Work in Progress. Last updated: 30 April 2020
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The Supreme Council of the I.R.B met on the question of peace or war with Britain and what would or not be an honourable peace. No decision was reached during the meeting.
The Supreme Council of the I.R.B met on the question of peace or war with Britain and what would or not be an honourable peace. No decision was reached during the meeting.
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Eoin O’Duffy, at a Sinn Fein rally in Armagh became known as ‘Give-them-the-lead’ O’Duffy amongst Unionists after these comments; ‘They would have to put on the screw – the boycott. They would have to tighten that screw and , if necessary, they would have to use the lead against them [ Unionists ].
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.54
Eoin O’Duffy, at a Sinn Fein rally in Armagh became known as ‘Give-them-the-lead’ O’Duffy amongst Unionists after these comments; ‘They would have to put on the screw – the boycott. They would have to tighten that screw and , if necessary, they would have to use the lead against them [ Unionists ].
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.54
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Aspiring film starlet Virginia Rappe' passes out at a wild party in a San Francisco hotel attended by star film comic Roscoe "Fatty" Arbuckle. She dies four days later, and Arbuckle is accused of raping Rappe' and hastening her death. The manslaughter case was one of the great scandals of the twenties, with public opinion, fuelled by tabloids and knee-jerk evangelicals, solidly against Arbuckle. After three trials, a jury in 1923 considered the evidence and acquitted Arbuckle on all charges, but by then the damage to his career was irreparable. This case, along with several others that cast a light on the sleazy side of Hollywood, led to industry imposed self-regulation and censorship via the Motion Picture Producers and Distributors Association (MPPDA), a.k.a. "The Hays Office" run by Will Hays, in March 1922.
Aspiring film starlet Virginia Rappe' passes out at a wild party in a San Francisco hotel attended by star film comic Roscoe "Fatty" Arbuckle. She dies four days later, and Arbuckle is accused of raping Rappe' and hastening her death. The manslaughter case was one of the great scandals of the twenties, with public opinion, fuelled by tabloids and knee-jerk evangelicals, solidly against Arbuckle. After three trials, a jury in 1923 considered the evidence and acquitted Arbuckle on all charges, but by then the damage to his career was irreparable. This case, along with several others that cast a light on the sleazy side of Hollywood, led to industry imposed self-regulation and censorship via the Motion Picture Producers and Distributors Association (MPPDA), a.k.a. "The Hays Office" run by Will Hays, in March 1922.
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The British Cabinet met in Inverness Town Hall. There Lloyd George warned the Cabinet that ‘the problems of allegiance to the Crown and membership of the Empire were vital, and that if a break was to come on these, it would be better then than later’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p143
A reply was sent to Dublin with Robert Barton. In it De Valera was asked ‘ whether you are prepared to enter a conference to ascertain how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations. If, as we hope, your answer is in the affirmative, I suggest that the Conference should meet at Inverness on the 20th...’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.512-513
In a letter to de Valera regarding counties Fermanagh and Tyrone, Lloyd George acknowledged that his government had a very weak case on the issue of "forcing these two counties against their will" to be part of Northern Ireland
Frank Duff founds the Association of Our Lady of Mercy ( renamed Legion of Mary in 1925 )
A "bathing beauty" pageant is held in Atlantic City, N.J. - an event that would soon be known as the Miss America Pageant. With the invention the year before of the Jantzen elasticized one-piece bathing suit, more comfortable and revealing swimwear was becoming popular. Though not the first bathing beauty contest, this event was the first to feature women in skin-tight suits with knees exposed. Reporters and photographers played up the event with sensational coverage, and it was the impetus for the swimsuit show craze of the twenties. The first Miss America was 15 year old, Miss Washington DC, Margaret Gorman. Described as ‘a petite 5ft 1in blue eyed blonde who filled out her swimsuit at 30-25-32’
The British Cabinet met in Inverness Town Hall. There Lloyd George warned the Cabinet that ‘the problems of allegiance to the Crown and membership of the Empire were vital, and that if a break was to come on these, it would be better then than later’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p143
A reply was sent to Dublin with Robert Barton. In it De Valera was asked ‘ whether you are prepared to enter a conference to ascertain how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations. If, as we hope, your answer is in the affirmative, I suggest that the Conference should meet at Inverness on the 20th...’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.512-513
In a letter to de Valera regarding counties Fermanagh and Tyrone, Lloyd George acknowledged that his government had a very weak case on the issue of "forcing these two counties against their will" to be part of Northern Ireland
Frank Duff founds the Association of Our Lady of Mercy ( renamed Legion of Mary in 1925 )
A "bathing beauty" pageant is held in Atlantic City, N.J. - an event that would soon be known as the Miss America Pageant. With the invention the year before of the Jantzen elasticized one-piece bathing suit, more comfortable and revealing swimwear was becoming popular. Though not the first bathing beauty contest, this event was the first to feature women in skin-tight suits with knees exposed. Reporters and photographers played up the event with sensational coverage, and it was the impetus for the swimsuit show craze of the twenties. The first Miss America was 15 year old, Miss Washington DC, Margaret Gorman. Described as ‘a petite 5ft 1in blue eyed blonde who filled out her swimsuit at 30-25-32’
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De Valera summoned the Dail to discuss the Lloyd George reply and also to nominate delegates. In this meeting, he repeated his statement of August 23rd that he had no wish to be one of the negotiating team. A vote was taken, with the cabinet evenly split, and de Valera’s casting vote confirming his decision to remain in Dublin.
