two policemen. This sparked an outbreak of ferocious fighting between Catholics and Protestants in west Belfast in which 16 civilians (11 Catholics and 5 Protestants) lost their lives and 161 houses were destroyed. Of the houses destroyed, 150 belonged to Catholics. Four more civilians died in the shooting over the next two days. The American delegation of the White Cross found over 1,000 homeless Catholics sheltering in old stores, stables and schools. More details here.
Cathal Brugha and Robert Barton visited de Valera with a telegram from Lloyd George asking to fix a date for the meeting. The Cabinet also met and strategy mapped out for the upcoming Anglo-Irish talks in London. According to de Valera’s biographers ‘ it was intended that the negotiations should be prolonged into the late autumn if possible so that, if hostilities did recommence, the advantage of the long winter evenings would favour the guerilla tactics of the Irish’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p136
Constable Alfred Needham (20) from London was shot and killed while off duty in Ennis Co. Clare. He had been married that morning. Immediately after the killing, a curfew was imposed in the area for 8pm.
Four British soldiers and Five IRA Volunteers were killed in a firefight at Castleisland, Co. Kerry with three wounded
Orders were issued to all RIC officers on procedures to follow when the Truce would take effect. This was issued to police in Co.Armagh:
‘From 12 noon tomorrow, Monday 11th July, police will confine themselves to civil police duties on which they will go unarmed except otherwise specially ordered by the Co. Inspr. Police. Leaving Barracks off duty must also be unarmed and Sergeants will be strictly held responsible that these orders are complied with. Class B patrols are suspended from same time. Any infringement of the truce terms on part of any one must be immediately reported. The police are expected to loyally carry out these terms..’
Richard Abbott ‘Police Casualties in Ireland 1919-1922’ Mercier Press, Cork. 2000 p.267
The IRA were advised that ‘active operations by our troops will be suspended as from noon, Monday 11th July’
The RIC were also circulated with guidance for duty during it’s operation, the restriction on allowing only 40 persons attend a funeral was lifted but arms nor uniforms were to be used or displayed and also applied to church parades. The police and military were to inform the local Sinn Fein liason officer of any changes of quarters of troops or police and any movements of Auxilliary police in uniform was to be reported so as not to be ‘seen as being made in contemplation of offensive measures’. Should any premises be comandeered by Sinn Fein members, this was seen as a breach of trust of the Truce and was to be notified to the local Sinn Fein liaison officer. As for Sinn Fein police, the RIC were instructed to ‘tolerate them looking after IRA personnel only ‘ and were not subject to any interference from them in carrying out their own duties. Drilling and camps, if considered provocative were to be reported to the local Sinn Fein liasion officer and if not satisfactorily settled, to be reported to the local Chief of Police. Finally, the operation of Sinn Fein courts, if coming to the attention of the RIC, the matter was to be raised with the Sinn Fein liaison officer and immediately reported to a higher authority for instruction. Abitration courts, where no intimidation was used against any of the parties or witnesses, was viewed to be legal. However courts that attempted to deal with crime or to inflict or enforce penalties were not.
Belfast's Bloody Sunday 1921
The IRA mounted an ambush in Raglan Street in Belfast, killing two policemen. This sparked an outbreak of ferocious fighting between Catholics and Protestants in west Belfast in which 16 civilians (11 Catholics and 5 Protestants) lost their lives and 161 houses were destroyed. Of the houses destroyed, 150 belonged to Catholics. Four more civilians died in the shooting over the next two days. The American delegation of the White Cross found over 1,000 homeless Catholics sheltering in old stores, stables and schools. More details here.
Cathal Brugha and Robert Barton visited de Valera with a telegram from Lloyd George asking to fix a date for the meeting. The Cabinet also met and strategy mapped out for the upcoming Anglo-Irish talks in London. According to de Valera’s biographers ‘ it was intended that the negotiations should be prolonged into the late autumn if possible so that, if hostilities did recommence, the advantage of the long winter evenings would favour the guerilla tactics of the Irish’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p136
Constable Alfred Needham (20) from London was shot and killed while off duty in Ennis Co. Clare. He had been married that morning. Immediately after the killing, a curfew was imposed in the area for 8pm.
Four British soldiers and Five IRA Volunteers were killed in a firefight at Castleisland, Co. Kerry with three wounded
Orders were issued to all RIC officers on procedures to follow when the Truce would take effect. This was issued to police in Co.Armagh:
‘From 12 noon tomorrow, Monday 11th July, police will confine themselves to civil police duties on which they will go unarmed except otherwise specially ordered by the Co. Inspr. Police. Leaving Barracks off duty must also be unarmed and Sergeants will be strictly held responsible that these orders are complied with. Class B patrols are suspended from same time. Any infringement of the truce terms on part of any one must be immediately reported. The police are expected to loyally carry out these terms..’
Richard Abbott ‘Police Casualties in Ireland 1919-1922’ Mercier Press, Cork. 2000 p.267
The IRA were advised that ‘active operations by our troops will be suspended as from noon, Monday 11th July’
The RIC were also circulated with guidance for duty during it’s operation, the restriction on allowing only 40 persons attend a funeral was lifted but arms nor uniforms were to be used or displayed and also applied to church parades. The police and military were to inform the local Sinn Fein liason officer of any changes of quarters of troops or police and any movements of Auxilliary police in uniform was to be reported so as not to be ‘seen as being made in contemplation of offensive measures’. Should any premises be comandeered by Sinn Fein members, this was seen as a breach of trust of the Truce and was to be notified to the local Sinn Fein liaison officer. As for Sinn Fein police, the RIC were instructed to ‘tolerate them looking after IRA personnel only ‘ and were not subject to any interference from them in carrying out their own duties. Drilling and camps, if considered provocative were to be reported to the local Sinn Fein liasion officer and if not satisfactorily settled, to be reported to the local Chief of Police. Finally, the operation of Sinn Fein courts, if coming to the attention of the RIC, the matter was to be raised with the Sinn Fein liaison officer and immediately reported to a higher authority for instruction. Abitration courts, where no intimidation was used against any of the parties or witnesses, was viewed to be legal. However courts that attempted to deal with crime or to inflict or enforce penalties were not.
11
Prior to the Truce coming into effect at noon, the IRA continued its campaign by killing Sergeant James King (44) from Clare in Castlerea, Co. Roscommon and the final fatality was Constable Alexander Clarke (52) shot dead by four men as he was going to his home in Skibereen.
The Truce came into effect at noon and was immediately welcomed by both sides.
The Republican Army was given leave to return to their homes but ordered to keep in touch with their units and be prepared for mobilisation at short notice. The Truce brought a sudden return to normality, unseen for years. Curfews were removed, people were free to display the tricolour, walk the streets at night, meet and sing Nationalist songs.
As for the IRA on ‘active service’ the news from Dublin came like a bolt out of the blue. ‘they resented the fact that the Dublin leadership had failed to consult them and in some quarters claimed that their military prospects were favourable..’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p197
The British military were furious with the politicians for agreeing to a truce, as it was generally believed the IRA would have been unable to continue the guerilla warfare for much longer. This in fact was correct, as arms and ammunition were in short supply and casualties were high. Over 750 Irish had been killed ( 707 between January & July 1921 alone ), 500 R.I.C. and 200 troops. Few figures are available for the wounded and those that died of their wounds afterwards.
