Work in Progress. Last updated: 30 April 2020
1
British press reaction may be guaged from this editorial comment by the Morning Post:
‘de Valera may well condescend to the favour which he has granted, for he will come to the Conference as one who has already gained his point. Even the elementary condition that he should acknowledge the sovereignty of the Crown has been waived…Mr Lloyd George has made no allegiance demand, but has wiped the slate clean. The self styled President of the Irish Republic has, on the other hand, committed himself to nothing’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.524
The reality was, under the provisions of the Government of Ireland Act (1920) that following negotiations with the British, the very least would result in the closure of the British Administration in Dublin and the self-Government of 26 counties.
Amongst the senior IRA leadership, many voiced concerns that with Collins going to London, he would now be exposed to the enemy and should talks break down, a fast and reliable escape route and method was needed. An aircraft was purchased and would remain at Croydon ready to fly Collins back to Dublin as quickly as possible if needed.
British press reaction may be guaged from this editorial comment by the Morning Post:
‘de Valera may well condescend to the favour which he has granted, for he will come to the Conference as one who has already gained his point. Even the elementary condition that he should acknowledge the sovereignty of the Crown has been waived…Mr Lloyd George has made no allegiance demand, but has wiped the slate clean. The self styled President of the Irish Republic has, on the other hand, committed himself to nothing’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.524
The reality was, under the provisions of the Government of Ireland Act (1920) that following negotiations with the British, the very least would result in the closure of the British Administration in Dublin and the self-Government of 26 counties.
Amongst the senior IRA leadership, many voiced concerns that with Collins going to London, he would now be exposed to the enemy and should talks break down, a fast and reliable escape route and method was needed. An aircraft was purchased and would remain at Croydon ready to fly Collins back to Dublin as quickly as possible if needed.
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Charles Bay, the US Vice-Consul in Dublin commented on the future of Ireland under Sinn Fein:
‘Whatever settlement is arrived at of the Irish situation, the new phase will be the breaking up into political divisions, for the national psychology exemplified in an intense national egotism, attempts to rejuvenate and all but extinct and useless language, and a world wide agitation, will disintegrate into an individual effort to obtain rewards and benefits of office. In the latter, the Irishman is characteristically excellent, and aided by a climate which does not impose the exercise of prudential faculties, he universally tries to supply his few needs by means of cunning or subterfuge rather than hard work.’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P322-323
At least you knew where you stood with Charles Bay.
Charles Bay, the US Vice-Consul in Dublin commented on the future of Ireland under Sinn Fein:
‘Whatever settlement is arrived at of the Irish situation, the new phase will be the breaking up into political divisions, for the national psychology exemplified in an intense national egotism, attempts to rejuvenate and all but extinct and useless language, and a world wide agitation, will disintegrate into an individual effort to obtain rewards and benefits of office. In the latter, the Irishman is characteristically excellent, and aided by a climate which does not impose the exercise of prudential faculties, he universally tries to supply his few needs by means of cunning or subterfuge rather than hard work.’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P322-323
At least you knew where you stood with Charles Bay.
5
Rioting in Ulster brought Andy Cope to Belfast and meetings with the Ulster Cabinet. The Cabinet requested permission from Cope to intern disturbers of the peace and to search homes, which was granted. However before issuing the written orders, he asked to see a list of the proposed internees and houses to be searched for arms. ‘All proved to be Catholics and houses of Catholics. Andy said he would stop the rioting and Dawson Bates* said ‘No negotiating with Sinn Fein’. Andy replied that he was an officer of the Imperial Government and could take no orders from him and he was not satisfied it was a case of Sinn Fein at all, but more likely pure sectarian strife…outside he asked the police head whether Protestants were shooting from their houses as well as Catholics and was told certainly – six of one and half a dozen of the other.’ Next morning when the Cabinet met, he said he must have lists of Protestants and Protestant houses as well as Catholic in cases where the police knew them to be equally guilty and the matter fizzled out…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 217
Rioting in Ulster brought Andy Cope to Belfast and meetings with the Ulster Cabinet. The Cabinet requested permission from Cope to intern disturbers of the peace and to search homes, which was granted. However before issuing the written orders, he asked to see a list of the proposed internees and houses to be searched for arms. ‘All proved to be Catholics and houses of Catholics. Andy said he would stop the rioting and Dawson Bates* said ‘No negotiating with Sinn Fein’. Andy replied that he was an officer of the Imperial Government and could take no orders from him and he was not satisfied it was a case of Sinn Fein at all, but more likely pure sectarian strife…outside he asked the police head whether Protestants were shooting from their houses as well as Catholics and was told certainly – six of one and half a dozen of the other.’ Next morning when the Cabinet met, he said he must have lists of Protestants and Protestant houses as well as Catholic in cases where the police knew them to be equally guilty and the matter fizzled out…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 217
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In a letter to the Irish representative in London, Art O’Brian, Sir John Lavery proposed a painting documenting the signing of the Treaty may ‘be as important to posterity as his Casement study. This proved difficult to arrange, so he decided instead to do individual studies of the delegates. He wrote requesting three hours from each of his prospective sitters’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P74
Dublin Castle continued to make provisional plans for an offensive in case the peace process broke down. Andy Cope in particular pointing out that ‘the IRA cannot be expected to demobilise during truce and ex-flying columns must live somewhere…we have much to gain should hostilities resume in having them now drilling and camping where we can have a good look at em – and if it means a tendency to fight in the future more as an army and less as small units of murderers and ambushers, the simpler will be the job of our troops’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 218
In a letter to the Irish representative in London, Art O’Brian, Sir John Lavery proposed a painting documenting the signing of the Treaty may ‘be as important to posterity as his Casement study. This proved difficult to arrange, so he decided instead to do individual studies of the delegates. He wrote requesting three hours from each of his prospective sitters’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P74
Dublin Castle continued to make provisional plans for an offensive in case the peace process broke down. Andy Cope in particular pointing out that ‘the IRA cannot be expected to demobilise during truce and ex-flying columns must live somewhere…we have much to gain should hostilities resume in having them now drilling and camping where we can have a good look at em – and if it means a tendency to fight in the future more as an army and less as small units of murderers and ambushers, the simpler will be the job of our troops’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 218
7
The Delegation to London were given their credentials at the Cabinet meeting along with the ‘Instructions to Plenipotentiaries from Cabinet’
7th October, 1921
De Valera’s outline draft for a Treaty of External Association was approved as basis for an acceptable settlement.
While the Irish negotiating team was appointed, the British team were also finalised:
Lloyd George, Winston Churchill ( Secretary of State for the Colonies ), F.E.’Galloper’ Smith ( Lord Birkenhead & Lord Chancelor ), Sir Hamar Greenwood. Chief Secretary for Ireland. ( Canadian and well known throughout Ireland for his policy of terror and intimidation), Sir Gordon Hewart. Attorney General. ( know for his ‘graceful oratory and attractive literary style’ ), Sir Laming Worthington-Evans, Secretary for War. (a politician that never rose to the position of Statesman ) & Austen Chamberlain ( Leader of the House of Commons ).
Sir Gordon Hewart, British Attorney General was appointed to act as a member of the Conference whenever constitutional questions were being dicsussed. Lionel Curtiss acted as Secretary #1 with the Prime Minister’s private secretary, Thomas Jones as Secretary #2.
Meanwhile, following on from the Jones request for information on kidnapped British officers in September, Richard Mulcahy ordered all units through the weekly Memo to Oaglaigh na hEireann to ‘give the enemy no information about missing agents’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P312
The Delegation to London were given their credentials at the Cabinet meeting along with the ‘Instructions to Plenipotentiaries from Cabinet’
7th October, 1921
- The plenipotentiaries have full powers as defined in their credentials.
- It is understood, however, that before decisions are finally reached on the main questions that a dispatch notyfiying the intention of making these decisions will be sent to the members of the Cabinet in Dublin and that a reply will be awaited by the plenipotentiaries before the final decision is made.