On the Delegation to London, de Valera proposed Griffith and Collins as leaders. Griffith was certainly no Republican but could be relied upon for at least a moderate agreement. Both agreed, but Collins under protest explaining later that his own sense of duty overcame his reluctance. Of the other delegates proposed, Cathal Brugha strongly resisted his inclusion, refusing to leave his post as Minister for Defence at a critical stage as did Austin Stack. Both were considered as not possessing strong negotiating skills… ‘simple men with simple ideas’ as Mitchell describes them.
Mary McSwiney, sister of Terence McSwiney was briefly considered, but ‘because of the attitude…of Griffith and Collins to women in politics, [de Valera ] did not propose her name.’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p149
Kathleen Clarke supports the theory but points the finger directly at de Valera and Griffith ‘..it was suggested by some member that there should be one woman selected, and Griffith and De Valera promised to consider it, but did not act upon it. This seemed strange to me, knowing that only for the work done by the women after the Rising, they and their comrades might still be in prison.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revoloutionary Woman’ O’Brien Press 1991. P188
Robert Barton [Minister for Economic Affairs] was selected as a balance to both Griffith and Collins. Erskine Childers and the lawyers, Eamon Duggan [ Chief Liason officer during the Truce ] and George Gavan Duffy [ International Lawyer ] were proposed and accepted. Secretaries to the Delegation were Finian Lynch, Diarmuid O’Hegarty and John Chartes [Advisor on constitutional law and workings of the British Government ].
‘Collins had not wanted to go; he was a Fenian and a very tough one, but he was also a realist; he did not believe that a Republic could be wrested from the English, ad he saw nothing ahead of him but personal disaster. Arthur Griffith did not altogether believe in republics. Barton was an economist, who, as a Rugbeian, was supposed to have some insights into the workings of the English mind...Duggan, a Dublin solicitor, and Duffy, Sinn Fein’s representative in Rome, were selected because they were lawyers. Duggan would follow Collins; Duffy sided with Barton and Childers.’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p331
Tensions surfaced quickly…Griffith resented the appointment of Erskine Childers as one of the team’s secretaries. He felt that Childers was acting as some kind of “watchdog” reporting back to Dublin. Griffith, it was later claimed by de Valera, was advised from the beginning that ‘there may have to be scapegoats’ and that he was willing to accept both that and the position.
Kathleen Clarke in her autobiography, first published in 1991 comments on the ‘scapegoats’ claim. ‘everyone had gone when I reached the hall except Griffith and de Valera. They were just turning into the drawing room and were talking. De Valera raised his voice and said ‘You know Griffith, we must have scapegoats’. All through the adjournment my mind kept going over what I had heard de Valera say. What did he mean? Did he mean that he had no hope for a settlement and that the people, being disappointed in their hopes for peace, would blame the plenipotentiaries for the failure? In that sense, those selected would be scapegoats. I thought of many explanations but none satisfied me, and to this day I do not know what he meant. At the time I was afraid to mention it to anyone, lest I start trouble.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revoloutionary Woman’ O’Brien Press 1991. P189
De Valera in turn also appeared to have miscalculated the composition of the negotiaiton team from his own viewpoint ‘ he seems to have assumed that the two senior members of the team, Griffith and Collins, were prepared to compromise on an oath to the Crown’
J.J.Lee ‘Ireland 1912-88 Politics & Society’ p.50
The Delegates terms of reference were finalised. While not bound by restrictions imposed by Dail Eireann, they were subject to certain Cabinet instructions, including the expectation that any ‘large question would be referred home before it was decided’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p149
Prof. Lee comments that Collins suspected a conspiracy against him by de Valera, Brugha and Stack, but puts it down to ‘being perhaps hypersensensetive’ explaining that de Valera’s real blunder was not conspiracy but miscaculation. ‘he staked everything on preserving unity through his ‘external association’ scheme. He achieved wonders in persuading Brugha and Stack to accept the idea, but he had little influence on more militant republicans like Rory O’Connor and Liam Mellowes…they denounced external association as emphatically as did the British, equally unable to grasp so sophisticated a constitutional concept’
J.J.Lee ‘Ireland 1912-88 Politics & Society’ p.50
Additional problems would be caused by the shuttle diplomacy between London and Dublin that the negotiatiors were expected to do. Had de Valera been with the team, at least with a support function in HQ, ‘there would have been no need for all the shuffling back and forth, which contained no real advantage, yet had the potential for misunderstandings and more’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P322
Angry members of the National Women's Party entered the U.S. capitol, with buckets, brushes and soap in hand, to clean a statue of three women's suffrage leaders that had been stored away in a dirty storage closet. The statue depicts Lucretia Mott, Susan B. Anthony, and Elizabeth Cady Stanto.