The Truce effectively transformed the Irish political situation. Members of Dail Eireann could now appear without fear of arrest and imprisonment and the entire machinery of Government could now operate openly. While the Dail was in the ascendancy, Dublin Castle was very clearly travelling in the opposite direction, its days numbered.
The US Vice Consul in Dublin, Charles Bay ‘observed that the suspension of hostilities had an important political effect. He noted that the failure of Dublin Castle to control events ‘has given the masses a sense of victory. With the realisation of the truce, and the opportunity to organise and co-ordinate Government departments which function the masses have had their aspirations visualised…and their enthuasiasm does not stop short of an absolute republic.’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P300
The London Telegraph editorial carried these comments ‘ Ireland must remain within the Empire; Sinn Fein cannot be allowed to impose her will upon Ulster. These, stated in the broadest terms, are the two conditions upon which no British Government can give way, and on which no illusion should be cherished’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p131
De Valera selected the team to travel to London. Griffith, Stack, Barton, Dr & Mrs Farnan, Childers and secretary, Kathleen O’Connell. The absence of Collins was questioned immediately by ‘The Big Fella’ who ‘for several hours walked up and down the garden arguing heatedly with the President… [ who ] explained that he feared that the discussions might end in stalemate and that war might be resumed, so he saw no reason why photographers should, at this stage, be given too many opportunities of taking pictures of Collins.’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p131
After a protracted and bitter guerilla warfare against British forces, it’s hardly surprising that many of the I.R.A men and Dail officials relaxed. P.J.Mathews a staff member of the I.R.A Liaison Office, noted how the office in the Shelbourne Hotel had become ‘a centre for entertainment for volunteers up from the country as well as being besieged by job-hunters and people trying to sell things to ‘the new rulers of Ireland’ Visitors charged bills for food and drink totalling £20,000 to the office. Alfred Cope, the British agent, was a frequent visitor who ‘often had late sittings with high I.R.A officers’. Matthews concluded that Cope knew ‘nearly everything that was to be known about the I.R.A organisation’.
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P301
Macready in a pointed letter to John Anderson wrote ‘Unfortunately I have not the mentality of Cope, who appears to believe all these people guarantee…I consider it a perfect scandal that he should be the only representative of the Civil Government over here…and has apparently no idea whatever of the dignity of the Empire’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 262
Sturgis bumped into Craig while lunching at the Carlton in London and over coffee discussed the events in Ireland. ‘I told him that Sinn Fein really want peace and only some accident, probably to their childish vanity would now upset it. ‘Yes’ he said ‘children, vain children. Tell Cope that I’m going to sit on Ulster like a rock, we are content with what we have got – let the PM and Sinn Fein settle this and if possible leave us out’. I have told him to be patient, they’Lord Lieutenant talk ’98 etc for half a day before they get down to business and Lloyd George would always rather make a bad bargain in 5 minutes than a good one in 5 hours. I warned him to give them lots of rope. I asked him would Ulster be quiet tomorrow and he said emphatically Yes…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 202
General Strickland confided in his diary that the politicians had intervened in the form of a truce just when the army was getting on top of the IRA.
Prior to the Truce coming into effect at noon, the IRA continued its campaign by killing Sergeant James King (44) from Clare in Castlerea, Co. Roscommon and the final fatality was Constable Alexander Clarke (52) shot dead by four men as he was going to his home in Skibereen.
The Truce came into effect at noon and was immediately welcomed by both sides.
The Republican Army was given leave to return to their homes but ordered to keep in touch with their units and be prepared for mobilisation at short notice. The Truce brought a sudden return to normality, unseen for years. Curfews were removed, people were free to display the tricolour, walk the streets at night, meet and sing Nationalist songs.
As for the IRA on ‘active service’ the news from Dublin came like a bolt out of the blue. ‘they resented the fact that the Dublin leadership had failed to consult them and in some quarters claimed that their military prospects were favourable..’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p197
The British military were furious with the politicians for agreeing to a truce, as it was generally believed the IRA would have been unable to continue the guerilla warfare for much longer. This in fact was correct, as arms and ammunition were in short supply and casualties were high. Over 750 Irish had been killed ( 707 between January & July 1921 alone ), 500 R.I.C. and 200 troops. Few figures are available for the wounded and those that died of their wounds afterwards.
The Truce effectively transformed the Irish political situation. Members of Dail Eireann could now appear without fear of arrest and imprisonment and the entire machinery of Government could now operate openly. While the Dail was in the ascendancy, Dublin Castle was very clearly travelling in the opposite direction, its days numbered.
The US Vice Consul in Dublin, Charles Bay ‘observed that the suspension of hostilities had an important political effect. He noted that the failure of Dublin Castle to control events ‘has given the masses a sense of victory. With the realisation of the truce, and the opportunity to organise and co-ordinate Government departments which function the masses have had their aspirations visualised…and their enthuasiasm does not stop short of an absolute republic.’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P300
The London Telegraph editorial carried these comments ‘ Ireland must remain within the Empire; Sinn Fein cannot be allowed to impose her will upon Ulster. These, stated in the broadest terms, are the two conditions upon which no British Government can give way, and on which no illusion should be cherished’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p131
De Valera selected the team to travel to London. Griffith, Stack, Barton, Dr & Mrs Farnan, Childers and secretary, Kathleen O’Connell. The absence of Collins was questioned immediately by ‘The Big Fella’ who ‘for several hours walked up and down the garden arguing heatedly with the President… [ who ] explained that he feared that the discussions might end in stalemate and that war might be resumed, so he saw no reason why photographers should, at this stage, be given too many opportunities of taking pictures of Collins.’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p131
After a protracted and bitter guerilla warfare against British forces, it’s hardly surprising that many of the I.R.A men and Dail officials relaxed. P.J.Mathews a staff member of the I.R.A Liaison Office, noted how the office in the Shelbourne Hotel had become ‘a centre for entertainment for volunteers up from the country as well as being besieged by job-hunters and people trying to sell things to ‘the new rulers of Ireland’ Visitors charged bills for food and drink totalling £20,000 to the office. Alfred Cope, the British agent, was a frequent visitor who ‘often had late sittings with high I.R.A officers’. Matthews concluded that Cope knew ‘nearly everything that was to be known about the I.R.A organisation’.
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P301
Macready in a pointed letter to John Anderson wrote ‘Unfortunately I have not the mentality of Cope, who appears to believe all these people guarantee…I consider it a perfect scandal that he should be the only representative of the Civil Government over here…and has apparently no idea whatever of the dignity of the Empire’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 262
Sturgis bumped into Craig while lunching at the Carlton in London and over coffee discussed the events in Ireland. ‘I told him that Sinn Fein really want peace and only some accident, probably to their childish vanity would now upset it. ‘Yes’ he said ‘children, vain children. Tell Cope that I’m going to sit on Ulster like a rock, we are content with what we have got – let the PM and Sinn Fein settle this and if possible leave us out’. I have told him to be patient, they’Lord Lieutenant talk ’98 etc for half a day before they get down to business and Lloyd George would always rather make a bad bargain in 5 minutes than a good one in 5 hours. I warned him to give them lots of rope. I asked him would Ulster be quiet tomorrow and he said emphatically Yes…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 202
General Strickland confided in his diary that the politicians had intervened in the form of a truce just when the army was getting on top of the IRA.