- It is also understood that the complete text of the draft treaty about to be signed will be similiarly submitted to Dublin and reply awaited.
- In case of break the text of final proposals from our side will be similarly submitted.
- It is understood that the Cabinet in Dublin will be kept regularly informed of the progress of the negotiations.
De Valera’s outline draft for a Treaty of External Association was approved as basis for an acceptable settlement.
While the Irish negotiating team was appointed, the British team were also finalised:
Lloyd George, Winston Churchill ( Secretary of State for the Colonies ), F.E.’Galloper’ Smith ( Lord Birkenhead & Lord Chancelor ), Sir Hamar Greenwood. Chief Secretary for Ireland. ( Canadian and well known throughout Ireland for his policy of terror and intimidation), Sir Gordon Hewart. Attorney General. ( know for his ‘graceful oratory and attractive literary style’ ), Sir Laming Worthington-Evans, Secretary for War. (a politician that never rose to the position of Statesman ) & Austen Chamberlain ( Leader of the House of Commons ).
Sir Gordon Hewart, British Attorney General was appointed to act as a member of the Conference whenever constitutional questions were being dicsussed. Lionel Curtiss acted as Secretary #1 with the Prime Minister’s private secretary, Thomas Jones as Secretary #2.
Meanwhile, following on from the Jones request for information on kidnapped British officers in September, Richard Mulcahy ordered all units through the weekly Memo to Oaglaigh na hEireann to ‘give the enemy no information about missing agents’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P312
8
Michael Collins became engaged to Kitty Kiernan, from Granard, Co. Longford.
Michael Collins became engaged to Kitty Kiernan, from Granard, Co. Longford.
9
The Irish delegation arrived in London’s Euston Station to a large crowd, and for the next 2 months resided in 22 Hans Place. That night, the words ‘Collins the Murderer’ were whitewashed on the footpath outside 22 Hans Place…staff were brought over from Ireland. Collins chose to live seperately [close by] at 15 Cadogan Gardens, protected by ‘The Squad’ his bodyguards used for special missions…’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P73
Back in Dublin, a low-key approach to public pronouncements was imposed on all TD’s. Countess Markievicz was ‘advised that she could speak strongly about the mistreatment of political prisoners, but should nto demand their release or mention a report which condemened their living conditions’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P322
The Irish delegation arrived in London’s Euston Station to a large crowd, and for the next 2 months resided in 22 Hans Place. That night, the words ‘Collins the Murderer’ were whitewashed on the footpath outside 22 Hans Place…staff were brought over from Ireland. Collins chose to live seperately [close by] at 15 Cadogan Gardens, protected by ‘The Squad’ his bodyguards used for special missions…’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P73
Back in Dublin, a low-key approach to public pronouncements was imposed on all TD’s. Countess Markievicz was ‘advised that she could speak strongly about the mistreatment of political prisoners, but should nto demand their release or mention a report which condemened their living conditions’
Arthur Mitchell ‘Revoloutionary Government in Ireland – Dail Eireann 1919-22’ Gill & McMillan 1996. P322
10
De Valera issued a proclamation to the Irish people:
‘..the only peace that, in the very nature of things, can end this struggle will be a peace consistent with the nations right and guaranteeing a freedom worthy of the sufferings endured to secure it. Such a peace will not be easy to obtain. The claim that conflicts within Ireland’s right has been ruthlessly persisted through centuries of blood. It seems unlikely that this claim will be abandoned now. Peace and that claim are incompatible.
The delegates are aware that no wisdom of theirs and no obility of theirs will suffice. They indulge, therefore, in no foolish hopes, nor should the country indulge in them. The peace that will end this conflict will be secured, not by the skill of statesmanship of leaders, but by the stern determination of a close knit nation steeled to the acceptance of death rather than the abandonment of its rightful liberty. Nothing but such a determination in our people can overcoem the forces that our delegates will have to contend with. By an heroic endurance in suffering, Ireland has gained the position she holds. Were the prospect of further horros or further sacrifices to cause her to quail or falter for a moment, all would again be lost’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.530-531
De Valera issued a proclamation to the Irish people:
‘..the only peace that, in the very nature of things, can end this struggle will be a peace consistent with the nations right and guaranteeing a freedom worthy of the sufferings endured to secure it. Such a peace will not be easy to obtain. The claim that conflicts within Ireland’s right has been ruthlessly persisted through centuries of blood. It seems unlikely that this claim will be abandoned now. Peace and that claim are incompatible.
The delegates are aware that no wisdom of theirs and no obility of theirs will suffice. They indulge, therefore, in no foolish hopes, nor should the country indulge in them. The peace that will end this conflict will be secured, not by the skill of statesmanship of leaders, but by the stern determination of a close knit nation steeled to the acceptance of death rather than the abandonment of its rightful liberty. Nothing but such a determination in our people can overcoem the forces that our delegates will have to contend with. By an heroic endurance in suffering, Ireland has gained the position she holds. Were the prospect of further horros or further sacrifices to cause her to quail or falter for a moment, all would again be lost’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.530-531
11
The second conference opened with the Irish delegation led by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith facing the British delegation of Lloyd George, Austen Chamberlain, Winston Churchill, F.E.Smith ( Lord Birkenhead ), Sir Hamar Greenwood. Chief Secretary for Ireland. ( Canadian and well known throughout Ireland for his policy of terror and intimidation), Sir Gordon Hewart. Attorney General. ( know for his ‘graceful oratory and attractive literary style’ ), Sir Laming Worthington-Evans, Secretary for War. (a politician that never rose to the position of Statesman)
Over the next two months there would be seven plenary sessions, 24 sub-conferences and 9 meetings of special committees
The initial meeting was held in the Long Room in Downing Street. ‘It was the famous room whein British Cabinets have for generations, forged their Irish policies. Coercion and concilliation alike issued from that chamber. Pitt’s Act of union was discussed there and so were Gladstone’s Home Rule Bills…’
Lloyd George quoted in Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.532
Arthur Griffith, while inspiring as a promoter of Irish nationalism, did not have the benefit of long diplomatic experience at the conference table. He impressed both Lloyd George and Chamberlain with his studiousness and fidelity and they perceived at once that he cared for more for reality than empty symbols. Michael Collins was the opposite to the taciturn Griffith. Described as ‘full of fascination and charm’ by Chamberlain.
‘The negations turned on two vital questions - unity and status. Was Ireland to be partitioned or was she not? What was to be the nature of her association with the Crown and Commonwealth? To most Irishmen the former was the more important question, to most Englishmen, the latter...the Irish should have made concessions on the crown and taken their stand on unity. They were prepared to offer the six counties a qualified but generous and reasonable autonomy, so long as the autonomy was exercised under the aegis of a Dublin, not a Westminster parliament...’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p332
Lloyd George opened by requesting a statement to Irish objections on his six conditions in the July offer. After all, England was not seeking military domination of Ireland, but was anxious on coastal defence, military airports and possibly a tariff war. Lord Birkenhead declared that nothing was intended to prevent Irish economic development. Griffith stated that is there was a change in the British policy of subordinating Ireland to England’s interests, there appeared to be the possibility of peace.
The British political background was complex; Conservative members of the Coalition were critical of the weakening line the Prime Minister appeared to be taking as they were committed to a strong line on the Imperial question. If Lloyd George appeared to be selling out on the Empire in his dealings with the Irish Delegation, then he stood to loose support of the Conservatives. Therefore the tough line on Ireland remaining within the Empire.
The core of the controversy was one of symbolism, and certain phrases became part of a ritual that was constantly repeated ‘Dominion Status’, ‘Allegiance to the Crown’ and ‘External Association’.