De Valera summoned the Dail to discuss the Lloyd George reply and also to nominate delegates. In this meeting, he repeated his statement of August 23rd that he had no wish to be one of the negotiating team. A vote was taken, with the cabinet evenly split, and de Valera’s casting vote confirming his decision to remain in Dublin.
On the Delegation to London, de Valera proposed Griffith and Collins as leaders. Griffith was certainly no Republican but could be relied upon for at least a moderate agreement. Both agreed, but Collins under protest explaining later that his own sense of duty overcame his reluctance. Of the other delegates proposed, Cathal Brugha strongly resisted his inclusion, refusing to leave his post as Minister for Defence at a critical stage as did Austin Stack. Both were considered as not possessing strong negotiating skills… ‘simple men with simple ideas’ as Mitchell describes them.
Mary McSwiney, sister of Terence McSwiney was briefly considered, but ‘because of the attitude…of Griffith and Collins to women in politics, [de Valera ] did not propose her name.’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p149
Kathleen Clarke supports the theory but points the finger directly at de Valera and Griffith ‘..it was suggested by some member that there should be one woman selected, and Griffith and De Valera promised to consider it, but did not act upon it. This seemed strange to me, knowing that only for the work done by the women after the Rising, they and their comrades might still be in prison.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revoloutionary Woman’ O’Brien Press 1991. P188
Robert Barton [Minister for Economic Affairs] was selected as a balance to both Griffith and Collins. Erskine Childers and the lawyers, Eamon Duggan [ Chief Liason officer during the Truce ] and George Gavan Duffy [ International Lawyer ] were proposed and accepted. Secretaries to the Delegation were Finian Lynch, Diarmuid O’Hegarty and John Chartes [Advisor on constitutional law and workings of the British Government ].
‘Collins had not wanted to go; he was a Fenian and a very tough one, but he was also a realist; he did not believe that a Republic could be wrested from the English, ad he saw nothing ahead of him but personal disaster. Arthur Griffith did not altogether believe in republics. Barton was an economist, who, as a Rugbeian, was supposed to have some insights into the workings of the English mind...Duggan, a Dublin solicitor, and Duffy, Sinn Fein’s representative in Rome, were selected because they were lawyers. Duggan would follow Collins; Duffy sided with Barton and Childers.’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p331
Tensions surfaced quickly…Griffith resented the appointment of Erskine Childers as one of the team’s secretaries. He felt that Childers was acting as some kind of “watchdog” reporting back to Dublin. Griffith, it was later claimed by de Valera, was advised from the beginning that ‘there may have to be scapegoats’ and that he was willing to accept both that and the position.
Kathleen Clarke in her autobiography, first published in 1991 comments on the ‘scapegoats’ claim. ‘everyone had gone when I reached the hall except Griffith and de Valera. They were just turning into the drawing room and were talking. De Valera raised his voice and said ‘You know Griffith, we must have scapegoats’. All through the adjournment my mind kept going over what I had heard de Valera say. What did he mean? Did he mean that he had no hope for a settlement and that the people, being disappointed in their hopes for peace, would blame the plenipotentiaries for the failure? In that sense, those selected would be scapegoats. I thought of many explanations but none satisfied me, and to this day I do not know what he meant. At the time I was afraid to mention it to anyone, lest I start trouble.’