12
De Valera traveled to London, accompanied by his team on what was to become a preliminary and largely ceremonial visit.While all shared a common goal of an Irish Republic, Griffith was seen as a moderate while Stack was considered an extremist and it was well known that Griffith disliked Childers intensely. De Valera and his party were met by Art O’Brien, their Irish representative in London, to make introductions between Lloyd George, his party and the Irish delegation.
Art O'Brien had earlier made a verbal agreement with Lloyd George that any termination of the Truce would be subject to one week’s notice on both sides, but was never received in writing.
Society hostess, Hazel Lavery extended invitations to the Irish Delegates to have their portraits painted at their home in Cromwell Place. Lavery’s intentions were questioned intially by Irish nationalists and disdained by London society. Olive StJohn Gogarty wrote ‘anyone from outside who become sinterested in Irish affairs is apt to find that interest more an object of suspicion than of gratiude. For a while Lady Lavery’s association with the cause of Ireland was unwelcome until her unshakeable sincerity, unsewrving devotion and solid help during the negotiations that followed, gained the confidence and the grattiude even of Arthur Griffith …as a medium of this kind, she was invaluable; and the fact that this role did not add to her social popularity did much to remove any lingering doubts as to her unselfishness and sincerity.’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P72
Lord Bandon was released by the IRA.
With the truce, Sturgis reports of some unexpected meetings ‘Horgan, DI, promoted RIC constable and a great charcter told me just now that he was greeted this afternoon by his old friend ‘John Hogan’ [ Sean Hogan, who was involved in the Solodohbeg ambush of January 1919 and rescued from the train at Knocklong in May 1919 ] the murderer who we’ve been after these two years, and he’d no have shown himself to me if they meant to go back to the gun work’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 203
Writing later, Richard Mulcachy commented that the Truce was opportune, particularly for Collins inteligence network as it would have been necessary to stage another Bloody Sunday to break the threat from the British secret service. Added to this was the chronic shortage of arms and ammunition.
The IRA shot dead Special Constable Thomas Sturdy at the junction of Dock and North Thomas streets in Belfast. Later that night, the USC took Patrick Milligan and Thomas Millar from their homes (on Dock Lane and New Dock Lane respectively), and shot them dead in the street
De Valera traveled to London, accompanied by his team on what was to become a preliminary and largely ceremonial visit.While all shared a common goal of an Irish Republic, Griffith was seen as a moderate while Stack was considered an extremist and it was well known that Griffith disliked Childers intensely. De Valera and his party were met by Art O’Brien, their Irish representative in London, to make introductions between Lloyd George, his party and the Irish delegation.
Art O'Brien had earlier made a verbal agreement with Lloyd George that any termination of the Truce would be subject to one week’s notice on both sides, but was never received in writing.
Society hostess, Hazel Lavery extended invitations to the Irish Delegates to have their portraits painted at their home in Cromwell Place. Lavery’s intentions were questioned intially by Irish nationalists and disdained by London society. Olive StJohn Gogarty wrote ‘anyone from outside who become sinterested in Irish affairs is apt to find that interest more an object of suspicion than of gratiude. For a while Lady Lavery’s association with the cause of Ireland was unwelcome until her unshakeable sincerity, unsewrving devotion and solid help during the negotiations that followed, gained the confidence and the grattiude even of Arthur Griffith …as a medium of this kind, she was invaluable; and the fact that this role did not add to her social popularity did much to remove any lingering doubts as to her unselfishness and sincerity.’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P72
Lord Bandon was released by the IRA.
With the truce, Sturgis reports of some unexpected meetings ‘Horgan, DI, promoted RIC constable and a great charcter told me just now that he was greeted this afternoon by his old friend ‘John Hogan’ [ Sean Hogan, who was involved in the Solodohbeg ambush of January 1919 and rescued from the train at Knocklong in May 1919 ] the murderer who we’ve been after these two years, and he’d no have shown himself to me if they meant to go back to the gun work’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 203
Writing later, Richard Mulcachy commented that the Truce was opportune, particularly for Collins inteligence network as it would have been necessary to stage another Bloody Sunday to break the threat from the British secret service. Added to this was the chronic shortage of arms and ammunition.
The IRA shot dead Special Constable Thomas Sturdy at the junction of Dock and North Thomas streets in Belfast. Later that night, the USC took Patrick Milligan and Thomas Millar from their homes (on Dock Lane and New Dock Lane respectively), and shot them dead in the street
Lynch to Judge Cohalan - July 12, 1921 "Dear Judge. A letter from Phila.[delphia] today says "The next move on the other side has naturally brought forth good many arguments in favor of Dominion Home Rule & one of the most outspoken is Michael Donohue. The latter I understand is mentioned as a member of the AOH Resolutions Committee from Pennsylvania. It is therefore important that you wire MGR* to get in touch with him. It is also most important that... [subsequent parts of this letter are not available] Michael Donohue of Philadelphia was a former Congressman, member of the AOH and later to become the Ancient Order of Hibernians President 1923-27. *MGR may be shorthand for 'Monsignor' - possibly Monsignor Gerald P. Coghlan, treasurer Philadelphia Friends of Irish Freedom. |
13
There were no real or serious breaches of the Truce reported, much to Sturgis’s surprise. ‘ a great tribute to their organisation and to our discipline – they killed right up to the Armistice; no reprisals in a feather in the caps of our much abused long suffering police’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 203
Attempts were now made to release Desmond Fitzgerald ( 1889-1947 - Sinn Fein TD and Dial Minister for Propaganda – father of future Taoiseach, Garret Fitzgerald ) from prison.
The British liason officer for truce keeping was Brind ‘who says openly that he distrusts the Sinn Feiners, doesn’t believe a word they say or any promise they make and lets them see that is his opinion…Brind has, for the second time, run up Duggan otday and told him of a breach of the truce by an ambush and then found out that it ( they both ) happened before Midday Monday. It is stupid and worse to give away to them how stupid we are.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 204
14
The first meeting took place between Lloyd George and Eamon de Valera. They met alone in Number 10 Downing Street at 4.30pm, classified as little more than a courtesy call but continued for 2 ½ hours. Lloyd George had hung ‘on the wall of the Cabinet room...a map of the world; it was rather too liberally splashed with the red of the British Empire. It was intended to impress Mr De Valera, but ‘his schoolmaster’s eye noted that it was based on Mercator’s projection, which exaggerated the red markings’ and in any case to him these blots of colour represented greed and aggrandisement, not power and glory. Lloyd George then pointed out that the chairs around the table were set for the Imperial Conference, already in session: only one had always been empty. When De Valera refused to play up, he said after a pause ‘that chair is waiting for Ireland’. Lord Middleton had warned (Lloyd George ) that De Valera was ‘an uncompromising fanatic’ that he would require ‘inexhaustible patience’, but Lloyd George immediate impressions were of a different kind...he said that De Valera was more inclined to listen than he had expected and ‘listened well’; but that he did not seem to grasp the issues clearly. Indeed, said Lloyd George, he felt he had been dealing with a ‘second rate mind’. Later on the Prime Minister revised these first impressions. He admitted that arguing with De Valera was like trying to pick up mercury with a fork: to which De Valera is said to have replied, ‘why doesn't he use a spoon?’ neither in fact was prepared to open his whole mind to the other’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p329
‘The Cabinet Room, the very centre of power and authority in Britain is large and well proportioned, lit by high windows…
dominating the room is the table, tactfully described as boat-shaped, less tactfully as coffin shaped. Albert Sylvester, Lloyd George’s personal secretary, recalls Lloyd George gleefully encouraging two of his tiny granddaughters to run round and round the top of it….the 23 solid mahogany chairs used by the cabinets of Disraeli and Gladstone still surround the table. Only one chair has arms, the Prime Minister’s.’