In Dublin, Cathal O’Shannon, leader of the Irish Labour Party in an interview with the Echo Paris commented that the great majority of the Irish were against any compromise in London: ‘Sinn Fein cannot compromise. If liberty is not complete liberty, it is not liberty at all, and besides the Dail has been specially returned to defend the Republican ideal’ adding that 50% of the blue and white collar workers of Ireland belonged to Sinn Fein or the Republican Army.
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.531
Back in Dublin’s Gresham Hotel, Sturgis met with the Chief Truce Liason Officer, Fintan Murphy while Duggan was at the peace talks in London. There he also met Eoin O’Duffy* ‘ a clean cut direct fellow, not a bad sort at all, but, I guess, stupid and rather truculent. He seemed businesslike and on the whole reasonable’. He also met Commandant Gerald O’Sullivan, the Adjutant General of the IRA ‘but they all look like young shop assistants for all their high sounding titles.
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 218-9
* Eoin O’Duffy 1892-1944. Flying Column leader in Monaghan, TD for Monaghan 1921-2, IRA Director of Organisation 1921, Chief of Staff 1922, Commander of the Garda Siochana 1923 until his dismissal in 1933. Leader of the Army Comrades Association ( The Blueshirts ) 1933. Resigned 1934. Founder of the National Corporate Party 1935. Headed the Irish Brigade to Spain supporting General Franco 1936-7.
The second conference opened with the Irish delegation led by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith facing the British delegation of Lloyd George, Austen Chamberlain, Winston Churchill, F.E.Smith ( Lord Birkenhead ), Sir Hamar Greenwood. Chief Secretary for Ireland. ( Canadian and well known throughout Ireland for his policy of terror and intimidation), Sir Gordon Hewart. Attorney General. ( know for his ‘graceful oratory and attractive literary style’ ), Sir Laming Worthington-Evans, Secretary for War. (a politician that never rose to the position of Statesman)
Over the next two months there would be seven plenary sessions, 24 sub-conferences and 9 meetings of special committees
The initial meeting was held in the Long Room in Downing Street. ‘It was the famous room whein British Cabinets have for generations, forged their Irish policies. Coercion and concilliation alike issued from that chamber. Pitt’s Act of union was discussed there and so were Gladstone’s Home Rule Bills…’
Lloyd George quoted in Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.532
Arthur Griffith, while inspiring as a promoter of Irish nationalism, did not have the benefit of long diplomatic experience at the conference table. He impressed both Lloyd George and Chamberlain with his studiousness and fidelity and they perceived at once that he cared for more for reality than empty symbols. Michael Collins was the opposite to the taciturn Griffith. Described as ‘full of fascination and charm’ by Chamberlain.
‘The negations turned on two vital questions - unity and status. Was Ireland to be partitioned or was she not? What was to be the nature of her association with the Crown and Commonwealth? To most Irishmen the former was the more important question, to most Englishmen, the latter...the Irish should have made concessions on the crown and taken their stand on unity. They were prepared to offer the six counties a qualified but generous and reasonable autonomy, so long as the autonomy was exercised under the aegis of a Dublin, not a Westminster parliament...’
George Dangerfield “ The Damnable Question - a study in Anglo-Irish relations” Constable, London. 1977. p332
Lloyd George opened by requesting a statement to Irish objections on his six conditions in the July offer. After all, England was not seeking military domination of Ireland, but was anxious on coastal defence, military airports and possibly a tariff war. Lord Birkenhead declared that nothing was intended to prevent Irish economic development. Griffith stated that is there was a change in the British policy of subordinating Ireland to England’s interests, there appeared to be the possibility of peace.
The British political background was complex; Conservative members of the Coalition were critical of the weakening line the Prime Minister appeared to be taking as they were committed to a strong line on the Imperial question. If Lloyd George appeared to be selling out on the Empire in his dealings with the Irish Delegation, then he stood to loose support of the Conservatives. Therefore the tough line on Ireland remaining within the Empire.
The core of the controversy was one of symbolism, and certain phrases became part of a ritual that was constantly repeated ‘Dominion Status’, ‘Allegiance to the Crown’ and ‘External Association’.
In Dublin, Cathal O’Shannon, leader of the Irish Labour Party in an interview with the Echo Paris commented that the great majority of the Irish were against any compromise in London: ‘Sinn Fein cannot compromise. If liberty is not complete liberty, it is not liberty at all, and besides the Dail has been specially returned to defend the Republican ideal’ adding that 50% of the blue and white collar workers of Ireland belonged to Sinn Fein or the Republican Army.
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.531
Back in Dublin’s Gresham Hotel, Sturgis met with the Chief Truce Liason Officer, Fintan Murphy while Duggan was at the peace talks in London. There he also met Eoin O’Duffy* ‘ a clean cut direct fellow, not a bad sort at all, but, I guess, stupid and rather truculent. He seemed businesslike and on the whole reasonable’. He also met Commandant Gerald O’Sullivan, the Adjutant General of the IRA ‘but they all look like young shop assistants for all their high sounding titles.
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 218-9
* Eoin O’Duffy 1892-1944. Flying Column leader in Monaghan, TD for Monaghan 1921-2, IRA Director of Organisation 1921, Chief of Staff 1922, Commander of the Garda Siochana 1923 until his dismissal in 1933. Leader of the Army Comrades Association ( The Blueshirts ) 1933. Resigned 1934. Founder of the National Corporate Party 1935. Headed the Irish Brigade to Spain supporting General Franco 1936-7.
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The Irish & British Delegations met in Downing Street with sub-committees formed on Defence, Finance and Truce observance. Increasingly, the British delegates were anxious to lead discussions into minute details.
The Irish & British Delegations met in Downing Street with sub-committees formed on Defence, Finance and Truce observance. Increasingly, the British delegates were anxious to lead discussions into minute details.
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The Irish & British Delegations met in Downing Street. Arthur Griffith commenting that the recent riots in Derry and Belfast had been orchestrated by Unionists. Lloyd George ‘promised that in relation to Ulster, the British Government would stand aside; that any effort which the Irish representatives might make to induce Ulster to unite with the rest of Ireland would have their ‘benevolent neutrality’….the Irish Delegates told Lloyd George that the nationalists in the six counties would never submit to a Northern Parliament. There was discussion of local options, electoral units, a Boundary Commission, but no conclusion was reached at this stage’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.533
Lloyd George charged that the terms of the Truce were being broken by the I.R.A collecting arms and ammunition. While consignments of arms had been intercepted, British observance of the Truce had also been broken in Sligo as the British Army comandeered winter quarters for troops.
The proposal on North-East Ulster prepared by de Valera and Cabinet was sent to the London delegation. Principally it offered the Unionist area a subordinate parliament with local Government power and representation in the All-Ireland parliament.
The Irish & British Delegations met in Downing Street. Arthur Griffith commenting that the recent riots in Derry and Belfast had been orchestrated by Unionists. Lloyd George ‘promised that in relation to Ulster, the British Government would stand aside; that any effort which the Irish representatives might make to induce Ulster to unite with the rest of Ireland would have their ‘benevolent neutrality’….the Irish Delegates told Lloyd George that the nationalists in the six counties would never submit to a Northern Parliament. There was discussion of local options, electoral units, a Boundary Commission, but no conclusion was reached at this stage’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.533
Lloyd George charged that the terms of the Truce were being broken by the I.R.A collecting arms and ammunition. While consignments of arms had been intercepted, British observance of the Truce had also been broken in Sligo as the British Army comandeered winter quarters for troops.
The proposal on North-East Ulster prepared by de Valera and Cabinet was sent to the London delegation. Principally it offered the Unionist area a subordinate parliament with local Government power and representation in the All-Ireland parliament.