Kathleen Clarke. ‘Revoloutionary Woman’ O’Brien Press 1991. P189
De Valera in turn also appeared to have miscalculated the composition of the negotiaiton team from his own viewpoint ‘ he seems to have assumed that the two senior members of the team, Griffith and Collins, were prepared to compromise on an oath to the Crown’
J.J.Lee ‘Ireland 1912-88 Politics & Society’ p.50
The Delegates terms of reference were finalised. While not bound by restrictions imposed by Dail Eireann, they were subject to certain Cabinet instructions, including the expectation that any ‘large question would be referred home before it was decided’
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p149
Prof. Lee comments that Collins suspected a conspiracy against him by de Valera, Brugha and Stack, but puts it down to ‘being perhaps hypersensensetive’ explaining that de Valera’s real blunder was not conspiracy but miscaculation. ‘he staked everything on preserving unity through his ‘external association’ scheme. He achieved wonders in persuading Brugha and Stack to accept the idea, but he had little influence on more militant republicans like Rory O’Connor and Liam Mellowes…they denounced external association as emphatically as did the British, equally unable to grasp so sophisticated a constitutional concept’
J.J.Lee ‘Ireland 1912-88 Politics & Society’ p.50
Additional problems would be caused by the shuttle diplomacy between London and Dublin that the negotiatiors were expected to do. Had de Valera been with the team, at least with a support function in HQ, ‘there would have been no need for all the shuffling back and forth, which contained no real advantage, yet had the potential for misunderstandings and more’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P322
Angry members of the National Women's Party entered the U.S. capitol, with buckets, brushes and soap in hand, to clean a statue of three women's suffrage leaders that had been stored away in a dirty storage closet. The statue depicts Lucretia Mott, Susan B. Anthony, and Elizabeth Cady Stanto.
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Lynch to Judge Cohalan (details and transcript to follow)
Lynch to Judge Cohalan (details and transcript to follow)
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Michael Collins stated that there were still 3,200 men interned of whom 1,500 had been tried and were serving sentences. Over the summer there were numerous break-out’s from internment camps, but the I.R.A were advised not to assist as this would be a breech of the Truce.
De Valera received nationalist delegations from counties Down, Derry/Londonderry, Antrim and the city of Belfast who expressed anxiety at partition. Referring to the unionists, one Protestant member of the Belfast delegation said that "partition would place power in the hands of those responsible for the pogroms"
US – The Klu Klux Klan takes over Lanier Univesity in Atlanta and says it will teach ‘Americanism’.
Michael Collins stated that there were still 3,200 men interned of whom 1,500 had been tried and were serving sentences. Over the summer there were numerous break-out’s from internment camps, but the I.R.A were advised not to assist as this would be a breech of the Truce.
De Valera received nationalist delegations from counties Down, Derry/Londonderry, Antrim and the city of Belfast who expressed anxiety at partition. Referring to the unionists, one Protestant member of the Belfast delegation said that "partition would place power in the hands of those responsible for the pogroms"
US – The Klu Klux Klan takes over Lanier Univesity in Atlanta and says it will teach ‘Americanism’.
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De Valera’s reply to Lloyd George included ‘ ...our nation has formally declared it's independence and recognises itself as a sovereign state...’ was taken to Scotland by Harry Boland and Joseph McGrath.
De Valera’s reply to Lloyd George included ‘ ...our nation has formally declared it's independence and recognises itself as a sovereign state...’ was taken to Scotland by Harry Boland and Joseph McGrath.
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details pending for FOIF Senate Bill No. 665 - details to follow shortly
details pending for FOIF Senate Bill No. 665 - details to follow shortly
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Dáil Éireann 3rd Ministry debates - Day 9. Oak Room, Mansion House, Dublin. Private session.
click illustration below to access the Oireachtas debates for this date.
Dáil Éireann 3rd Ministry debates - Day 9. Oak Room, Mansion House, Dublin. Private session.
click illustration below to access the Oireachtas debates for this date.
A closed meeting of Dail Eireann took place, where the terms of the letter as sent to Lloyd George were approved unanimously, and a copy was immediately given to the press. Dail Eireann now ratified the plenipotentiaries and their names were published in the evening papers. The expectation was that Lloyd George could now break off negotiations and possibly begin military action.
The issue of de Valera remaining in Dublin and not leading the delegation was raised again, W.T.Cosgrave proposing that de Valera should lead the team citing that it made no sense to have the ‘best player’ off the field, but he received little support.
In his official biography the reasons are given at length, almost as a justification for not going to London. These came from de Valera’s letter to Joe McGarrity on December 27th, 1921:
‘First of all, he was the symbol of the Republic as its President… the President, of all men, should not give rise to even the remotest suspicion of ‘letting down the Republic’. He felt that by remaining in Ireland he could act as a reserve against any tricks of the Prime Minister. Even more important was the need for strong leadership at home should external association prove acceptable to the British…he felt his influence with Brugha, Stack, Mrs Clarke and others would be much greater is he were not party to the negotiations….. there were other considerations which weighed with him…the delegation would be forced by his remaining in Ireland to refer home before decisions were taken. This should strengthen their position as negotiators and gain them time for careful consideration at critical points. It would give an opportunity for the submission of the final draft to independent legal opinion. The plan would also enable the members of cabinet at home to make their contributions remote from the pressures of the conference table. All this again should help to guarantee a united Cabinet.