Christopher Jones. ‘No.10 Downing Street’ BBC Books 1985.
De Valera made it clear that what he sought was an Irish Republic and the right of Ireland to self-determination. Over the next few days, Lloyd George met with Sir James Craig of Northern Ireland.
Ireland remained peaceful but Ulster was beomcing both turbulent and troublesome.
US: Sacco and Vanzetti convicted of murder.
The first meeting took place between Lloyd George and Eamon de Valera. They met alone in Number 10 Downing Street at 4.30pm, classified as little more than a courtesy call but continued for 2 ½ hours. Lloyd George had hung ‘on the wall of the Cabinet room...a map of the world; it was rather too liberally splashed with the red of the British Empire. It was intended to impress Mr De Valera, but ‘his schoolmaster’s eye noted that it was based on Mercator’s projection, which exaggerated the red markings’ and in any case to him these blots of colour represented greed and aggrandisement, not power and glory. Lloyd George then pointed out that the chairs around the table were set for the Imperial Conference, already in session: only one had always been empty. When De Valera refused to play up, he said after a pause ‘that chair is waiting for Ireland’. Lord Middleton had warned (Lloyd George ) that De Valera was ‘an uncompromising fanatic’ that he would require ‘inexhaustible patience’, but Lloyd George immediate impressions were of a different kind...he said that De Valera was more inclined to listen than he had expected and ‘listened well’; but that he did not seem to grasp the issues clearly. Indeed, said Lloyd George, he felt he had been dealing with a ‘second rate mind’. Later on the Prime Minister revised these first impressions. He admitted that arguing with De Valera was like trying to pick up mercury with a fork: to which De Valera is said to have replied, ‘why doesn't he use a spoon?’ neither in fact was prepared to open his whole mind to the other’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p329
‘The Cabinet Room, the very centre of power and authority in Britain is large and well proportioned, lit by high windows…
dominating the room is the table, tactfully described as boat-shaped, less tactfully as coffin shaped. Albert Sylvester, Lloyd George’s personal secretary, recalls Lloyd George gleefully encouraging two of his tiny granddaughters to run round and round the top of it….the 23 solid mahogany chairs used by the cabinets of Disraeli and Gladstone still surround the table. Only one chair has arms, the Prime Minister’s.’
Christopher Jones. ‘No.10 Downing Street’ BBC Books 1985.
De Valera made it clear that what he sought was an Irish Republic and the right of Ireland to self-determination. Over the next few days, Lloyd George met with Sir James Craig of Northern Ireland.
Ireland remained peaceful but Ulster was beomcing both turbulent and troublesome.
US: Sacco and Vanzetti convicted of murder.
15
Embargo on motor restrictions and distribution of the Catholic Herald were lifted by Macready.
An extra battalion of troops was sent to Belfast.
Sturgis wrote ‘I wonder if its possible for Ulster to wreck the whole thing or whether at worst Lloyd George and de Valera can settle and leave them out. They are now clamouring for Ulster to be let go back to pre-truce conditions. Sinn Fein hardly counts; it’s the old business of King William and the Pope…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 204
Embargo on motor restrictions and distribution of the Catholic Herald were lifted by Macready.
An extra battalion of troops was sent to Belfast.
Sturgis wrote ‘I wonder if its possible for Ulster to wreck the whole thing or whether at worst Lloyd George and de Valera can settle and leave them out. They are now clamouring for Ulster to be let go back to pre-truce conditions. Sinn Fein hardly counts; it’s the old business of King William and the Pope…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 204
16
In London, Shane Leslie recorded in his dairy that Lady Hazel Lavery entertained the Irish delegates in her home, and that they ‘were nervous and reticent as though gunmen were watching them’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P73
Desmod Fitzgerald was released and celebrated by going racing at the Phoenix Park.
Craig requested his Cabinet to meet with Lloyd George in London.
Back in Dublin, Collins secured Dail approval for the appointment of a Registrar of Socieities ‘ we are starting now what is a new order in Ireland, and one of the first duties of the national Government is to secure that thrifty people shall not be deprived of their savings by any kind of schemer, or any kidn of society, or group of individuals’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P301-302
Edward L Doheny declared on hearing of the Truce, that ‘the affair is after all for the people of Ireland to settle among themselves’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p175
In London, Shane Leslie recorded in his dairy that Lady Hazel Lavery entertained the Irish delegates in her home, and that they ‘were nervous and reticent as though gunmen were watching them’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P73
Desmod Fitzgerald was released and celebrated by going racing at the Phoenix Park.
Craig requested his Cabinet to meet with Lloyd George in London.
Back in Dublin, Collins secured Dail approval for the appointment of a Registrar of Socieities ‘ we are starting now what is a new order in Ireland, and one of the first duties of the national Government is to secure that thrifty people shall not be deprived of their savings by any kind of schemer, or any kidn of society, or group of individuals’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P301-302
Edward L Doheny declared on hearing of the Truce, that ‘the affair is after all for the people of Ireland to settle among themselves’
Michael Hopkinson ’The Irish War of Independence’ Gill & MacMillan, Dublin 2002. p175
17
The numbers of persons interned by the British in Ireland now stood at 4,454. ( Up by 2,976 since mid January 1921 ).
The numbers of persons interned by the British in Ireland now stood at 4,454. ( Up by 2,976 since mid January 1921 ).
18
At the resumption of talks in Downing Street, Ulster was the main subject of discussion. Smuts had reported that de Valera ‘did not appreciate that the British Government had any real difficulty in regard to Ulster but seemed to think that Lloyd George was just using Ulster to frighten him’. Lloyd George had already met Craig and found he was unwilling to shift from his position, believing that best way to achieve peace was to maintain a ‘rigid silence on the whole subject’ and also believed that Lloyd George was using Sinn Fein to lever Unionists into concessions.
De Valera made it clear that what he and the majority of the Irish people wanted was an Irish Republic and the right to self determination. Lloyd George, anxious to avoid the term ‘Republic’ questioned the meaning of the word ‘Saorstat’ as appeared on the headed letters de Valera had sent. ‘Free State’ being the literal translation to which Lloyd George agreed that this term could be used.
Ulster negotiators leave the truce talks saying they will take no further part in negotiations.
De Valera countered newspaper discussion that he had put forward some form of compromise: ‘ I have made no demand but the one I am entitled to make; the self –determination of the Irish nation to be recognised.’
Freemans Journal & quoted in Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p134
Dail deputies were informed that the meeting of the assembly ‘must be delayed for a fortnight’ owing to developments in negotiations.
The first BCG vaccination against tuberculosis taken place in France.