15
Andy Cope reported back to Dublin Castle from London: ‘Things are not bad here but as yet we are only on the fringe and have not come up against the snags. Hamar is doing very well but Macready…has taken the line that ‘he can't trust them and never will’ and so on…Michael Collins is showing frankness and considerable reasonableness..’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 219
Andy Cope reported back to Dublin Castle from London: ‘Things are not bad here but as yet we are only on the fringe and have not come up against the snags. Hamar is doing very well but Macready…has taken the line that ‘he can't trust them and never will’ and so on…Michael Collins is showing frankness and considerable reasonableness..’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 219
16
Appropriate noises were coming from Ulster. ‘ – a rock of Granite’ as Sir James Craig called it in a Belfast speech.
The UVF were busy reorganising and now claimed over 100,000 men.
Appropriate noises were coming from Ulster. ‘ – a rock of Granite’ as Sir James Craig called it in a Belfast speech.
The UVF were busy reorganising and now claimed over 100,000 men.
17
The Irish & British Delegations met in Downing Street. The question of Irish neutrality was objected to by Lloyd George as incompatible with membership of the Commonwealth, insiting on naval facilities, harbours and inlets in Ireland, a limited army and no navy or air force. Michael Collins argued that the Irish Government would be able to defend the Irish coast and that the country would be unable to support any future British wars. Collins suggested a treaty similar to the US-Cuban Treaty as the most suitable to both parties.
Robert Barton proposed complete financial independence and would accord ‘most favoured nation’ status to Britain. The questions of war debt and Ireland’s share of financial liability were discussed in a sub-committee.
Following the Irish Delegation attempts to draft a mutually agreeable formula on membership of the Commonwealth and allegiance to the King, Lloyd George advised that there could be no move from the basic tenet of the Commonwealth.
In the four days of conference, ‘Ireland’s right to independence had not been mentioned’.
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.535
Macready returned to Dublin Castle from London and commented to Sturgis: ‘Andy, my dear Mark, is quite quite mad; Jonathan nearly so; Hamar impossible etc etc. ..he gave a graphic account of the first meeting of the sub-committee of the Conference to tackle the truce. Of the Shinns, Duggan he described as the most ‘all there’. Collins, he said, was a great disapointment, flippantly trying to get out of corners by poor jokes in bad taste. His picture of Jonathan and Andy sitting for hours in the curtained hall outside the Cabinet room surrounded by a host of Shinns, the only break in the gloom being Andy’s effusive welcome of each new Shinn arival, was very funny and malicious….Griffith he says is the strong silent man. Art O’Brien looks as if he was dying of drink and Erskine Childers of consumption and he don’t care which of em goes off first…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 219-220
The German mark continued to plummet. £1 now bought 720 marks.
The Irish & British Delegations met in Downing Street. The question of Irish neutrality was objected to by Lloyd George as incompatible with membership of the Commonwealth, insiting on naval facilities, harbours and inlets in Ireland, a limited army and no navy or air force. Michael Collins argued that the Irish Government would be able to defend the Irish coast and that the country would be unable to support any future British wars. Collins suggested a treaty similar to the US-Cuban Treaty as the most suitable to both parties.
Robert Barton proposed complete financial independence and would accord ‘most favoured nation’ status to Britain. The questions of war debt and Ireland’s share of financial liability were discussed in a sub-committee.
Following the Irish Delegation attempts to draft a mutually agreeable formula on membership of the Commonwealth and allegiance to the King, Lloyd George advised that there could be no move from the basic tenet of the Commonwealth.
In the four days of conference, ‘Ireland’s right to independence had not been mentioned’.
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.535
Macready returned to Dublin Castle from London and commented to Sturgis: ‘Andy, my dear Mark, is quite quite mad; Jonathan nearly so; Hamar impossible etc etc. ..he gave a graphic account of the first meeting of the sub-committee of the Conference to tackle the truce. Of the Shinns, Duggan he described as the most ‘all there’. Collins, he said, was a great disapointment, flippantly trying to get out of corners by poor jokes in bad taste. His picture of Jonathan and Andy sitting for hours in the curtained hall outside the Cabinet room surrounded by a host of Shinns, the only break in the gloom being Andy’s effusive welcome of each new Shinn arival, was very funny and malicious….Griffith he says is the strong silent man. Art O’Brien looks as if he was dying of drink and Erskine Childers of consumption and he don’t care which of em goes off first…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 219-220
The German mark continued to plummet. £1 now bought 720 marks.
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The Pope sent King George a telegram including...’ we rejoice at the resumption of the Anglo-Irish negotiaitons and pray to the Lord, with all our heart, that He may bless them and grant to your Majesty the great joy and imperishable glory of bringing to an end the age-long dissension...’
The King’s reply, written for him by Lloyd George made clear that the monarchy was having none of the implied separate nationhood of Ireland and replied that he hoped the conference ‘may achieve a permanent settlement of the troubles in Ireland and may initiaite a new era of peace and happiness for my people’
The Pope sent King George a telegram including...’ we rejoice at the resumption of the Anglo-Irish negotiaitons and pray to the Lord, with all our heart, that He may bless them and grant to your Majesty the great joy and imperishable glory of bringing to an end the age-long dissension...’
The King’s reply, written for him by Lloyd George made clear that the monarchy was having none of the implied separate nationhood of Ireland and replied that he hoped the conference ‘may achieve a permanent settlement of the troubles in Ireland and may initiaite a new era of peace and happiness for my people’
20
De Valera also sent a telegram to Pope Benedict advising that the Irish people did not agree with King George’s comments on the troubles in Ireland and that allegiance was due to the King by the people of Ireland. ‘The trouble is between Ireland and Britain an its source that the rulers of Britain have sought to impose their will upon Ireland and by brutal force have endeavoured to rob her people of the liberty which is their natural right and heritage’
De Valera also sent a telegram to Pope Benedict advising that the Irish people did not agree with King George’s comments on the troubles in Ireland and that allegiance was due to the King by the people of Ireland. ‘The trouble is between Ireland and Britain an its source that the rulers of Britain have sought to impose their will upon Ireland and by brutal force have endeavoured to rob her people of the liberty which is their natural right and heritage’
21
The Irish & British Delegates met in Downing Street, with Lloyd George protesting strongly that de Valera’s telegram to the Pope was ‘challenging, defiant, and if I may say so, ill conditioned’ , an offence to the King and by so doing ‘rendered the task of peace making almost impossible. In his agitation he slipped into the use of terms…which he had been warily avoiding and referred to de Valera as ‘the head of your Government’.
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.536-537
The London Times considered de Valera as being ‘impertinent’ to the Pope and the Daily Express considered the telegram betrayed a ‘spirit of irresponsible mischief scarcely credible in a serious leader ‘ and the Daily Telegraph reported ‘it is generally felt that Mr. De Valera message to the Pope has seriously imperiled Irish peace’
Griffith replied ‘Mr de Valera only stated public facts. I should say that this message was called for by the phrase in King George’s letter in which he refers to ‘troubles in Ireland’. The trouble is not not a trouble in Ireland but is one between Ireland and Great Britain’. Privately Collins, Griffith and Duggan thought the telegram was inopportune.
Collins refused British access to Irish ports, refuted the demand that the army be limited and that no air force or navy could exist. Lloyd George now demanded that the Irish Delegates declare their allegiance to the King and confirm that Ireland was prepared to join the British Commonwealth with Dominion status, allowing Royal Navy full use of facilities and the Irish coast.
Griffith responding to British allegations of breaches of the truce by arms importations and drilling ‘The Truce does not mean that your military forces should prepare during the period of the Truce for the end of it and that we should not’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.55
The Conference adjourned for three days to allow consultation with Dublin.
Sir John Anderson wrote to Sturgis that he was worried at the ‘slowness of the conference at coming to grips and thinks that the war party in England is growing and that Austen [Chamberlain] will have trouble with the Tories.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 220
The Irish & British Delegates met in Downing Street, with Lloyd George protesting strongly that de Valera’s telegram to the Pope was ‘challenging, defiant, and if I may say so, ill conditioned’ , an offence to the King and by so doing ‘rendered the task of peace making almost impossible. In his agitation he slipped into the use of terms…which he had been warily avoiding and referred to de Valera as ‘the head of your Government’.