Again should no agreement be reached and the negotiations break down, their situation would be far more easily accepted if the delegation had been led by Griffith, who was considered a moderate… the president, because of his conference with Lloyd George and the subsequent correspondence, had come to be looked upon as an uncompromising extremist.
Finally by remaining in Dublin he could give free expression to national feeling and help guide it. Thus the British would be made to realise that they were facing a determined and united nation.”
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p146
When Lloyd George was informed, he interpreted De Valera’s statement as a demand for British recognition of independence prior to any conference. Lloyd George called an immediate meeting of the Cabinet and in a telegram to De Valera complained that all the concessions to date had been British & stated he would not negotiate with de Valera … ‘If we accepted conference with your delegates on a formal statement of the claim which you have reaffirmed, it would constitute an official recognition by His Majesty’s Government of the severance of Ireland from the Empire and of it's existence as an independent Republic.’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.515
At the same Dail Eireann meeting, de Valera informed them that ‘as far as he was concerned his oath of allegiance was to do the best he could for the Irish nation. That was the only allegiance he acknowledged’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P304
The issue of de Valera remaining in Dublin and not leading the delegation was raised again, W.T.Cosgrave proposing that de Valera should lead the team citing that it made no sense to have the ‘best player’ off the field, but he received little support.
In his official biography the reasons are given at length, almost as a justification for not going to London. These came from de Valera’s letter to Joe McGarrity on December 27th, 1921:
‘First of all, he was the symbol of the Republic as its President… the President, of all men, should not give rise to even the remotest suspicion of ‘letting down the Republic’. He felt that by remaining in Ireland he could act as a reserve against any tricks of the Prime Minister. Even more important was the need for strong leadership at home should external association prove acceptable to the British…he felt his influence with Brugha, Stack, Mrs Clarke and others would be much greater is he were not party to the negotiations….. there were other considerations which weighed with him…the delegation would be forced by his remaining in Ireland to refer home before decisions were taken. This should strengthen their position as negotiators and gain them time for careful consideration at critical points. It would give an opportunity for the submission of the final draft to independent legal opinion. The plan would also enable the members of cabinet at home to make their contributions remote from the pressures of the conference table. All this again should help to guarantee a united Cabinet.
Again should no agreement be reached and the negotiations break down, their situation would be far more easily accepted if the delegation had been led by Griffith, who was considered a moderate… the president, because of his conference with Lloyd George and the subsequent correspondence, had come to be looked upon as an uncompromising extremist.
Finally by remaining in Dublin he could give free expression to national feeling and help guide it. Thus the British would be made to realise that they were facing a determined and united nation.”
Longford & O’Neill. “Eamon de Valera “ Hutchinson, London.1970. p146
When Lloyd George was informed, he interpreted De Valera’s statement as a demand for British recognition of independence prior to any conference. Lloyd George called an immediate meeting of the Cabinet and in a telegram to De Valera complained that all the concessions to date had been British & stated he would not negotiate with de Valera … ‘If we accepted conference with your delegates on a formal statement of the claim which you have reaffirmed, it would constitute an official recognition by His Majesty’s Government of the severance of Ireland from the Empire and of it's existence as an independent Republic.’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.515
At the same Dail Eireann meeting, de Valera informed them that ‘as far as he was concerned his oath of allegiance was to do the best he could for the Irish nation. That was the only allegiance he acknowledged’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P304
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In this background a mini-power struggle emerged once again within the Volunteer leadership with both Brugha and Collins wrangling on authority within the army. Prior to the Truce, Brugha had been flexing his authority with Collins by issuing orders through Mulcahy to which, not very surprisingly, Mulcahy strongly objected.
The struggle had it’s roots in Brugha’s mistrust of the I.R.B of which Collins, Mulcahy and several army commanders were members of and the reality that the I.R.B held a degree of control over the armed services.
Brugha now attempted to make Government and Civil control of the Army complete through recommissioning when the Cabinet voted that the Army ‘be put on a regular basis’. It was further complicated as there had been no consultation with the military. This was to cause a ripple effect throughout the Volunteer leadership concentrating on both Brugha and Mulcahy.
There was further riots in Belfast and two Protestants were killed by a sniper.