John Glenn, future US Astronaut and Politician born.
At the resumption of talks in Downing Street, Ulster was the main subject of discussion. Smuts had reported that de Valera ‘did not appreciate that the British Government had any real difficulty in regard to Ulster but seemed to think that Lloyd George was just using Ulster to frighten him’. Lloyd George had already met Craig and found he was unwilling to shift from his position, believing that best way to achieve peace was to maintain a ‘rigid silence on the whole subject’ and also believed that Lloyd George was using Sinn Fein to lever Unionists into concessions.
De Valera made it clear that what he and the majority of the Irish people wanted was an Irish Republic and the right to self determination. Lloyd George, anxious to avoid the term ‘Republic’ questioned the meaning of the word ‘Saorstat’ as appeared on the headed letters de Valera had sent. ‘Free State’ being the literal translation to which Lloyd George agreed that this term could be used.
Ulster negotiators leave the truce talks saying they will take no further part in negotiations.
De Valera countered newspaper discussion that he had put forward some form of compromise: ‘ I have made no demand but the one I am entitled to make; the self –determination of the Irish nation to be recognised.’
Freemans Journal & quoted in Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p134
Dail deputies were informed that the meeting of the assembly ‘must be delayed for a fortnight’ owing to developments in negotiations.
The first BCG vaccination against tuberculosis taken place in France.
John Glenn, future US Astronaut and Politician born.
19
Sir James Craig challenged de Valera’s statement on the rights to self-determination by making a similar claim for Ulster. De Valera protested to Lloyd George ‘pointing out that Craig’s statements were issued after a meeting with Lloyd George – ‘ our answer to this wholly inadmissable claim is not mere negation…the views of the Irish people that Ireland, so far from disregarding the special position of the minority in north-east Ulster, would be willing to sanction any measure of local autonomy which they might desire, provided that it were just and were consistent with the unity and integrity of our island…’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p135
Lloyd George’s reply was ‘curt, but disclaimed all responsibility for Craig’s statements’
Fearful of possible developments, de Valera wrote to Michael Collins ‘ Things may burst up suddenyl here so be prepared. In intend adhering to our original plan as closely as possible, but the changes in the situation have to be met as they arise’
Sir James Craig challenged de Valera’s statement on the rights to self-determination by making a similar claim for Ulster. De Valera protested to Lloyd George ‘pointing out that Craig’s statements were issued after a meeting with Lloyd George – ‘ our answer to this wholly inadmissable claim is not mere negation…the views of the Irish people that Ireland, so far from disregarding the special position of the minority in north-east Ulster, would be willing to sanction any measure of local autonomy which they might desire, provided that it were just and were consistent with the unity and integrity of our island…’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p135
Lloyd George’s reply was ‘curt, but disclaimed all responsibility for Craig’s statements’
Fearful of possible developments, de Valera wrote to Michael Collins ‘ Things may burst up suddenyl here so be prepared. In intend adhering to our original plan as closely as possible, but the changes in the situation have to be met as they arise’
20
Michael Collins wrote to de Valera that inteligence reports confirmed the British military were preparing for a breakdown in negotiations.
De Valera received Lloyd George’s lengthy statement of proposals at 11pm. In this, the British offered Southern Ireland Dominion status with autonomy in taxation and finance generally but stipulated for a form of settlement which would allow for “Full recognition of the existing powers and privileges of the Parliament of Northern Ireland, which cannot be abrogated save by their own consent’ There were restrictions including naval facilities, recruiting privileges, the numbers of Irish armed forces and trade between the two countries. The Royal Navy would control the Irish seas and have full access to coasts and harbours, Ireland could be used for defence and air communications.
The British cabinet record states ‘ The Prime Minister informed the Cabinet that after three interviews with Mr de Valera, aggregating several hours, he found it difficult to say exactly where the Irish leader stood. Mr de Valera, who had an agreeable personality, had reached the stage of asking questions in regard to such matters as the entry of Southern Ireland into the Empire, swearing allegiance in the form of an oath, the name of the new state and so forth. What he wanted was a republic, but the Prime Minister said this was impossible, being inconsistent with the monarchy. Mr de Valera did not admit the inconsistency’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p138
Sturgis noted ‘de Valera saw Lloyd George today and is leaving for Ireland tonight. We have no information of what has happened, other than the evening papers, which is inconsiderate of our friends in London. The official announcement says that no basis for a formal conference has been arrived at yet and that de Valera goes to Ireland for further conference with his colleagues and will communicate with Lloyd George later….Copes silence is a little disquieting. De Valera is said to have left Downing Street all smiles…its inconceivable that Lloyd George will let slip the chance of being the first British statesman to give Ireland peace or that de Valera, who is having the role of Liberator thrust on his mountebank shoulders, will be such an ass as to refuse to be the man to succeed where O’Connell, Parnell, Redmond etc all failed…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 205
The summer Truce brought about a phenomenon throughout the country of the ‘Trucileers’. These were the flood of new recruits to the I.R.A. Michael Hayes commenting on the rush ‘by dint of drilling and parading….persuaded themselves they were soldiers and actually felt the need of doing some fighting against somebody. Places where there had been no fighting against the British now found that they had an enormous number of volunteers’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P313
Michael Collins wrote to de Valera that inteligence reports confirmed the British military were preparing for a breakdown in negotiations.
De Valera received Lloyd George’s lengthy statement of proposals at 11pm. In this, the British offered Southern Ireland Dominion status with autonomy in taxation and finance generally but stipulated for a form of settlement which would allow for “Full recognition of the existing powers and privileges of the Parliament of Northern Ireland, which cannot be abrogated save by their own consent’ There were restrictions including naval facilities, recruiting privileges, the numbers of Irish armed forces and trade between the two countries. The Royal Navy would control the Irish seas and have full access to coasts and harbours, Ireland could be used for defence and air communications.
The British cabinet record states ‘ The Prime Minister informed the Cabinet that after three interviews with Mr de Valera, aggregating several hours, he found it difficult to say exactly where the Irish leader stood. Mr de Valera, who had an agreeable personality, had reached the stage of asking questions in regard to such matters as the entry of Southern Ireland into the Empire, swearing allegiance in the form of an oath, the name of the new state and so forth. What he wanted was a republic, but the Prime Minister said this was impossible, being inconsistent with the monarchy. Mr de Valera did not admit the inconsistency’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p138
Sturgis noted ‘de Valera saw Lloyd George today and is leaving for Ireland tonight. We have no information of what has happened, other than the evening papers, which is inconsiderate of our friends in London. The official announcement says that no basis for a formal conference has been arrived at yet and that de Valera goes to Ireland for further conference with his colleagues and will communicate with Lloyd George later….Copes silence is a little disquieting. De Valera is said to have left Downing Street all smiles…its inconceivable that Lloyd George will let slip the chance of being the first British statesman to give Ireland peace or that de Valera, who is having the role of Liberator thrust on his mountebank shoulders, will be such an ass as to refuse to be the man to succeed where O’Connell, Parnell, Redmond etc all failed…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 205
The summer Truce brought about a phenomenon throughout the country of the ‘Trucileers’. These were the flood of new recruits to the I.R.A. Michael Hayes commenting on the rush ‘by dint of drilling and parading….persuaded themselves they were soldiers and actually felt the need of doing some fighting against somebody. Places where there had been no fighting against the British now found that they had an enormous number of volunteers’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P313
Transcription
7.20.21 [July 20, 1921]
Dear Judge
Fr Mullen[1] called on his return from Washington. Says the Delegate[2] is to take no further action in the Maloney[3] matter. That same Chairman[4] took Maloney's article to the Delegate in the first instance & that the same clergyman assured the Delegate subsequently that the Dr did not give the document to the [word illegible?] but that he had shown it to a friend & that it was given out by the latter!!!