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.536-537
The London Times considered de Valera as being ‘impertinent’ to the Pope and the Daily Express considered the telegram betrayed a ‘spirit of irresponsible mischief scarcely credible in a serious leader ‘ and the Daily Telegraph reported ‘it is generally felt that Mr. De Valera message to the Pope has seriously imperiled Irish peace’
Griffith replied ‘Mr de Valera only stated public facts. I should say that this message was called for by the phrase in King George’s letter in which he refers to ‘troubles in Ireland’. The trouble is not not a trouble in Ireland but is one between Ireland and Great Britain’. Privately Collins, Griffith and Duggan thought the telegram was inopportune.
Collins refused British access to Irish ports, refuted the demand that the army be limited and that no air force or navy could exist. Lloyd George now demanded that the Irish Delegates declare their allegiance to the King and confirm that Ireland was prepared to join the British Commonwealth with Dominion status, allowing Royal Navy full use of facilities and the Irish coast.
Griffith responding to British allegations of breaches of the truce by arms importations and drilling ‘The Truce does not mean that your military forces should prepare during the period of the Truce for the end of it and that we should not’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.55
The Conference adjourned for three days to allow consultation with Dublin.
Sir John Anderson wrote to Sturgis that he was worried at the ‘slowness of the conference at coming to grips and thinks that the war party in England is growing and that Austen [Chamberlain] will have trouble with the Tories.’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 220
22
The German Government resigns as the economic crisis deepens.
The German Government resigns as the economic crisis deepens.
23
Divisions within the British Administration in Ireland were developing further. Tudor alleging that the efficiency of the RIC was held up due to Andy Cope ‘too busy peace plotting with the Shinns…there is a lot of this feeling too in the army. It’s all damnably unfair – Andy is honest to the core and has done as much to settle the Irish Question…I told Tudor that whenever he had been in a hole with his people it was always Cope to whom he came and who got him out of it, and being a real gent he admitted it at once…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 220
Inventor of the pneumatic tyre, John Boyd Dunlop dies.
Divisions within the British Administration in Ireland were developing further. Tudor alleging that the efficiency of the RIC was held up due to Andy Cope ‘too busy peace plotting with the Shinns…there is a lot of this feeling too in the army. It’s all damnably unfair – Andy is honest to the core and has done as much to settle the Irish Question…I told Tudor that whenever he had been in a hole with his people it was always Cope to whom he came and who got him out of it, and being a real gent he admitted it at once…’
The Last Days of Dublin Castle – The Diaries of Mark Sturgis. Irish Academic Press Dublin & Oregon 1999. p 220
Inventor of the pneumatic tyre, John Boyd Dunlop dies.
24
Griffith produced the first Memorandum produced by the Irish Delegates, previosuly approved by de Valera and Cabinet which stated that Ireland would consent to adhere for all purposes of common agreed concern to the League of Sovereign States associated and known as the British Commonwealth of Nations. On the other hand, Ireland called upon Great Britain to renounce all claims and authority over Ireland and Irish affairs…Ireland to be recognised as a free state with the British Commonwealth guranteeing freedom and integrity with the League of Nations and the US invited to join in the guarantee… Ireland would remain neutral, retaining complete authority in taxes & finance…the Six counties reamined an Irish domestic matter with the Irish Government meeting the elected representatives within the area and forming an agreement to safeguar interests. Should this approach fail, then a referendum should be held..
On presentation of the memoradum to the British Delegates, a brief discussion on what form of ‘association’ proposed, followed by Lloyd George and Churchill requesting a private meeting with Griffith and Collins. This was to be the last meeting of both delegations as a group.
Arthur Griffith reporting to de Valera on the private conference, both Lloyd George and Churchill were insistent on acceptance of the Crown.
Griffith produced the first Memorandum produced by the Irish Delegates, previosuly approved by de Valera and Cabinet which stated that Ireland would consent to adhere for all purposes of common agreed concern to the League of Sovereign States associated and known as the British Commonwealth of Nations. On the other hand, Ireland called upon Great Britain to renounce all claims and authority over Ireland and Irish affairs…Ireland to be recognised as a free state with the British Commonwealth guranteeing freedom and integrity with the League of Nations and the US invited to join in the guarantee… Ireland would remain neutral, retaining complete authority in taxes & finance…the Six counties reamined an Irish domestic matter with the Irish Government meeting the elected representatives within the area and forming an agreement to safeguar interests. Should this approach fail, then a referendum should be held..
On presentation of the memoradum to the British Delegates, a brief discussion on what form of ‘association’ proposed, followed by Lloyd George and Churchill requesting a private meeting with Griffith and Collins. This was to be the last meeting of both delegations as a group.
Arthur Griffith reporting to de Valera on the private conference, both Lloyd George and Churchill were insistent on acceptance of the Crown.
25
de Valera writing to Arthur Griffith stating the Cabinet’s absoloute refusal on an agreement making the Irish people subject to the Crown or an allegiance to the King and urged the delegates to press the Ulster question. ‘There can be no question of our asking the Irish people to enter an arrangement which would make them subject to the British king. If war is the alternative, we can only face it.’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.55
de Valera writing to Arthur Griffith stating the Cabinet’s absoloute refusal on an agreement making the Irish people subject to the Crown or an allegiance to the King and urged the delegates to press the Ulster question. ‘There can be no question of our asking the Irish people to enter an arrangement which would make them subject to the British king. If war is the alternative, we can only face it.’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.55
26
The Irish delegation, with the exception of Childers dined frequently in Sir John and Lady Hazel Lavery’s London home, and according to Sinead McCoole ‘developed a rapport with the Irish delegates. Hazel also entertained influential British friends, including Eddie Marsh, Churchill’s private secretary. Churchill was initially annoyed to see his aide mixing socially at Hazel’s table with avowed enemies of the Crown….Collins befriended the writer J.M.Barrie – who had links with the Bloomsbury Group and John [Lavery] was surprised to discover that they spent ‘odd moments’ of leisure together at the British Museum, Bromton Orratory and Cromwell Place…Barrie, the author of Peter Pan, admired Collin’s ‘boyishness’ and intelligence.’ More surprising was the friendship that developed between the Unionist Lord Birkenhead and Collins, but ‘relations were not always harmonious. At a luncheon during the Treaty negotiation, Hazel’s small Peke began to paw at Birkenhead. Hazel apologised for the dog’s show of affection, whereupon Birkenhead replied mischieviously ‘Oh I am sorry. I thought you were making advances.’ Collins rose to his feet and said ‘D’ye mean to insult her?’. When Hazel remarked that Birlenhead was only joking, he replied ‘I don’t understand such jokes.’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P76
Lady Hazel and Collin’s were reputed to ‘meet each morning for eight o’clock Mass in Brompton Oratory, a few minutes walk from both Cromwell Place and Cadogan Gardens. Collins was a welcome guest at the Lavery’s and would often stay late into the night reading books from their shelves…Collins gave her a Kerry Blue and she named the dog Mick. Shane Leslie alleged that the dog was intended to frighten away everyone except Collins.’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P74
So were Lady Hazel and Collin’s having an affair? Sinead McCoole writes that it ‘cannot be established with certainty, as Hazel’s own comments on such matters are notoriously unreliable and al other existing ‘evidence’ is heresay. In Hazel’s social world…it was believed that Hazel and Collins were lovers’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P77
The Irish delegation, with the exception of Childers dined frequently in Sir John and Lady Hazel Lavery’s London home, and according to Sinead McCoole ‘developed a rapport with the Irish delegates. Hazel also entertained influential British friends, including Eddie Marsh, Churchill’s private secretary. Churchill was initially annoyed to see his aide mixing socially at Hazel’s table with avowed enemies of the Crown….Collins befriended the writer J.M.Barrie – who had links with the Bloomsbury Group and John [Lavery] was surprised to discover that they spent ‘odd moments’ of leisure together at the British Museum, Bromton Orratory and Cromwell Place…Barrie, the author of Peter Pan, admired Collin’s ‘boyishness’ and intelligence.’ More surprising was the friendship that developed between the Unionist Lord Birkenhead and Collins, but ‘relations were not always harmonious. At a luncheon during the Treaty negotiation, Hazel’s small Peke began to paw at Birkenhead. Hazel apologised for the dog’s show of affection, whereupon Birkenhead replied mischieviously ‘Oh I am sorry. I thought you were making advances.’ Collins rose to his feet and said ‘D’ye mean to insult her?’. When Hazel remarked that Birlenhead was only joking, he replied ‘I don’t understand such jokes.’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P76
Lady Hazel and Collin’s were reputed to ‘meet each morning for eight o’clock Mass in Brompton Oratory, a few minutes walk from both Cromwell Place and Cadogan Gardens. Collins was a welcome guest at the Lavery’s and would often stay late into the night reading books from their shelves…Collins gave her a Kerry Blue and she named the dog Mick. Shane Leslie alleged that the dog was intended to frighten away everyone except Collins.’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P74
So were Lady Hazel and Collin’s having an affair? Sinead McCoole writes that it ‘cannot be established with certainty, as Hazel’s own comments on such matters are notoriously unreliable and al other existing ‘evidence’ is heresay. In Hazel’s social world…it was believed that Hazel and Collins were lovers’
Sinead McCoole ‘Hazel – A Life of Lady Lavery 1880-1935’. Lilliput Press, Dublin 1996. P77
27
Griffith reported that the British seemed prepared, once the Crown was accepted, to insist the Ulster Unionists join the all-Ireland parliament. Giffith had advised them he had no authority to accept the Crown but a form of association would be considered if Ireland’s unity was secured.