In this background a mini-power struggle emerged once again within the Volunteer leadership with both Brugha and Collins wrangling on authority within the army. Prior to the Truce, Brugha had been flexing his authority with Collins by issuing orders through Mulcahy to which, not very surprisingly, Mulcahy strongly objected.
The struggle had it’s roots in Brugha’s mistrust of the I.R.B of which Collins, Mulcahy and several army commanders were members of and the reality that the I.R.B held a degree of control over the armed services.
Brugha now attempted to make Government and Civil control of the Army complete through recommissioning when the Cabinet voted that the Army ‘be put on a regular basis’. It was further complicated as there had been no consultation with the military. This was to cause a ripple effect throughout the Volunteer leadership concentrating on both Brugha and Mulcahy.
There was further riots in Belfast and two Protestants were killed by a sniper.
16
de Valera sent a telegram reply to Lloyd George ‘ It should be obvious that in a case like this, if there is to be any result, the negotiators must meet without prejudice and untrammelled by any conditions whatever except those imposed by the facts as they know them'
Diarmuid Lynch issued a statement to the International News Service supporting Dáil Eireann in it's 'refusal to surrender the National Sovereignty of Ireland by entering a conference with the British Cabinet on the basis stipulated by Lloyd George.'
further details and transcript to follow shortly.
de Valera sent a telegram reply to Lloyd George ‘ It should be obvious that in a case like this, if there is to be any result, the negotiators must meet without prejudice and untrammelled by any conditions whatever except those imposed by the facts as they know them'
Diarmuid Lynch issued a statement to the International News Service supporting Dáil Eireann in it's 'refusal to surrender the National Sovereignty of Ireland by entering a conference with the British Cabinet on the basis stipulated by Lloyd George.'
further details and transcript to follow shortly.
17
Lloyd George commented that that possiblity of such a conference was impossible and to receive the negotiators as such would ‘constitute a formal and official recognition of Ireland’s severance from the King’s domains.’ And also entitle the Irish Government to ‘break off the conference with us at any point…to claim from foreign powers by our implicit admission the rights of lawful beligerents against the King’. Lloyd George then restates the British position as detailed in his letter of September 7th ‘ to discuss with you how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations. We cannot consent to any abandonment, however, of the principle of allegiance to the King upon which the whole fabric of the Empire and every constitution within it are based. It is fatal to that principle that your delegates in the conference should be there as the representatives of an independent and soverign state. While you insist on claiming that, conference between us is impossible’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.519
The diplomatic match continued with de Valera sending his telegram reply that evening, stating that the invitation to talks had been accepted on the basis of Lloyd George’s quote ‘ how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations’
…that the Prime Minister had not been asked to abandon any principle and that ‘we have but one object at heart – the setting of the conference on such a basis of truth and reality as would make it possible to secure through it the result which the peoples of these two islands so ardently desire’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.520
Lloyd George commented that that possiblity of such a conference was impossible and to receive the negotiators as such would ‘constitute a formal and official recognition of Ireland’s severance from the King’s domains.’ And also entitle the Irish Government to ‘break off the conference with us at any point…to claim from foreign powers by our implicit admission the rights of lawful beligerents against the King’. Lloyd George then restates the British position as detailed in his letter of September 7th ‘ to discuss with you how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations. We cannot consent to any abandonment, however, of the principle of allegiance to the King upon which the whole fabric of the Empire and every constitution within it are based. It is fatal to that principle that your delegates in the conference should be there as the representatives of an independent and soverign state. While you insist on claiming that, conference between us is impossible’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.519
The diplomatic match continued with de Valera sending his telegram reply that evening, stating that the invitation to talks had been accepted on the basis of Lloyd George’s quote ‘ how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations’
…that the Prime Minister had not been asked to abandon any principle and that ‘we have but one object at heart – the setting of the conference on such a basis of truth and reality as would make it possible to secure through it the result which the peoples of these two islands so ardently desire’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.520
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Lloyd George replied with a 2nd demand for for withdrawal of the offending paragraph before a conference could take place. While he was prepared to meet the Irish delegates as ‘chosen spokesmen for your people, to discuss the association of Ireland with the British Commonwealth’ both he and his colleagues would be unable to meet them as ‘representatives of a soverieng and indepndent state without disloyalty on our part to the Throne and the Empire’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.521
Lloyd George replied with a 2nd demand for for withdrawal of the offending paragraph before a conference could take place. While he was prepared to meet the Irish delegates as ‘chosen spokesmen for your people, to discuss the association of Ireland with the British Commonwealth’ both he and his colleagues would be unable to meet them as ‘representatives of a soverieng and indepndent state without disloyalty on our part to the Throne and the Empire’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.521
19
De Valera advised Lloyd George that he did not seek preliminary recognition or set condition on the Anglo-Irish peace talks ‘ it is precisely because neither side accepts the position of the other that there is a dispute at all and that a conference is necessary’.