Col. Moynihan[5] was in. Showed me correspondence which passed between his committee (America's Making[6]) & (1) M. J. O'Brien[7] (2) a Mr Sheehan[8] who undertook to design some of the necessary statuary.
The latter is a friend of O'Brien's. He has developed grievances & O'Brien has resigned from the Committee!! Notwithstanding this, I understand O'B has agreed to furnish Sheehan with the necessary historical data. Also that Sheehan is to proceed with his work.
I am not satisfied however that O'B [O'Brien] & Sheehan may not leave the Committee in the lurch at a later date & I urged Moynihan to write you giving more particulars than those I mention.
My idea is that you, without entering into the details, should write O'B [O'Brien] urging that any "differences" between members of the Committee should not be allowed to endanger the success of the undertaking.
By the way the Committee estimates the cost of the Irish section as $25,000. It seems to me that outside the FOIF there is little or no interest being taken in the affair & I see our friends be equipped with a set of resolutions which will vouch the situation. I believe you promised Flood[9] that this would be attended to. Please let me know what had been done in the matter.
Flood has been urging that Cunningham[10] go to Detroit. Should he be sent by the Clan or by the FOIF?
John Healy[11] says he couldn't go to Detroit but if pressed would probably 'strain a pint'[12]
I am urging him to go as from what I'm told his presence there is very necessary. It may be well for you to send him a wire.
Sincerely
DL
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footnotes:
[1] Fr Mullen - unknown - research ongoing
[2] Delegate - Unknown - research ongoing
[3] Maloney - refers to Dr William J. Maloney(1882-1952) a neurologist and a member of the Irish independence movement in the United States. Born in 1882 in Edinburgh, Scotland to Irish parents. He studied medicine in Edinburgh, Paris, London, and Munich before immigrating to the United States in 1911. He served in the British Army during World War I and was released in 1916 after being wounded at Gallipoli. His experiences in war and the executions resulting from the Easter Rising in Dublin turned Maloney against England and made him a supporter of Irish independence.
After the Easter Rising, Maloney resigned his commission in the British Army, moved to the United States and befriended many prominent supporters of Irish independence. He joined the Clan-na-Gael and became one of the most prolific writers for McGarrity's newspaper, The Irish Press. He published several books and pamphlets on Irish issues, American political issues, and medical topics.
Maloney worked with Eamonn De Valera and the American Commission for Irish Independence in 1919 to raise funds for the Irish bond drive. He supported McGarrity and De Valera in the controversy over the bond drive and, as a result, fell out of favour with Cohalan and Devoy. Devoy put about that Maloney was a British spy in an attempt to discredit him. Maloney denied the allegation.
In addition to his writing for The Irish Press, Maloney was also able to secure space for his opinions in the New York Evening Post, being related to its owner, Oswald Garrison Villard, through marriage. He published several books and pamphlets on political issues, including The Book of the Prophet Wudro, calling for the impeachment of Woodrow Wilson, and The Reconquest of America, a satire on British propaganda in America.
After the Irish Civil War and the creation of the Irish Free State, Maloney seems to have assumed a smaller role in Irish political circles in the United States. He maintained his friendships with the people he had met during that time and continued to follow the subject. He published The Forged Casement Diaries in 1936. In the Diaries, Maloney sought to prove that the Black Diaries presented during Roger Casement's trial were fake. The Black Diaries offered proof the Casement was a homosexual, which caused many of his friends and supporters to desert him during his trial.
Dr Maloney article here
[4] Chairman - unknown - research ongoing
[5] Col. Moynihan or more correctly, Lieutenant Colonel Timothy J. Moynahan (1871-1935) of the 165th Infantry, the Old 69th Infantry Regiment (New York) an Irish Heritage regiment also known as 'The Fighting Irish'. Born in Co. Kerry, he emigrated to the United States as a teenager, joined the US Army and served in the Spanish American War and the Mexican Border campaign.
During the World War Colonel Moynahan went overseas with the old 69th as a major and later became Lieutenant Colonel of the 165th. He was awarded the Croix de Guerre for extraordinary heroism in action near Clerges, France September 28th 1918 when he led his battalion through artillery and machine gun fire and without any support captured the objective and repelled four counter attacks. Awarded the Chevalier of the Legion of Honor, August 19, 1919.
After his discharge from the army in 1919 he was for a time in the New York City Collector's office and as a real estate appraiser in the Department of Finance.
He had served as grand marshal of several St. Patrick's Day parades and was a member of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, the American Irish Historical Society, Catholic Writers' Guild, Ancient Order of Hibernians, United Irish Societies and the Kerrymen's Association. He also was in the Army Reserve and was formerly drillmaster of the old Clason Point Military Academy, now the LaSalle Military Academy at Sayville.
Col. Moynahan's connection & involvement with the Friends of Irish Freedom is somewhat unclear. In this instance, Col. Moynahan was Chairman of the 'American's of Irish lineage' section on the 'America's Making' exposition and it's clear that the Friends would have had some input and overview on the content, Unfortunately, part two of the letter is not available.
Col. Timothy Moynhan died in 1935 and was Interred in Holy Cross Cemetery, Brooklyn, NY.
Thanks to Find A Grave, database and images https://www.findagrave.com.
[6] America's Making
This was an exposition held at the 71st Regiment Armory, New York between October 29 & November 12, 1921 showcasing the contributions made by immigrants to American life. Further information below. America's Making Catalogue here.
[7] M.J.O'Brien was Michael John O'Brien, Secretary to the Americans of Irish Lineage Committee for the 'America's Making' exposition.
[8] Mr Sheehan - Executive Committee member of 'America's Making' - 'Americans of Irish Lineage'.
[9] Henry D. Flood. (1865-1921) Democrat Congress member from Virginia. 'An ardent supporter of Irish self-determination' according to Charles Callan Tansill. Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives. (62-65th Congress) A descendant of the Irish orator and patriot, Henry Flood.
[10] Cunningham - Harry Cunningham of New York, a Trustee of the Friends of Irish Freedom, member of Clan na Gael and a personal friend of John Devoy. More information - click here.
[11] John Healy - from Wilmington, Delaware, A Trustee of the Friends of Irish Freedom.
[12] 'Strain a pint' expression. Can any reader further explain the meaning of this curious expression?
America's Making Exposition 1921
This was an exposition of cultural contributions made by various emigrant groups to the United States. Held in the 71st Regiment Armory, New York between October 29 - November 12, 1921. Organised under the auspices of the New York State and City Departments of Education "thirty two racial groups cooperated in the exposition which was planned to help state racial animosities aroused by the World War" according to the New Britain Herald of October 10, 1921.