The British now delivered a written merandum containing a demand for a statement as to whether Ireland was ‘willing to maintain its ancient allegiance to the Throne…a man must be either a subject of the King or an alien…neutrality was incompatible with partnership in the british Empire, facilites in Irish ports for British naval and air forces were insisted upon, a free trade agreement demanded, it was also asked that Ireland assume responsibility for a portion of the debt of the UK and liability for pensions arisign out of the Great War.’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.547
The concept of External Association within the British Commonwealth was not explicitly rejected, but ignored.
The Sinn Fein Ard Fheis opened in Dublin, with de Valera elected President. In his sppech to the assembly, he said that Ireland Representatives would never calll upon the people to swear allegiance to the Crown and warned that the possibility of resumed warfare was probable.
Griffith reported that the British seemed prepared, once the Crown was accepted, to insist the Ulster Unionists join the all-Ireland parliament. Giffith had advised them he had no authority to accept the Crown but a form of association would be considered if Ireland’s unity was secured.
The British now delivered a written merandum containing a demand for a statement as to whether Ireland was ‘willing to maintain its ancient allegiance to the Throne…a man must be either a subject of the King or an alien…neutrality was incompatible with partnership in the british Empire, facilites in Irish ports for British naval and air forces were insisted upon, a free trade agreement demanded, it was also asked that Ireland assume responsibility for a portion of the debt of the UK and liability for pensions arisign out of the Great War.’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.547
The concept of External Association within the British Commonwealth was not explicitly rejected, but ignored.
The Sinn Fein Ard Fheis opened in Dublin, with de Valera elected President. In his sppech to the assembly, he said that Ireland Representatives would never calll upon the people to swear allegiance to the Crown and warned that the possibility of resumed warfare was probable.
28
29
The Irish reply to the British memorandum offered some concessions, through the granting of temporary coastal facilites to British Navy and Air Forces on condition that there would be no other military presence in Ireland. The proposal for Association was reformulated with the Delegates willing to recoomend that ‘the elected government of a free and undivided Ireland, secured in the absolute and unfettered possesion of all legislative and executive authority should, for the purpose of association, recognise the Crown as symbol and accepted head of the combination of signatory states’.
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.547
The Irish Delegates in London sent a message of ‘profound grattitude’ to the American Committee for Relief in Ireland Secretary and Treasurer for the organisation and funding of assistance.
Lloyd George was now performing a finely tuned balancing act. There was potential revolt from within his coalition partners, the Oppositon in Parliament was gathering momentum for an immediate halt in the Anglo-Irish talks and there was the pressing problem of the Unionists combined with the apparent refusal of the Irish Delegates to accept Empire and Crown. To placate the Unionists and involve them in the peace talks was now central to his overall stratgey. He now met Griffith in Churchill’s home where he asked for personal assurances so that he could meet the Unionists ‘forearmed on the questions of Crown, free partnership with the British Empire and facilities for the British Navy. ‘He promised’ as Griffith reported to de Valera ‘ if I would give him personal assurances on this matter, he would go out to smite the die-hards, and would fight on the Ulster matter to secure essential unity’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.554
According to Macardle, both Griffith and Lloyd George’s strategies meshed. Should the talks fail, as at the time were most probable, the blame for the breakdown could be laid fairly and squarely on the heads of the ‘unresaonable demands of the Ulstermen ‘ and their refusal of a fair offer. Griffith in turn promised to give the British Prime Minister the necessary personal assurance within a few days.
The Irish reply to the British memorandum offered some concessions, through the granting of temporary coastal facilites to British Navy and Air Forces on condition that there would be no other military presence in Ireland. The proposal for Association was reformulated with the Delegates willing to recoomend that ‘the elected government of a free and undivided Ireland, secured in the absolute and unfettered possesion of all legislative and executive authority should, for the purpose of association, recognise the Crown as symbol and accepted head of the combination of signatory states’.
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.547
The Irish Delegates in London sent a message of ‘profound grattitude’ to the American Committee for Relief in Ireland Secretary and Treasurer for the organisation and funding of assistance.
Lloyd George was now performing a finely tuned balancing act. There was potential revolt from within his coalition partners, the Oppositon in Parliament was gathering momentum for an immediate halt in the Anglo-Irish talks and there was the pressing problem of the Unionists combined with the apparent refusal of the Irish Delegates to accept Empire and Crown. To placate the Unionists and involve them in the peace talks was now central to his overall stratgey. He now met Griffith in Churchill’s home where he asked for personal assurances so that he could meet the Unionists ‘forearmed on the questions of Crown, free partnership with the British Empire and facilities for the British Navy. ‘He promised’ as Griffith reported to de Valera ‘ if I would give him personal assurances on this matter, he would go out to smite the die-hards, and would fight on the Ulster matter to secure essential unity’
Macardle. ’ The Irish Republic’ Irish Press, Dublin 1957. P.554
According to Macardle, both Griffith and Lloyd George’s strategies meshed. Should the talks fail, as at the time were most probable, the blame for the breakdown could be laid fairly and squarely on the heads of the ‘unresaonable demands of the Ulstermen ‘ and their refusal of a fair offer. Griffith in turn promised to give the British Prime Minister the necessary personal assurance within a few days.
America's Making Exposition.
October 29 - November 12, 1921. 71st Regiment Armory, New York.
A century on, this long forgotten 'America's Making Exposition' was one of the first community wide co-operative ventures in the United States to celebrate ethnic diversity and to highlight the various contributions made to American society by it's immigrants.
The underlying themes to the exposition were primarily that of nationalism, unity, civic duty and patriotism which all American's, irrespective of their ethnic origins were expected to uphold. The message of Social order also was also quite clearly evident from all surviving material as was the concept of homogeneity. Simply put, the Exposition emphasised 'the American melting pot of conformity', the Rock Island Argus & Daily Union newspaper describing as 'The great purpose of 'America's Making' - which is the abolition of national hatred and a demonstration of the truth of our motto 'In Union There Is Strength'
Organised under the auspices of the New York State and City Departments of Education "thirty two racial groups cooperated in the exposition which was planned to help state racial animosities aroused by the World War." according to the New Britain Herald of October 10, 1921. 'Visitors will be able to see how the nation had grown much like a huge and intricate patchwork quilt from the pieces presented by peoples from every section of the Globe...the exhibits are arranged in picturesque booths around the sides of the vast armory drill hall" and included historic objects, arts & crafts, sculpture, painting, models with daily pageantry shows and displays each afternoon and evening featuring a different nation.