At this stage the entire negotiation on a Treaty looked about to collapse and take the British Government with it. There was no further reply from Lloyd George until the 29th September.
The I.R.A. made itself ready to resume fighting and General Tudor ‘ on the other side talked of killing freely, began once again to stigmatise Catholicism as a ‘form of ju-ju worship’ and in general behaved like the lower kind of seventeenth century bigot.’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p331
First stretch of the autobahn completed in Germany.
De Valera advised Lloyd George that he did not seek preliminary recognition or set condition on the Anglo-Irish peace talks ‘ it is precisely because neither side accepts the position of the other that there is a dispute at all and that a conference is necessary’.
At this stage the entire negotiation on a Treaty looked about to collapse and take the British Government with it. There was no further reply from Lloyd George until the 29th September.
The I.R.A. made itself ready to resume fighting and General Tudor ‘ on the other side talked of killing freely, began once again to stigmatise Catholicism as a ‘form of ju-ju worship’ and in general behaved like the lower kind of seventeenth century bigot.’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p331
First stretch of the autobahn completed in Germany.
20
The Northern Irish PM, James Craig said on the effects of the Truce ‘We here are prepared to work in friendly rivalry with out fellow countrymen in the South and West…we are preared to work for the betterment of the people of Ireland, not to quarrel. Not to continue political strife’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.54
The Northern Irish PM, James Craig said on the effects of the Truce ‘We here are prepared to work in friendly rivalry with out fellow countrymen in the South and West…we are preared to work for the betterment of the people of Ireland, not to quarrel. Not to continue political strife’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.54
21
22
British authorities made a request to discover the wherabouts of British Officers kidnapped since 1919. The Cabinet Secretary, Thomas Jones in a letter to Art O’Brien asked for a ‘list of burial places of executed officers [which] met with [the] response that in the case of the 1916 leaders and Kevin Barry ‘the demand of the relatives to have the bodies handed over to them, for the purposes of decent burial, has never been listened to’. O’Brien proposed that both sides should let the matter rest for the time being.’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P312
British authorities made a request to discover the wherabouts of British Officers kidnapped since 1919. The Cabinet Secretary, Thomas Jones in a letter to Art O’Brien asked for a ‘list of burial places of executed officers [which] met with [the] response that in the case of the 1916 leaders and Kevin Barry ‘the demand of the relatives to have the bodies handed over to them, for the purposes of decent burial, has never been listened to’. O’Brien proposed that both sides should let the matter rest for the time being.’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P312
23
The Anglo-Irish peace talks process was now in a sensestive phase and there was a great deal of concern on both sides of what was to follow should there be a breakdown. The I.R.A newspaper, An tOglach warned ‘At times since the Truce started it was the duty of every Volunteer to consider himself liable to be called back on active service at a moments notice, but at no time was this more obviously the case than at present’
The US Catholic Hierarchy sent a message to Cardinal Logue espressing their sympathy with Ireland and their good wishes for the success of the Conference and ‘ the representatives of their race conduct themselves with a statesmanship that has challenged the admiration of the world’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.522
Harry Boland had recruited a number of military specialists in the US following a request by Cathal Brugha, but now found that Brugha was unable to accept them due to the high level of ‘Trucileers’. Mulcahy later commented that ‘The Truce excesses of many, who without being useful politically, were only on the fringe of the Volunteers, and came in for the sun of the summer and the Truce’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P314
Winston Churchill speaking in Dundee, spoke of war ‘real war, not mere bushranging’. That could be imposed both quickly and easily against Ireland if necessary but also on how a settlement would improve British-US relations: ‘A lasting settlement with Ireland would not only be a blessing in itself but with it would be removed the greatest obstacle which has ever existed to Anglo-American unity and …far across the Atlantic Ocean we would reap a harvest sown in the Emerald Isle..’