From the souvenir book:
"Americans from Ireland were prominent in the military history of America and Commodore John Barry was 'father of the American Navy'...and the Irish contributed 'sagacity and organising power to public administration. Some fifty Governors in the United States claim forebears from the Emerald Isle. Eloquent in debate, the Americans of Irish descent have always been in the fore of political acitivity, and have given numerous men of distinction to our bench and ar. Their brawn and brains have heled to build the railways that opened up the continent...The Irish race has profoundly influenced our jounalism...made distinctive contributions to literature and drama..."
More details click October and November 1921 pages.
This was an exposition of cultural contributions made by various emigrant groups to the United States. Held in the 71st Regiment Armory, New York between October 29 - November 12, 1921. Organised under the auspices of the New York State and City Departments of Education "thirty two racial groups cooperated in the exposition which was planned to help state racial animosities aroused by the World War" according to the New Britain Herald of October 10, 1921.
From the souvenir book:
"Americans from Ireland were prominent in the military history of America and Commodore John Barry was 'father of the American Navy'...and the Irish contributed 'sagacity and organising power to public administration. Some fifty Governors in the United States claim forebears from the Emerald Isle. Eloquent in debate, the Americans of Irish descent have always been in the fore of political acitivity, and have given numerous men of distinction to our bench and ar. Their brawn and brains have heled to build the railways that opened up the continent...The Irish race has profoundly influenced our jounalism...made distinctive contributions to literature and drama..."
More details click October and November 1921 pages.
21
After conferring with his team, De Valera met Lloyd George for the fourth time and rejected the proposals on the grounds that he would not recomend such terms for acceptance by Dail Eireann and that he would not bring them back to Dublin for consideration.
At this: ‘Lloyd George threatened an immediate resumption of hostilities...[and] threatened to publish his offer and expressed his belief that it would prove acceptable to the Irish people. De Valera made no objection.’
Macardle. ‘The Irish Republic. Irish Press 1957. P.487
According to Sturgis, ‘de Valera asked Lloyd George not to publish till he had a chance of discussion with his people in Ireland to which Lloyd George agreed.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 206
De Valera returned to Dublin that evening and terms of the British offer discussed in a full cabinet meeting over the following days. The terms of the offer were not made public.
The Sinn Fein Liason officers complained that there has been little co-operation or change within the former martial law counties with fairs, creameries and markets still closed and treatment of prisoners and civilians generally. Macready in reply sent a confirming order to Strickland to ensure normal trading could begin.
Countess Markiewicz and Joseph McGrath were next released from prison.
In a demonstration of future air power, US aircraft sank the former German battleship ‘Ostfriesland’ in 25 minutes. This single act quickly altered the roles of both airforce and navy, with previous assumptions that only heavy guns could sink a battleship.
After conferring with his team, De Valera met Lloyd George for the fourth time and rejected the proposals on the grounds that he would not recomend such terms for acceptance by Dail Eireann and that he would not bring them back to Dublin for consideration.
At this: ‘Lloyd George threatened an immediate resumption of hostilities...[and] threatened to publish his offer and expressed his belief that it would prove acceptable to the Irish people. De Valera made no objection.’
Macardle. ‘The Irish Republic. Irish Press 1957. P.487
According to Sturgis, ‘de Valera asked Lloyd George not to publish till he had a chance of discussion with his people in Ireland to which Lloyd George agreed.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 206
De Valera returned to Dublin that evening and terms of the British offer discussed in a full cabinet meeting over the following days. The terms of the offer were not made public.
The Sinn Fein Liason officers complained that there has been little co-operation or change within the former martial law counties with fairs, creameries and markets still closed and treatment of prisoners and civilians generally. Macready in reply sent a confirming order to Strickland to ensure normal trading could begin.
Countess Markiewicz and Joseph McGrath were next released from prison.
In a demonstration of future air power, US aircraft sank the former German battleship ‘Ostfriesland’ in 25 minutes. This single act quickly altered the roles of both airforce and navy, with previous assumptions that only heavy guns could sink a battleship.
22
Macready expressed concern that Sinn Fein ‘is in danger of believing itself recognised as ‘an army at war’ etc.
Macready expressed concern that Sinn Fein ‘is in danger of believing itself recognised as ‘an army at war’ etc.
23
Memo to Judge Cohalan from Diarmuid Lynch, 23 July 1921
Transcription
2366[1] Saturday 7.23.21
Memo
Just recd message that Jim[2] will be back in NYC July 31. Doubtless some of the Friends will want to meet him as soon thereafter as possible.
Phoned Mr. D's[3] office but it seems he did not understand. Will see him early Monday - if not tomorrow & discuss date of meeting. In my opinion it should be as soon as possible say Aug 1 or Aug 2 - as it may well be that prompt action may be necessary on his report.
DL
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Footnotes
[1] 2366 Grand Concourse, The Bronx, NY. Diarmuid & Kathleen's apartment.
[2] Jim - James McHugh. Member of Clann-na-Gael, lawyer and National Organiser Friends of Irish Freedom. McHugh had been sent to Ireland in July 1921 to meet with the Irish leadership, Collins & Griffith to make the Irish-American views and opinions 'crystal clear' in light of the Truce and increasing British pressure on Dominion Status. However, another key reason for the Friend's envoy McHugh's visit was that Devoy & Judge Cohalan were increasingly concerned that the Friends and Irish-America retained independence from any potentially 'biased' directives that may have been issued by the de Valera led government in Ireland.
McHugh met with Devoy & Cohalan in New York on August 2. (see entry for August 2, 1921 here)
[3] Mr D - John Devoy.
Letter from Rev. Maurice F. Murphy of the Protestant Friends of Ireland to Diarmuid Lynch, Friends of Irish Freedom.
Transcription
Dear Mr. Lynch.
In interviews which I have had with Mr. John McGarry, of Chicago, and others, relative to our Protestant society, Mr. McGarry informed me that he would bring the matter of our society, to your attention, and for your favourable consideration. We have connected with our lecture bureau and on our committee, several prominent clergymen and educators who may be used with great advantage for the Irish cause.
During the past six or eight months, Irish affairs have taken such a turn in America, that the ground gained previously, has been lost, as far as Protestant influence is concerned, owing altogether to the methods employed by the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic. I am making this statement with some measure of authority, because few if any Protestants connected with the Irish cause are in as close touch with the Protestant mind and Protestant activities in America, as I am. If it is your purpose to commence a campaign for membership in the Friends of Irish Freedom we may be able to serve you very successfully.The membership in our society is quite extensive, and up to the present time expenses of our lecture bureau and propaganda department, has been paid from the proceeds of our lectures. We have not received any financial aid from the A.A.R.I.R., consequently our operations were not as extensive as they may be. I hope to attend a few large conferences next month, and would be pleased to hear from you before that time.