October 29 - November 12, 1921. 71st Regiment Armory, New York.
A century on, this long forgotten 'America's Making Exposition' was one of the first community wide co-operative ventures in the United States to celebrate ethnic diversity and to highlight the various contributions made to American society by it's immigrants.
The underlying themes to the exposition were primarily that of nationalism, unity, civic duty and patriotism which all American's, irrespective of their ethnic origins were expected to uphold. The message of Social order also was also quite clearly evident from all surviving material as was the concept of homogeneity. Simply put, the Exposition emphasised 'the American melting pot of conformity', the Rock Island Argus & Daily Union newspaper describing as 'The great purpose of 'America's Making' - which is the abolition of national hatred and a demonstration of the truth of our motto 'In Union There Is Strength'
Organised under the auspices of the New York State and City Departments of Education "thirty two racial groups cooperated in the exposition which was planned to help state racial animosities aroused by the World War." according to the New Britain Herald of October 10, 1921. 'Visitors will be able to see how the nation had grown much like a huge and intricate patchwork quilt from the pieces presented by peoples from every section of the Globe...the exhibits are arranged in picturesque booths around the sides of the vast armory drill hall" and included historic objects, arts & crafts, sculpture, painting, models with daily pageantry shows and displays each afternoon and evening featuring a different nation.
Judging by contemporary accounts, there was initially little interest from the Irish community in New York in supporting the Irish section at the Exposition - at least financially:
"...By the way the Committee estimates the cost of the Irish section as $25,000. It seems to me that outside the FOIF [Friends of Irish Freedom] there is little or no interest being taken in the affair & I see our friends be equipped with a set of resolutions which will vouch the situation..." Diarmuid Lynch to Judge Cohalan. August 10, 1921. The FOIF certainly supported the venture, both in organisation and financially as it was a positive opportunity to highlight Irish achievements and contributions to the United States. There was a degree of rancour at times amongst the participants - the American descendants of the Dutch for example pulled out of the Exposition early on. Primarily citing expense but in reality more than a little miffed that while the Dutch were among the first settlers, their pageant appearance was to be after the Czechs, Latvians, Lithuanians 'and other comparatively recent immigrants'. There was much discussion and argument also as to whether 'Scots-Irish' were predominantly Scottish or Irish and claims that the 'first white child born in the Americas' was disputed between the British and Icelandic contingents, the issue was solved to mutual satisfaction by including both claims. |
The Exposition was a resounding success, both financially and nationally. Various cities called for the exposition to travel around the United States but perhaps the lasting effect was one of showcasing cultural identity and also, for some marginalised and historically discriminated groups such as the Irish and African-Americans, a sense of contribution and belonging.
For example, the exposition is believed to have kick-started the 'Harlem Renaissance' of artistic and cultural expression within the African-American communities of New York. W. E. B. Du Bois, the noted writer, philosopher, and editor, organised the “Americans of Negro Lineage” section of the exposition. He commissioned sculptor Meta Vaux Warrick Fuller (1877–1968) to create an artwork that would symbolise the musical and industrial contributions of African Americans to the development of the United States. Fuller, who had studied both in Paris and at the Pennsylvania Museum School of the Industrial Arts, opted to take a different conceptual direction with her allegorical sculpture Ethiopia (1921) now considered the first African-American work of art. "It represented the pride of African Americans in African and black heritage and identity. Ethiopia Awakening, drawn from Egyptian sculptural concepts, is an academic sculpture of an African woman emerging from a mummy's wrappings, like a chrysalis from a cocoon, represented her statement on black consciousness globally." |
Officers and Executive Committee members:
currently being updated...
Shaemas O'Sheel (1886 – 1954) was an Irish American poet and critic. Born James Shields, he worked briefly for the United States Senate (1913-1916), held jobs with various newspapers, and did publicity and advertising work. Although third-generation Irish American and never visiting Ireland, he was active in the Irish independence movement. He was, in his own words, "a very ardent communist and a staunch supporter of the Soviet Union". However, because he disagreed with Soviet foreign policy, many communist publications (such as New Masses) refused to publish his work.
currently being updated...
Shaemas O'Sheel (1886 – 1954) was an Irish American poet and critic. Born James Shields, he worked briefly for the United States Senate (1913-1916), held jobs with various newspapers, and did publicity and advertising work. Although third-generation Irish American and never visiting Ireland, he was active in the Irish independence movement. He was, in his own words, "a very ardent communist and a staunch supporter of the Soviet Union". However, because he disagreed with Soviet foreign policy, many communist publications (such as New Masses) refused to publish his work.
Did St. Brendan discover America a milenium before Christopher Columbus?
The Pensacola Journal asked the same question in 1921 (opposite). Ireland's national saint Patrick is believed to have died about forty years before Brendan was born, but while Patrick is now world-renowned, it was Brendan who was best known abroad for nearly seven centuries. This was mainly because of widespread interest in and fascination with 'Navigatio,' the ninth-century account of Brendan’s travels in the Atlantic Ocean. Part of this fascination was caused by way of a story that seemed to penetrate the vast mysteries of the Atlantic – detailing encounters with sea monsters, volcanoes, icebergs, and other adventures – as well as charm and literary skill with which events of voyage and personality of a saint are depicted. So, did Brendan and his colleagues build a boat made of animal skin, and cross Atlantic? According to a literal interpretation of Navigatio, Brendan was in his mid-eighties when he set out on the great voyage on Atlantic that was to last seven years. |
Brendan's 'Navagatio' was known widely in Europe throughout the Middle Ages, to the extent that Christopher Columbus used it as a reference to guide and support his assertion that lands were reachable across the Atlantic. When Columbus and others returned, people began to reexamine the already ancient story of St. Brendan and look for correlations between its islands and the newly discovered lands to the west. Today, the study of pre-Columbian contact with the Americas is a fascinating but diverse field, with claims made for the Phoenicians, Japanese, Chinese and Basques, among others, as being the first to arrive there after the Native Americans.
But, of course, this is an area of history that suffers from an almost complete lack of evidence. This has allowed for the proliferation of fantastical myths that now coexist with sound theories and incontrovertible facts. One of these incontrovertible facts is the voyage of Tim Severin.
In 1976, adventurer, writer, and historian (and coincidentally a neighbour of this Editor) Tim Severin decided to follow in the wake of Thor Heyerdahl’s Kon-Tiki voyage, and build a traditional ship and see if it could match the accomplishments in a legend. Using traditional design and building techniques he fashioned a modern currach, christened it Brendan and set off from Ireland to reach North America.
Tim’s book, The Brendan Voyage, is a remarkable account of a remarkable event that started in May 1976. As he writes in his book, he found himself and his three-man crew sailing out of Brandon Creek, and within 30 miles off the Kerry coast they were heading into a rising gale, aboard a craft that looked like a floating banana, and was made of leather.
“Her hull was nothing more than 49 oxhides stitched together to form a patchwork quilt and stretched over a wooden frame...Why on earth were my crew and I sailing such an improbable vessel in face of a rising gale? The answer lay in name of our strange craft: she was called Brendan in honour of great Irish missionary, St. Brendan....Tradition said that St. Brendan had made a voyage to America,” Tim continues, “and this astonishing claim was not just a wild fairy tale, but a recurrent theme based on authentic and well-researched Latin texts dating back to at least A.D. 800.
These texts told how St. Brendan and a party of monks had sailed to a land far across the ocean in a boat made of oxides. Of course, if the claim was true, then St. Brendan would have reached America almost a thousand years before Columbus and four hundred years before Vikings.