The Anglo-Irish peace talks process was now in a sensestive phase and there was a great deal of concern on both sides of what was to follow should there be a breakdown. The I.R.A newspaper, An tOglach warned ‘At times since the Truce started it was the duty of every Volunteer to consider himself liable to be called back on active service at a moments notice, but at no time was this more obviously the case than at present’
The US Catholic Hierarchy sent a message to Cardinal Logue espressing their sympathy with Ireland and their good wishes for the success of the Conference and ‘ the representatives of their race conduct themselves with a statesmanship that has challenged the admiration of the world’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.522
Harry Boland had recruited a number of military specialists in the US following a request by Cathal Brugha, but now found that Brugha was unable to accept them due to the high level of ‘Trucileers’. Mulcahy later commented that ‘The Truce excesses of many, who without being useful politically, were only on the fringe of the Volunteers, and came in for the sun of the summer and the Truce’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P314
Winston Churchill speaking in Dundee, spoke of war ‘real war, not mere bushranging’. That could be imposed both quickly and easily against Ireland if necessary but also on how a settlement would improve British-US relations: ‘A lasting settlement with Ireland would not only be a blessing in itself but with it would be removed the greatest obstacle which has ever existed to Anglo-American unity and …far across the Atlantic Ocean we would reap a harvest sown in the Emerald Isle..’
24
Speaking in Dundee, Winston Churchill threatened war if the Dáil refused to accept the British offer.
During rioting in Belfast, a grenade was thrown at a loyalist mob advancing towards a nationalist area. Two were killed and more than twenty injured
Speaking in Dundee, Winston Churchill threatened war if the Dáil refused to accept the British offer.
During rioting in Belfast, a grenade was thrown at a loyalist mob advancing towards a nationalist area. Two were killed and more than twenty injured
25
In Belfast, an IRA volunteer was killed by a loyalist mob; one civilian was killed by a stray RUC bullet; and another civilian was killed by a grenade thrown into his home.
Galway Town Hall, A dispute between Crown forces and republican Stewards at a dance for relief for republican Prisoners relief result in shots being fired; a stray bullet kills Lt G.H. Souchen of the 17th Lancers who is passing by with several others on his way back to camp
In Belfast, an IRA volunteer was killed by a loyalist mob; one civilian was killed by a stray RUC bullet; and another civilian was killed by a grenade thrown into his home.
Galway Town Hall, A dispute between Crown forces and republican Stewards at a dance for relief for republican Prisoners relief result in shots being fired; a stray bullet kills Lt G.H. Souchen of the 17th Lancers who is passing by with several others on his way back to camp
26
World air speed record set at 205 mph in France.
World air speed record set at 205 mph in France.
27
28
Nationalist concern in Ulster at the possibility of partition resulted in a number of deputations to Dublin. One such deputation was received by de Valera and Cabinet and they advised: ‘We will refuse to co-operate with any Partition Parliament or any Government other than the Government of the whole Irish nation’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.542
Nationalist concern in Ulster at the possibility of partition resulted in a number of deputations to Dublin. One such deputation was received by de Valera and Cabinet and they advised: ‘We will refuse to co-operate with any Partition Parliament or any Government other than the Government of the whole Irish nation’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.542
29
Lloyd George in a letter to de Valera advised that the British Government was unable to enter a conference on the basis of the previous correspondence in September but was able to invite De Valera to talks on an Irish Treaty on October 11th in London: ‘where we can meet your delegates as spokesmen of the people whom you represent, with a view to ascertaining how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire may be reconciled with Irish national aspirations.’ This formula, later known as ‘The Gairloch Formula’ turned out to be more tactful than correct but did concede to de Valera a conference without prior conditions.
The German mark continues to decline, £1 now buys 500 marks.
Lloyd George in a letter to de Valera advised that the British Government was unable to enter a conference on the basis of the previous correspondence in September but was able to invite De Valera to talks on an Irish Treaty on October 11th in London: ‘where we can meet your delegates as spokesmen of the people whom you represent, with a view to ascertaining how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire may be reconciled with Irish national aspirations.’ This formula, later known as ‘The Gairloch Formula’ turned out to be more tactful than correct but did concede to de Valera a conference without prior conditions.
The German mark continues to decline, £1 now buys 500 marks.
30
De Valera accepted Lloyd George’s invitation to a second conference with “ Our respective positions have been stated and are understood, and we agree that conference, not correspondence, is the most practical and hopeful way to an understanding… our delegates will meet you in London …’to explore every possibility of settlement by personal discussion’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.524
Sturgis commented ‘It is a big step. Ulster and partition will be the crux and we have to face the possibility of protracted negotiations with a truce which will not grow easier to keep whole with increasing age.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 210
De Valera accepted Lloyd George’s invitation to a second conference with “ Our respective positions have been stated and are understood, and we agree that conference, not correspondence, is the most practical and hopeful way to an understanding… our delegates will meet you in London …’to explore every possibility of settlement by personal discussion’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.524
Sturgis commented ‘It is a big step. Ulster and partition will be the crux and we have to face the possibility of protracted negotiations with a truce which will not grow easier to keep whole with increasing age.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 210