With best wishes for the success of the cause, I am
Very sincerely yours,
Maurice F. Murphy
Rev. Maurice F Murphy, a native of Dublin, was a Methodist Episcopal Minister based in Toledo, Ohio. He was also an influential public speaker and a member of the National Advisory Committee of the Protestant Friends of Ireland, the New York based American society actively advocating Irish Independence & Republicanism. Within the United States, societal divisions of religion and faith particularly extended to Irish nationalism. In a controversial move, Rev. Murphy had toured the Mid-West during 1920 with Lindsay Crawford speaking on behalf of Irish nationalism, the Republic of Ireland and countering widespread American bias that Irish Republican nationalism was primarily and exclusively, a Roman Catholic issue. The Protestant Friends of Ireland fairly argued that support for Irish nationalism was in reality and historically, held by many with different faiths.
below: sample press clippings of the Protestant Friends of Ireland & Rev. Murphy - Jan-June 1920
below: sample press clippings of the Protestant Friends of Ireland & Rev. Murphy - Jan-June 1920
Following de Valera's drive to split the Friends of Irish Freedom during the previous year, he had also targeted the Protestant Friends of Ireland to dissolve their organisation and then to become part of the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic.
Tansill comments that "...When Dr. Mythen, the active head of the organisation, received a letter suggesting this dissolution, he replied:
"Your personal animosity to Judge Cohalan is none of my affair. When I, too, was under the same influence as you were, I felt very much the same way. I, too, have withstood Judge Cohalan on issues that had arisen within the Irish movement. If conditions arose again where I would feel justified in so doing, not for an instant would I hesitate to do so again. . . . Your covert charge against me, that I am permitting the use of the P.F.I, to be simply a tool for the use of Judge Cohalan, is a lie. ... Never once has Judge Cohalan ever in any manner, shape or form, even suggested the manner in which our organisation should be run or what manner of work it should do"
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. New York 1957. P.393
The letter from Rev. Murphy to Lynch, on behalf of the Protestant Friends of Ireland, throws some interesting light on the Irish American split of 1920-21 with Rev. Murphy suggesting a link of both the Protestant Friends of Ireland with the Friends of Irish Freedom in a future membership drive against a shared adversary as "....During the past six or eight months, Irish affairs have taken such a turn in America, that the ground gained previously, has been lost, as far as Protestant influence is concerned, owing altogether to the methods employed by the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic."
Tansill comments that "...When Dr. Mythen, the active head of the organisation, received a letter suggesting this dissolution, he replied:
"Your personal animosity to Judge Cohalan is none of my affair. When I, too, was under the same influence as you were, I felt very much the same way. I, too, have withstood Judge Cohalan on issues that had arisen within the Irish movement. If conditions arose again where I would feel justified in so doing, not for an instant would I hesitate to do so again. . . . Your covert charge against me, that I am permitting the use of the P.F.I, to be simply a tool for the use of Judge Cohalan, is a lie. ... Never once has Judge Cohalan ever in any manner, shape or form, even suggested the manner in which our organisation should be run or what manner of work it should do"
Tansill. ‘America and the fight for Irish Freedom 1866-1922’. Devin-Adair. New York 1957. P.393
The letter from Rev. Murphy to Lynch, on behalf of the Protestant Friends of Ireland, throws some interesting light on the Irish American split of 1920-21 with Rev. Murphy suggesting a link of both the Protestant Friends of Ireland with the Friends of Irish Freedom in a future membership drive against a shared adversary as "....During the past six or eight months, Irish affairs have taken such a turn in America, that the ground gained previously, has been lost, as far as Protestant influence is concerned, owing altogether to the methods employed by the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic."
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In a letter to De Valera, General Smuts of South Africa urged him to accept the British offer. De Valera replied stating that ‘An Ireland in fragments nobody cares about...to the principle of self-determination our people are devotedly attached....the Republic is the expression of that principle”
In London, Art O’Brian was apparently being kept relatively uninformed, writing to Dublin of his ‘need for instructions immediately’ and shortly afterwards ‘ I have no indication from anyone as to how things are going or what may be expected’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P302
In a letter to De Valera, General Smuts of South Africa urged him to accept the British offer. De Valera replied stating that ‘An Ireland in fragments nobody cares about...to the principle of self-determination our people are devotedly attached....the Republic is the expression of that principle”
In London, Art O’Brian was apparently being kept relatively uninformed, writing to Dublin of his ‘need for instructions immediately’ and shortly afterwards ‘ I have no indication from anyone as to how things are going or what may be expected’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P302
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De Valera started to promote the concept of an ‘external association’ meaning that Ireland was to be associated with the British Commonwealth but not a member of it. Through this Irish sovereignty in internal matters would be recognised by London, but Ireland would associate with the British Commonwealth in external affairs, guarantee neutrality in event of war and both Irish and British citizens would hold reciprocal citizenship. ‘This would avoid the humiliations of the direct imperial link while simultaenously providing for British security, which de Valera acknowledged to be a legitimate concern of Westminster’
J.J.Lee ‘Ireland 1912-88 Politics & Society’ p.48
In his official biography, De Valera claimed this answer came to him as he was bending down to tie his bootlaces before breakfast. This concept was developed further by Erskine Childers before proposal to Lloyd George in early August.
Michael Collins wrote to Art O’Brien in London to discover ‘what is being thought in well-informed circles’
De Valera started to promote the concept of an ‘external association’ meaning that Ireland was to be associated with the British Commonwealth but not a member of it. Through this Irish sovereignty in internal matters would be recognised by London, but Ireland would associate with the British Commonwealth in external affairs, guarantee neutrality in event of war and both Irish and British citizens would hold reciprocal citizenship. ‘This would avoid the humiliations of the direct imperial link while simultaenously providing for British security, which de Valera acknowledged to be a legitimate concern of Westminster’
J.J.Lee ‘Ireland 1912-88 Politics & Society’ p.48
In his official biography, De Valera claimed this answer came to him as he was bending down to tie his bootlaces before breakfast. This concept was developed further by Erskine Childers before proposal to Lloyd George in early August.
Michael Collins wrote to Art O’Brien in London to discover ‘what is being thought in well-informed circles’
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The House of Lords ruled that the Courts Martial system and executions in Ireland as a result were illegal.
India: A meeting of the All India Congress Party in Bombay voted to boycott the visit of the Prince of Wales to India along with a boycott of all foreign cloth.
The House of Lords ruled that the Courts Martial system and executions in Ireland as a result were illegal.
India: A meeting of the All India Congress Party in Bombay voted to boycott the visit of the Prince of Wales to India along with a boycott of all foreign cloth.
Note from Diarmuid Lynch to Judge Cohalan dated July 28, 1921:
9/28/21 "Father Phil O'Donnell sailed for Germany Tuesday last' ['Tuesday last' was July 26, 1921] Fr O'Donnell (of St, James' Church, Boston) was associated with the Irish American movement in Massachusetts and New York and was highly regarded as an influential clerical public speaker, member of the Ancient Order of Hibernians & the Friends of Irish Freedom. On June 29 1919, when Eamonn De Valera addressed an Irish freedom rally of over 60,000 in Fenway Park, Boston, Fr. Phil opened proceedings with a prayer that set the tone for the gathering: Fr. Phil remained loyal to the Friends of Irish Freedom movement and in particular with John Devoy. Fr. Phil was later to give the graveside oration at the funeral of Devoy in Glasnevin Cemetery on Saturday, June 14, 1929. Devoy was, he said, “a rebel, a soldier, a political prisoner, a writer, an editor, an orator, a statesman, a plotter, a revolutionist, a physical force man, a dreamer, a man of action, an economist.” He also repeated Patrick Pearse’s description of Devoy as being “the greatest of the Fenians.”
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Adolf Hitler voted President of the National Socialist German Worker’s Party.
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