“The obvious way of checking the truth of this remarkable story was to build a boat in a similar fashion (as described in texts) and then see if it would sail Atlantic. So there we were, my crew and I, out in the ocean to test whether St. Brendan and Irish monks could have made an ocean voyage in a boat of leather.”
After fifty days at sea, described in superb detail in Tim’s book, Brendan made landfall in New World, on an island northwest of St. Johns in Newfoundland. News went around the globe: St. Brendan could well have made the same voyage..as could the Norsemen and the Chinese. However, as the Pensacola Journal pointed out a century ago, the Native Americans remain the original discoverers of the continent.
Thanks to Sean Carberry of Irish Central, National Geographic and Bord Failte, Ireland of the Welcomes - July 2013
But, of course, this is an area of history that suffers from an almost complete lack of evidence. This has allowed for the proliferation of fantastical myths that now coexist with sound theories and incontrovertible facts. One of these incontrovertible facts is the voyage of Tim Severin.
In 1976, adventurer, writer, and historian (and coincidentally a neighbour of this Editor) Tim Severin decided to follow in the wake of Thor Heyerdahl’s Kon-Tiki voyage, and build a traditional ship and see if it could match the accomplishments in a legend. Using traditional design and building techniques he fashioned a modern currach, christened it Brendan and set off from Ireland to reach North America.
Tim’s book, The Brendan Voyage, is a remarkable account of a remarkable event that started in May 1976. As he writes in his book, he found himself and his three-man crew sailing out of Brandon Creek, and within 30 miles off the Kerry coast they were heading into a rising gale, aboard a craft that looked like a floating banana, and was made of leather.
“Her hull was nothing more than 49 oxhides stitched together to form a patchwork quilt and stretched over a wooden frame...Why on earth were my crew and I sailing such an improbable vessel in face of a rising gale? The answer lay in name of our strange craft: she was called Brendan in honour of great Irish missionary, St. Brendan....Tradition said that St. Brendan had made a voyage to America,” Tim continues, “and this astonishing claim was not just a wild fairy tale, but a recurrent theme based on authentic and well-researched Latin texts dating back to at least A.D. 800.
These texts told how St. Brendan and a party of monks had sailed to a land far across the ocean in a boat made of oxides. Of course, if the claim was true, then St. Brendan would have reached America almost a thousand years before Columbus and four hundred years before Vikings.
“The obvious way of checking the truth of this remarkable story was to build a boat in a similar fashion (as described in texts) and then see if it would sail Atlantic. So there we were, my crew and I, out in the ocean to test whether St. Brendan and Irish monks could have made an ocean voyage in a boat of leather.”
After fifty days at sea, described in superb detail in Tim’s book, Brendan made landfall in New World, on an island northwest of St. Johns in Newfoundland. News went around the globe: St. Brendan could well have made the same voyage..as could the Norsemen and the Chinese. However, as the Pensacola Journal pointed out a century ago, the Native Americans remain the original discoverers of the continent.
Thanks to Sean Carberry of Irish Central, National Geographic and Bord Failte, Ireland of the Welcomes - July 2013
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Three women managed to escape from Mountjoy. A key was smuggled in and under cover of a football match ‘Sligo v the rest of Ireland’ in one of the wings, escaped over the wall using a rope ladder.
Three women managed to escape from Mountjoy. A key was smuggled in and under cover of a football match ‘Sligo v the rest of Ireland’ in one of the wings, escaped over the wall using a rope ladder.
31
Lloyd George faced an opposition censure from the Conservative Unionists to bring the Anglo-Irish talks to an end. MP’s substantially backed the Prime Minister’s Irish Policy, but after a guarantee to the Ulster Unionists that the powers under the 1920 Act of the Northern Irish Government would be transferred quickly.
Lloyd George now prepared for the National Unionist Conference in Liverpool on November 17th. Should the coalition be denounced at that meeting for its negotiations, he would have no alternative but to yield to the demands of Ulster Unionists or resign. Either way both he and his policies would be regarded as failures.
Collins's graphic, somewhat exasperated remark about de Valera as recalled by Michael Hayes: "How could one argue with a man who was always drawing lines and circles to explain the position; who, one day, drew a diagram (here Michael illustrated with pen and paper) saying `take a point A, draw a straight line to point B, now three-fourths of the way up the line take a point C. The straight line AB is the road to the Republic; C is where we have got to along the road, we cannot move any further along the straight road to our goal B; take a point out there, D (off the line AB). Now if we bend the line a bit from C to D then we can bend it a little further, to another point E and if we can bend it to CE that will get us around Cathal Brugha which is what we want!' How could you talk to a man like that?" Garvin sees the quote as one which clearly illustrates the practical man confronted by the theoretician.
Professor Tom Garvin - UCD Lecturer in Politics. Irish Times interview 1996.
In the House of Commons debate on the Anglo-Irish negotiations, MP Lt-Colonel Croft commented that during the war, conscription ‘from which Ireland was exempt, the rationing of food which did not apply to Ireland, and when we were tightening our belts, Ireland got fat…far from being oppressed or downtrodden, Ireland seems to have been the spoilt darling of the Empire’ and MP Lt-Colonel Sir Samuel Hoare attacked the Irish administration saying it had been ‘deplorable…politics adopted one day and abandoned the next…a war that has not been a war, peace that has not been a peace.’and leader of the Conservative Unionist Party, Colonel Gretton ‘If we have a British Government..submitting to negotiations with a gang of gunmen, what a vista is opened! A British Government brought to heel here may be brought to heel elsewhere that in Ireland by methods of this kind. They are beginning in India…’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.55
Lloyd George faced an opposition censure from the Conservative Unionists to bring the Anglo-Irish talks to an end. MP’s substantially backed the Prime Minister’s Irish Policy, but after a guarantee to the Ulster Unionists that the powers under the 1920 Act of the Northern Irish Government would be transferred quickly.
Lloyd George now prepared for the National Unionist Conference in Liverpool on November 17th. Should the coalition be denounced at that meeting for its negotiations, he would have no alternative but to yield to the demands of Ulster Unionists or resign. Either way both he and his policies would be regarded as failures.
Collins's graphic, somewhat exasperated remark about de Valera as recalled by Michael Hayes: "How could one argue with a man who was always drawing lines and circles to explain the position; who, one day, drew a diagram (here Michael illustrated with pen and paper) saying `take a point A, draw a straight line to point B, now three-fourths of the way up the line take a point C. The straight line AB is the road to the Republic; C is where we have got to along the road, we cannot move any further along the straight road to our goal B; take a point out there, D (off the line AB). Now if we bend the line a bit from C to D then we can bend it a little further, to another point E and if we can bend it to CE that will get us around Cathal Brugha which is what we want!' How could you talk to a man like that?" Garvin sees the quote as one which clearly illustrates the practical man confronted by the theoretician.
Professor Tom Garvin - UCD Lecturer in Politics. Irish Times interview 1996.
In the House of Commons debate on the Anglo-Irish negotiations, MP Lt-Colonel Croft commented that during the war, conscription ‘from which Ireland was exempt, the rationing of food which did not apply to Ireland, and when we were tightening our belts, Ireland got fat…far from being oppressed or downtrodden, Ireland seems to have been the spoilt darling of the Empire’ and MP Lt-Colonel Sir Samuel Hoare attacked the Irish administration saying it had been ‘deplorable…politics adopted one day and abandoned the next…a war that has not been a war, peace that has not been a peace.’and leader of the Conservative Unionist Party, Colonel Gretton ‘If we have a British Government..submitting to negotiations with a gang of gunmen, what a vista is opened! A British Government brought to heel here may be brought to heel elsewhere that in Ireland by methods of this kind. They are beginning in India…’
Conor O’Clery ‘Ireland in Quotes’ The O’Brien Press Dublin 1999 p.55